Here is my source.

HENNESSEY, C.J By a previously issued order of this court, we directed the Secretary of the Commonwealth to place the names of the plaintiffs Eugene J. McCarthy and John H. Stouffer on all ballots prepared for the November 2, 1976, general election as independent candidates for the offices of President and Vice President of the United States, respectively. Due to the extreme time constraints imposed by the impending election and the advance time necessary to prepare ballots, we issued an order without opinion. We now issue this opinion to explain the reasoning which led to our order and to answer the serious questions raised by McCarthy with respect to ballot access by independent candidates.

MA Court Case

Thanks - this name has also been updated!  There are several 1976 VP names for McCarthy still outstanding: Stein in Minnesota, Wheaton in Pennsylvania, Maxey in Washington, Surges in Colorado, Barrett in Kansas (there is a Marlene Barrett in Missouri - could be the same).

Enjoy,
Dave

Is it at all possible that Maxey could be this guy?

[A Press Conference Held by Senator Jesse Helms (R-NC), November 1995]

A Press Conference Held by Senator Jesse Helms (R-NC), November 1995

"It has come to my attention that the Republican party I joined, the one that stood for states rights and had a home for the South which the Democrats abandoned, does not have a candidate representing itself in the emerging primary field. We have seen the results of such a type of candidate in 1992, when President Shays lost in a previously unbelievable land-slide. We need a representative of the conservatives in the Republican party, and therefore I am announcing that I too am running for the 1996 Republican nomination for the Presidency."

Never mind that the shift had nothing to do with race, and that the majority of segregationist never became Republicans, but OK...

A) Use the discussion thread (this one) if you're going to hash something out with Cathcon
B) Or, have Mackenzie take it up with Helms personally?

Dude, I don't know if you're suited to do modern dialogue. I recommend you write a play set roughly in the time "MacBeth" took place. Yet I'm not sure if you could still do maps... Maybe a play set in early 1800's American then.

Deliberate on my part, or at least to a certain extent. I use it exclusively for Thad (and Areus a bit) to give the character(s) a quirky and enigmatic feeling. Notice how in the same dialogue you see this:

Everybody, get your asses to the convention! This man has mislead you, and is trying to rob you of your voice at the convention floor!

And Davis Griffin even mocks the speaking style:

Stop waxing poetic, what are you talking about?

I don’t know. For a more novelistic/literary approach like the one I’ve taken (not to wax my own car here) I feel like it has a right place.

[Bare Knuckles: 1984]

Bare Knuckles: 1984

There’s Something Going On – “Frida”

The following day, Thad O’Connor was roused early from his sleep by a firm tug on his shoulder, only to have a piece of wax paper dropped on his face. Startled, he arose, seeing a grinning Areus Ho’kee staring him down. “It’s primetime, Thad. Be on watch for those who walk the halls,” he said before turning toward the door. Thad outreached his hand as if to stop him, but Areus merely said, “I have much to do today Thad.”

Thad proceeded to unravel the wax paper that lay before him. Areus had crudely scrawled a “U” shape, presumably of the hotel hallways, with markings on certain rooms; yet he had no way of discerning their significance. One was distinguishable from the rest, and he assumed it to represent his own room. After having his morning drink, he awoke Jefferson Dent, Ralph Stevenson, and Scott Westman to debrief them on the task at hand.

The four meandered the hallways of the hotel, looking for possible “tells” to spot Davis Griffin’s scheme. After glancing through a window, he noticed a large group of men walking down the sidewalk, each with a sash that read “California.” Doing a quick double take, he alerted the rest of the group, but by the time they made it outside the delegates were walking into a nondescript building.

Thad and the gang hustled through the door after them as quickly as they could. Undeterred by the mildew that permeated the air, Thad noticed a staircase as he entered and hurried up it. After summiting it, he spotted a lone door with a man standing in front of it. “Private property folks, get off the premises,” he said, in a western drawl.

However, he was quickly intimidated by the four and yielded as they bore down on the door. They stumbled upon a decadent scene: the delegates were being served brandy, as several scantily clad women bedazzled them with their charms. A collective jaw drop was all to be had amongst the four intruders, until Ralph spied Davis Griffin; and more importantly, a few suited men chopping up lines on a table.

Without hesitation, Ralph attempted to lunge across the room, but Scott Westman and Jefferson Dent restrained him. Thad stepped in front of the others, pointing his finger authoritatively at Davis Griffin. “Your little scheme is about to end here!” he proclaimed. Most of the delegates looked up at him with bemusement, though one dove into the cocaine like a pig feeding from its trough.

“Why on earth are you all here? This is a private gathering between friends,” responded Davis, whom was feigning innocence. “I know exactly what’s going on you son of a bitch!” barked Ralph, who had each of his arms still restrained. “People, you are all being confused! This man is trying to trick you,” said Jefferson Dent.

At this point, Westman let go of Ralph and walked up to the four-legged table that several of the delegates sat at, before flipping it over onto its side. “Everybody, get your asses to the convention! This man has mislead you, and is trying to rob you of your voice at the convention floor!” The delegates promptly scrambled; some out of fear of losing their privileges and others out of fear of being exposed. As the strippers moved to go towards a door in the back, the entrance of another man parted their flock.

The heels of two boots rhythmically clicked as he entered the room, the hem of his robe tantalizing the floor that was the drum of his footwear. Whether it was the wampum around his neck, the lone feather behind his ear, or merely the way his darker skin was illuminated by the low-hanging light bulb, the hints of his heritage were obvious. It was Areus Ho’kee.

Davis Griffin turned around to face him. “I’m afraid this is it, Griffin. You reached your twilight, and now you’re going to be drowned in the dusk of those you’ve wronged.” Griffin just chuckled, saying, “Stop waxing poetic, what are you talking about?” Areus was undeterred. “We’ve ended your gambit here, and as for the Texas delegates, Garner should be delivering them any minute. Your little enterprise has lost control, and if you’re a smart man you won’t run for reelection as RNC chair.”

Griffin grew nervous at this point. “Your own personal vices have left you inactive, and rightfully so. Most of the chairmanships have fallen out of your hands, and your effort tonight has proven a failure,” said Areus. “Look, you ing bastards,” shouted Griffin, who grew emphatic. “You sonsa’ bitches think you’ve got this all wrapped up, huh? Well, I’ll tell you what: no matter how hard both of your parties try, the average god fearing, hard working American won’t be squelched by your efforts. He will see his day, mark my words!”

With that, Davis Griffin stormed out the back door, slamming it behind him. At Areus’ beckoning, they sprinted down the sidewalk toward the convention, entering just in time to see Pete McCloskey address the convention, proclaiming, “On behalf of the Golden State, I am proud to deliver all of her delegates to… Mark Hatfield!”

I'm guessing that what's happened is over the past four years, a large amount of the youth, combined with moderate North-Eastern and Western Democrats (of the "fiscally conservative, socially liberal") type have flocked to the G.O.P., including potentially some left-wing activists. From this, enough precinct delegates were elected by the new party members to eventually land enough delegates into the national convention that would support such a platform. I'm imagining a very large grassroots effort was constructed to sway these folks to register with the GOP, and then to have them turn out for primaries and caucuses.

Also, what's George H.W. Bush doing? (I just realized this could be more than just a question, but also a suggestion. Hadn't intended it that way, but I'm liking it. Now I just realized that it'd be emulating Kal's 1984 GOP ticket in "Carter Out of Field")

In a word, yes. Still, the floor fight will be contentious for the platform despite the lopsided margin of Hatfield delegates.

As for HW, as I previously mentioned, he has retired after his upset defeat at the hands of  James "Fergie" Garner in the 1982 Republican Senate primary.

A side note, I calculated the national popular vote based on state-by-state totals(assuming same turnout in raw numbers as OTL's 1980) and have updated the PV total to 56-42 (not too far off from my 58% guesstimate! )

[The Final Hour: 1984]

The Final Hour: 1984

With the passage of a few days, some plane tickets, and copious amounts of alcohol to assuage a nervous Thad O’Connor, the entourage found themselves in Denver, Colorado, for the Republican National Convention. Jefferson Dent, Scott Westman, and Ralph Stevenson accompanied Thad, and were eager to see the sights and smell the scents of the Mile High City.

Yet Thad would not be allowed to partake in the same gallivanting that his friends would. Before the convention, Areus requested that he rendezvous with him for “conference.” His instructions were to go to the hotel lobby, alone. Soon after he was accosted by Lawrence Coventry, and led to a room with a long table. On one side were Ericson Snell, James Garner, and two empty seats: presumably for Thad and Lawrence. On the other side, Mark Hatfield, John Anderson, Pete McCloskey, and Elizabeth Hager were seated.

“Everyone be seated,” said Areus, as the rest of the room looked upon Thad silently, who quickly obliged. “I have worked over the past few weeks to draft a platform amicable to both sides. “ He quickly proffered a thick stack of papers before handing it to Hatfield, seated to his left. It was passed through the whole table and was met with a mixture of furrowed brows, scratches of the chin, and other demure looks of intrigue.

“I like it,” said Hatfield. The rest of the table collectively nodded and hummed in agreement. “However, even for such a watered down manifesto as this, we have strong opposition headed our way. I have it on good information that the Laxalt campaign, going for broke, devoted its resources to hijacking conventions in late primary states in an effort to seize delegates.

“The integral component of this scheme however, lies in California of all places. In an effort spearheaded by Robert Dornan, Sam Yorty, Davis Griffin, and other malcontents, they are going to try and scramble the California delegates, so their more conservative Alternate delegates can take their place and sway the vote.” At this point, he turned to Thad. “Your job will be to stop them, while I handle other matters.”


REPUBLICAN PARTY PLATFORM OF 1984

PREAMBLE

Four years ago, the Democratic Party made its appeal to rebuild America. They promised to right what was wrong, to reform the government and address the problems facing the common man. More than half of the country misguidedly gave Mr. Jackson a mandate and the keys to 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue.

That mandate has expired.

Less than half of the public in most polls approve of the President. In the midterms, the Democratic Party lost several of its Senate seats, House seats, State Legislatures, and Governorships.

Unemployment is at a standstill – in the four years that the Democrats have had the White House, unemployment has only dropped by a paltry three percent, from being at a high of ten percent.

This is despite an ambitious program that pours billions of taxpayer dollars into infrastructure, at the whims of defense industry lobbyists.

We, the Republican Party, resolve to accomplish a few simple goals: reign in inflation, lower unemployment, reduce government waste, deregulate social lives, and advocate a foreign policy of peace.

ECONOMIC AND DOMESTIC POLICY

The stagnation, inflation, and consternation of the past four years speak for themselves: the economic policies of the Democratic Party are faulty and outmoded. We seek to enact policies that elevate the common man instead of hinder him; but rather than parse clichés from the 1790’s, we seek to do this in an innovative and constructive way.

We wholeheartedly oppose the President’s grandiose scheme to invest $14.6 billion in agriculture subsidies and “redevelopment.” The yeoman’s fantasy is a relic of the past, and we instead wish to promote policies that rescue urban areas from their death throes.

We support a Social Security plan that rescues it from insolvency, while also divorcing it from full dependence on the State. The President’s inaction on this issue is as laughable as it is dangerous. Social Security’s expenses have begun to exceed its revenues, and it bodes ill for our finances.

We agree that tax rates are obscenely high, almost to the point of caricature. However, with spending rates as they are, the Dole-Wilkinson proposal is a bad solution to a bad problem. Rather, we favor a balanced approach that is mindful of the deficit.

We sincerely fear the inflation bear. Despite lowering unemployment by three percent, and increasing domestic gas production, the price of gas has risen eleven cents. This is, if nothing else, a strong indictment of the Administration’s monetary policies. We favor a tighter money supply to reign in inflation and restore the dollar.

FOREIGN POLICY

The past four years have been detrimental for our geopolitical standing. Under the President’s stewardship, we have seen the emergence of a full-blown war, and another one looks to be in the works shortly before November. We instead propose to leave brinkmanship from where it came: the 1950’s.  

Our President inherited a hostage crisis in Iran and has turned it into a full-blown war. Any hostage negotiator would rightfully be fired under such circumstances, yet our President remains in office. We offer an alternative foreign policy; one that seeks reparations for the ambassadors lost and offers concessions on both sides.

It is our opinion that the situation in Panama is borne entirely out of the obstinacy of the State Department. We acknowledge that American blood and treasure was spent not only in the construction of the Canal, but also in the recent violence there. However, we support Jefferson Dent’s sentiments in abrogating the Hay-Bunau-Varilla Treaty, and will sue for peace.

We similarly oppose any intervention in Nicaragua. For better or for worse, the Ortega government has been democratically elected, and to abrogate their government simply to use them as a geopolitical chess piece is both bad diplomacy, and morally incorrigible. Rather, we propose freer trade to peacefully export fundamental American ideals of capitalism and freedom.

SOCIAL POLICY

 Our consensus is that man is generally most free when left to his own devices. While we acknowledge societal ills, we see laws trying to shape social norms and folkways as unproductive.

We oppose the Administration-supported amendment proposed by Patton Wyde last year. While Roe vs Wade is a bad judicial ruling, a majority vote by Congress to ban abortion is neither plausible, nor is it the right course of action. We favor decentralization and devolving the issue to the states.

The federal ban on alcohol consumption for those under twenty-one is irreconcilable from both a left and right perspective. The left should oppose such a ban because it hampers civil liberty, and the right ought to oppose it because it uses the heavy-hand of the Federal Government to suppress state sovereignty. A President Hatfield would sign the repeal of such a law.

We support the passage of the Equal Rights Amendment to the Constitution.

What's the deal here? Wirt is listed as the only other candidate on the ballot, yet ourcampaigns has Clay as the only other candidate.

[No Man Left Behind: 1984]

No Man Left Behind: 1984

Breakdown - Tom Petty

There were only a few days to be had before the Republican National Convention in Denver, Colorado. Despite not being until the 16th, there was a consensus amongst most lawmakers to fly over early and have ample time to prepare. Areus assembled a gathering at his estate and invited Thad, who asked Westman and Dent to accompany him.

Thad made his way through the tall black double-doors, flanked by Westman and Dent on either side. The maids were conspicuously absent, so Thad made his way to the basement he’d been in so many times before. As he descended down the stairs, the amalgamation of each conversation was so deafening he felt as if it’d swallow him whole.

Nonetheless, he persisted, and as he reached the foot of the stairs he wondered as if he’d stumbled upon a wedding reception. Thad was quickly separated from his two friends and found himself immersed in the crowd of movers and shakers for the better part of the night. The collective babble of the room was only interrupted by the occasional toast, until the clamor died down and few remained.

Areus was standing in one corner, laughing with Lawrence Coventry and Ericson Snell. As the party dispersed, he beckoned for Thad to come over with a wave of his hand. By now, Thad had been characteristically drunk, but did his best to comport himself. “What do you ask of me?” he said. “Go get your friends,” he responded coyly.

Within moments, Dent and Westman were over, both looking at Areus inquisitively. He responded merely by brandishing three tickets in his hand. Thad’s jaw dropped in awe, and Dent just nodded understandingly, but Westman stared quizzically. “What the hell are those?” he asked. “I don’t mean to presume, but I do believe our gracious host has provided for us to attend the Convention,” responded Thad.

“I appreciate the offer, Areus, but I can’t seriously attend the Republican Convention. I’m a damned Democrat,” said Westman. “And I’m a Gemini. Who cares about labels and conventions? This is my treat. I would love nothing more than to see the esteemed Senators from Montana, Alabama, and Maine to watch the nomination of our next President,” said Areus.

“Look, I’ll go ahead and say I’m a full-blown supporter of Hatfield, over the joke of a President we have right now. But for me to attend a Republican Convention? That’s just vacillating,” replied Westman. “No, what’s vacillating is telling us you support Hatfield, but remaining silent when talking to the press,” replied Dent.

“Not all of us can change our affiliation like our underwear. I support Mark, but that doesn’t mean I’m going to drink the gray poupon-spiked kool-aid and hang out with a bunch of rich country clubbers who can barely speak through their mouthfuls of chowder. No, I’m hoping this is just another bad phase for the Democratic Party,” said Westman.

“Then just hop back over if the Udall in ’88 ship sets sail. You’re talking to somebody whose ancestor is Woodrow f***ing Wilson. Registration is just a mark on the paper, not a birthmark.” At this point Areus stepped forward in hopes of resolving the quarrel. “I know the Democratic Party has sentimental value to you, Scott, but don’t you think the times are changing? I’ve noticed you’ve been uncharacteristically quiet on the race between Baucus and Brisco,” he said.

At this point Thad O’Connor intervened as well. “Scott, my friend, think of how far we’ve traveled. Mark’s own Iowa victory is indisputably due to crossover from disaffected liberals, and Jeff has put his own career in potential jeopardy, as Scoop is quite popular in Alabama. The opportunity to depose this President is quite real, but not if we succumb to hesitance. Your own Montana was carried by the President four years ago, but polling shows it is part of the weak underbelly now,” said Thad.

Westman looked down toward the ground, before glancing back up at the entourage. “You know what… F*** it. Gimme one of those tickets. Let’s break down this little enterprise, or go out with both guns blazing!” he roared, before taking a gratuitous chug of whiskey.

1789: Washington (I)
1792: Jefferson (D-R)
1796: Jefferson (D-R)
1800: Jefferson (D-R)
1804: Jefferson (D-R)
1808: Madison (D-R)
1812: Clinton (F)
1816: Monroe (D-R)
1820: Adams (D-R)
1824: Adams (D-R)
1828: Adams (R)
1832: Wirt (A-M)
1836: Van Buren (D)
1840: Van Buren (D)
1844: Birney (L)
1848: Van Buren (FS)
1852: Hale (FS)
1856: Buchanan (D)
1860: Bell (CU)
1864: McClellan (D)
1868: Seymour (D)
1872: Grant (R)
1876: Tilden (D)
1880: Garfield (R)
1884: Cleveland (D)
1888: Cleveland (D)
1892: Cleveland (D)
1896: McKinley (R)
1900: Debs (S)
1904: Parker (D)
1908: Taft (R)
1912: Taft (R)
1916: Hughes (R)
1920: Harding (R)
1924: Coolidge (R)
1928: Smith (D)
1932: Roosevelt (D)
1936: Landon (R)
1940: Willkie (R)
1944: Dewey (R)
1948: Dewey (R)
1952: Eisenhower (R)
1956: Eisenhower (R)
1960: Nixon (R)
1964: Goldwater (R)
1968: Nixon (R)
1972: McGovern (D)
1976: Ford (R)
1980: Anderson (I)
1984: Bergland (L)
1988: Paul (L)
1992: Perot (I)
1996: Browne (L)
2000: Browne (L)
2004: Badnarik (L)
2008: Jay (BTP)
2012: Johnson (L)

Primaries:

1952: Taft
1956: Eisenhower
1960: Morse
1964: Goldwater
1968: McCarthy
1972: McGovern
1976: Ford
1980: Anderson
1984: McGovern
1988: Kemp
1992: Tsongas
1996: Forbes
2000: Bradley
2004: Dean
2008: Paul
2012: Paul

[I] Goldwater
[II] Poirot
[III] Hockeydude
[IV] Alfred Jones

Abstain on amendment

[Reflection: 1984]

Reflection: 1984

Following the vote, Thad went along with Scott Westman and Jefferson Dent to The Drunken Dutchman. Though the Senate had adjourned, the horizon had yet to be ablaze and the night still glistened in its father’s eye. The three shuffled down a few blocks, arms over each other’s shoulders, and idly chatted despite the failure of the vote on their minds.

As the three took their seats at the bar, Westman quickly broached the subject. “A blow for liberty was struck, Jeff,” he said reassuringly. “Indeed,” Jefferson Dent somberly replied between cigarette drags. “Why did you embark on this resolution despite the impregnable imperialist majority, Jeff?” asked Thad

“Cause damn it Thad, the point’s gotta be made,” Westman said authoritatively. “It isn’t enough to sit back like a litter of pussies and do nothing because the statist majority will steamroll you. Make them go on record that they hate browns. Make them go on record that they like alcohol prohibition and the draft. It’s all about exposing these bastards.”

Jefferson Dent’s mouth creased a bit. “It’s about more than symbolism, Scott. You know just as well as I do, that in the Senate, money talks and bullsh*t walks. Believe me, I am very much for standing on principle, but I also don’t believe in battles of frivolity. I believe in winning the war, and if I didn’t see means to achieving my ends I’d have resigned.

Scoop thinks he’s built a big coalition, and he’s right. But the bigger you are, the harder you fall, and he’s pitched his tent so wide it’ll cave in on itself. And I believe his Achilles Heel is the New Left; the type that, with the right messenger, could begrudgingly cross over and vote GOP. So putting these issues in the Senate lets the voters know who shares their values. I will single-handedly undo this administration, God willing,” said Dent.

“What if the Republican Party fails to tailor itself properly?” asked Thad. “Then they are doomed to another twenty years of obscurity, and we are doomed to Roosevelt without the New Deal,” said Dent.

Excellent update!

The only question I have is, does it really get that cold in Aroostook in the Spring? The only data I have on the region is anecdotal.

[Nary a Reprieve: 1984]

Nary a Reprieve: 1984

Thad O’Connor shifted uneasily in his seat. It was a hot day in the Senate, and on this late June afternoon many of its inhabitants were eagerly looking forward to the break in July. Sweat began to glisten on his forehead, and saturate the clothes under his duster. He watched an equally fatigued Jefferson Dent, who, despite his perspiration, vigorously walked up to the podium.

“The Senate recognizes the Gentleman from Alabama,” said Dennis DeConcini. “Thank you, Mr. President. I come before my fellow Senators today with an unusual proposal. Since at least the time of Roosevelt, it has been established that our President be the foremost “leader” of our nation. The current President, however, has done anything but in regards to foreign affairs.

For too long we have turned a blind eye to the people of Panama. Despite their emphatic pleas, we continue to uphold the farce that is the Canal Zone for no reason other than ill-conceived notions of nationalism. It is hard not to listen to the people of Panama today, and liken them to our own patriots, who wanted control of their own harbor. Thus why I am asking that the Senate vote to annul the Hay-Bunau-Varilla Treaty of 1904.

In doing so, we express the will of this body, and of the American people, to renegotiate the existing terms we have. Indeed, I understand that we are responsible for the creation of the canal, but that in no way justifies occupation. After decades of protests, the Crown gave up her holdings, not only in India but in our own country as well. Their revolution need not be as bloody as ours. With that, I yield my time.”

“Next, the gentleman from Nevada,” said Dennis DeConcini, as Paul Laxalt briskly walked toward the podium. “The Senator from Alabama seems about as idealistic and high-minded as John Lennon’s “Imagine.” Surely there must be some limiting principle; should the North have relinquished its holdings in The Carolinas because they assaulted Fort Sumter?”

Jefferson Dent rolled his eyes and slapped his hand on the podium, but Laxalt continued. “The Senate can annul treaties, but in no way do I think it would be prudent to do so. The stated attitude of the President is precisely one reason why not: this would merely leave the status of the Canal Zone in limbo, and jeopardize it more than Torrijos has. I ask the Senate to reject this motion.”

“The gentleman from Vermont has the floor,” said DeConcini. “Thank you, Mr. President,” responded Lawrence Coventry. “There is a stark contrast from what is, definitively American soil like the South, West, or any other part of the country, and the Canal Zone. The Canal Zone is an edifice of the military-industrial complex; it is an entity governed by a “private” company, where troops outnumber civilians, and was founded under the false pretense of expanding liberty!

If one believes that the Canal Zone is tantamount to Fort Sumter, they must also feel the Rock of Gibraltar is akin to London itself. Though, such an absurd equivalence is about as sound an argument as we will get from an advocate of this administration’s foreign policy.

His is a doctrine of ignore a problem until it goes away, and invade it if it does not. The people of Panama, both forcefully and peacefully, have sought our attention in the past to engage in negotiations. This President mistakes a cold shoulder for a big stick, but admittedly employs the best defense the American imperialists have: silence.

The interests of the United States lie here at home, not preserving some ill-gotten gain made decades ago and leagues away. I implore the Senate to ratify this motion, and force our stubborn President’s hand to normalize relations with Panama.”

“Next, the gentleman from Mississippi,” said Dennis DeConcini. “Thank you, Mr. President,” said Patton Wyde as he strolled up toward the podium, his sweaty face glistening. He coughed and fastened his bow tie, before beginning his diatribe. “I must second the sentiments of the gentleman from Nevada, though his waving the bloody shirt is unappreciated by my kinsman and I.

We can have a discussion about morality or history in a debate club. The reality is, however, that we cannot afford to have our national interests compromised by the hand wringing of a few eggheads. Without easy shipping in the Canal, the price of our imported goods will rise, especially oil. With gas prices so high, we would be doing a disservice to the taxpayer to prioritize the so-called sovereignty of those in another country over our own well-being.

All of that would be dandy, but for the elephant in the room: the Soviet Union. The great behemoth envelops not only half of Europe, but its tentacles have spread to Asia and even made inroads to Latin America. This evil must be confronted, on everything from its expansion to its choice of wine!

James Monroe, a patriot and founding father, established the Monroe Doctrine. Overtures to Cuba are as direct a threat to our sovereignty as an invasion of the Capitol itself, and a Canal Zone without the United States would be ripe for Soviet cultivation. I ask each Senator to reject the motion, if he is a good patriot.”

Jefferson Dent arose to go to the podium once more, and the debate revolved around like a kaleidoscope for hours.


VOTE TO ANNUL THE HAY-BUNAU-VARILLA TREATY OF 1904
 
Aye: Jefferson Dent (R-AL), Dale Bumpers (D-AR), Alan Cranston (D-CA), Pete McCloskey (R-CA), Gary Hart (D-CO), Lowell Weicker (R-CT), Christopher Dodd (D-CT), Daniel Inouye (D-HI), Spark Matsunaga (D-HI), Frank Church (D-ID), Birch Bayh (D-IN), John Culver (D-IA), Thad O’Connor (R-ME), Charles Mathias (R-MD), Ted Kennedy (D-MA), Mic Ceriel (R-MI), Walter Mondale (D-MN), David Durenburger (R-MN), Scott Westman (D-MT), John Durkin (D-NH), Thomas McIntyre (D-NH), Harrison Williams (D-NJ), Millicent Fenwick (R-NJ), Jacob Javits (R-NY), John Ingram (D-NC), Quentin Burdick (D-ND), Warren Ford (R-ND), Paul Pfeifer (R-OH), Mark Hatfield (R-OR), Claiborne Pell (D-RI), John Chafee (R-RI), George McGovern (D-SD), Bob Krueger (D-TX), James Garner (R-TX), Lawrence Coventry (R-VT), Patrick Leahy (D-VT), Santiago St. Avila (R-WA), Jasper Morrill (R-WA), William Proxmire (D-WI), Gaylord Nelson (D-WI), (40)

Nay: Howell Heflin (D-AL), Ted Stevens (R-AK), Clark Gruening (D-AK), Bob Stump (D-AZ), Dennis DeConcini (D-AZ), David Pryor (D-AR), Bill Armstrong (R-CO), William Roth (R-DE), Lawton Chiles (D-FL), Richard McPherson (D-FL), Sam Nunn (D-GA), Herman Talmadge (D-GA), James McClure (R-ID), Alex Seith (D-IL), Dan Rostenkowski (D-IL), Richard Lugar (R-IN), Dick Clark (D-IA), Bob Dole (R-KS), Joan Finney (D-KS), Walter Huddleston (D-KY), Wendell Ford (D-KY), Bennett Johnston Jr, (D-LA), Russell B. Long (D-LA), Paul Tsongas (D-MA), Carl Levin (D-MI), John Stennis (D-MS), Patton Wyde (D-MS), John Danforth (R-MO), Max Baucus (D-MT), James Exon (D-NE), Edward Zorinsky (D-NE), Paul Laxalt (R-NV), Howard Cannon (D-NV), Harrison Schmidt (R-NM), Bruce King (D-NM), Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D-NY), Robert Morgan (D-NC), John Glenn (D-OH), David Boren (D-OK), Wes Watkins (D-OK), Bob Duncan (D-OR), John Heinz (R-PA), John Murtha (D-PA), Ernest Hollings (D-SC), Strom Thurmond (R-SC), Marilyn Lloyd (D-TN), Jim Sasser (D-TN), Jake Garn (R-UT), Orrin Hatch (R-UT), Andrew Miller (D-VA), Harry Byrd (D-VA), Jennings Randolph (D-WV), Robert Byrd (D-WV), Malcolm Wallop (R-WY), Alan Simpson (R-WY) (55)

Abstain: Joe Biden (D-DE), William Hathaway (D-ME), Paul Sarbanes (D-MD), Thomas Eagleton (D-MO), Larry Pressler (R-SD) (5)

[1] Kalwejt
[2] Write-in: SPC
[3] Write-in: Mechaman

[TIME – CRISIS IN THE CANAL]

TIME – CRISIS IN THE CANAL
June 18th, 1984

Panama Canal Seized

After decades of gridlock and tension over the issue of the Panama Canal, Omar Torrijos has decided to take punitive action. On June 14th, at approximately 1:32 AM, several explosives were detonated, critically damaging the canal. Promptly after, a cohort of undercover Panamanians acted in coordination with strike teams to attack and sabotage U.S. servicemen.

Following the attacks, General Omar Torrijos proclaimed, “we are officially annulling the Hay-Bunau-Varilla Treaty. For too long we have sat under the boot of U.S. tyranny, and we stand in solidarity with Nicaragua in opposition.” President Jackson responded, “I’m not going to be lectured about tyranny by military dictators.” Soldiers are holding out in Fort Clayton, but the President promised, ‘undisclosed military assistance.’”

Senator Hatfield, the President’s opponent for this upcoming election, declined to comment “in the wake of American casualties.” Senator Lawrence Coventry, however, lambasted the President “not only for his lack of preparedness on security, but also short-sightedness on foreign policy. This is a predictable consequence of this administration’s obdurate disregard for Panamanian sovereignty.”

His remarks were met with a terse response by Senator Laxalt, a colleague of his and former presidential candidate. “I don’t suppose the man is familiar with the phrase, “Loose lips might sink ships?” It has more than one meaning to it, in my opinion. American statesmen openly sympathizing with our enemies overseas provide no comfort to our servicemen,” he said in an interview.

Republicans Optimistic about Congress

The average poll shows that the President will defeat Hatfield by a comfortable margin, albeit narrower than his initial victory in 1980. Despite this fact, Republicans seem oddly optimistic about their prospects in contests for the Senate and House, even in the face of being outnumbered more than two-to-one in the Senate. Which begs the question, where do Republicans see opportunity?

Their main targets are states where the President is less than popular. Amongst them, Republicans believe there is blood in the water around Mondale, who retains net approval ratings despite the President’s unpopularity in Minnesota. Judge Frederic Reid has been mounting a robust campaign against the inactive Dick Clark, and Hathaway is struggling against Ralph Stevenson, a popular entrepreneur in Maine. Even in traditionally Democratic strongholds, there is opportunity: Attorney William Weld is running tight with Thomas O’Neill, and a schism in the Texas Democratic Party could hand the seat to Bill Archer.

However, where there are prospects, there are also not only blown opportunities, but dangers. The staunch conservative Phil Crane beat the eccentric John Porter, and now stands to lose to Alex Seith. A divisive primary in Idaho saw liberal Republican Orval Smylie beat Steve Symms, who declined to endorse him. Smylie faces a potentially competitive race against former Governor Cecil Andrus. In Colorado, the popular Governor Dick Lamm is facing incumbent Bill Armstrong in what looks to be a barnburner, and there is still the question of Hatfield’s open Senate seat.

Republicans may be poised to gain Senate seats, but they have a long climb from thirty-three.

[Royal Flush: 1984]

Royal Flush: 1984

On the eve of the primary, Thad hurried back to his native Maine to correspond with Ralph Stevenson in person. The two made their rendezvous at the brewery, before walking to Ralph’s house, which was a few blocks away. Despite Thad’s status as the senior of the two, both politically and in age, Ralph towered over him as they walked. “I gotta say, Thad, the brewery’s really turned around these past few years. I’d like to thank you for everything.,” he said. “Nonsense,” Thad replied. “I owe it to your family, having received their generosity for so many years.”

Within minutes, Thad was sitting on a leather couch at Ralph’s estate. The heat of the fireplace licked him as he took a swig from his flask. It wasn’t too long after that Cynthia Lancaster arrived, and like a nail to a magnet, affixed herself to Thad on the couch. “Well, we at least know the results of my race. I was unopposed!” she said with glee, clinging to Thad. He politely smiled but offered no reciprocity.

Since his time in Washington, he had been removed from Maine’s politics, spending more time rubbing elbows with the movers and shakers. Since the signature drive, Ralph had done the bulk of the work for his campaign. At his encouragement, Cynthia filed to run for the seat vacated by William Cohen. In an effort to draw as little attention as possible, Cynthia did not campaign, flying under the radar of the Maine Republican establishment.

“I must apologize for spending more time hobnobbing with socialites in Washington than working to see you through,” said Thad. “Don’t be ridiculous,” replied Ralph. “With the endorsement and the money you’ve given me, it was more than enough. More importantly, we got Hatfield elected. Let’s stick it to Davis Griffin!” He offered his glass in a toast. “Aye,” said Thad, and the three clicked glasses.

The three enjoyed drinks for another hour, before the radio finally announced that Ralph Stevenson had won the Republican Primary. The three arose from their seats, joining in a group hug. “I guess we can call this your first victory in Maine!” Ralph joked.


1984 SENATORIAL REPUBLICAN PRIMARY



Ralph Stevenson of Portland, 51.43%
William Cohen of Bangor, 46.91%
Pat "Skippy" Hayes of Cornville, 1.66%

[Thad O'Connor]

Thad O'Connor

Full Name: Thaddeus Gillespie O'Connor
Born: September 8th, 1946 in Eastport, Maine
Religion: Quaker (1975 - present)
Ancestry: Irish, Scots-Irish (direct descendant of James Blaine)
Education: High School
Occupation: Fisherman, Soldier, Legislative Aide
Political Party: Republican (1964 - 1977), Democratic-Free Soil (1977 - present)
Current Office: Representative from Alabama's 2nd Congressional District (1979 - Present), House Majority Whip (1993 - Present), House Appropriations Committee (1985 - Present)
Previous Offices: Chairman of Veterans' Affairs (1989-1993),
Military Service: Private (1966 - 1968)
Awards: Bronze Star

[TIME – HATFIELD CLINCHES NOMINATION!]

TIME – HATFIELD CLINCHES NOMINATION!
June 7th, 1984

Troubling Economic News

Nearly four years ago we elected the President with a sweeping mandate in response to high unemployment, a stagnant economy, and high gas prices. Unemployment is now at 8.5%, up from the yearly low of 8.1% in March. The second quarter showed a growth rate of 1.4%, anemic for a President that had 10% unemployment upon taking office.

What’s more is that motorists may be wishing for a return to the Ford years, ironically. The price of a gallon of gas was $1.25 – it’s now up to $1.36. Natural gas production has mitigated increases from the War in Iran, and several Governors have issued executive orders capping the price of gas. In response to the crisis, several legislators have begun drafting a bill opening up the shores for drilling.

Jefferson Dent’s Black and Tan Movement

Despite the Presidential primaries being a foregone conclusion, there were still several schismatic primaries for statewide contests. Whether it is Stevenson over Cohen in Maine, Weld over Shamie in Massachusetts, or Smylie over Hansen in Idaho, these primaries left the state parties divided. None however, as much as Alabama’s contest two days ago, where Guy Hunt defeated the Dent-backed David Strong 57% to 41%.

In response to the election outcome, Jefferson Dent announced he would be forming the “Black and Tan” Republican Party, hearkening back to the split in the early 1900’s in the Southern Republican state parties. In his press conference, Dent said he wished for the Black and Tan Party to be more responsive to the needs of the impoverished, especially in the black community. He also said the Black and Tan Party would be making their endorsements at a convention.

Hatfield Seals the Deal

Following the North Carolina Caucuses and South Dakota Primary, Mark Hatfield has officially won the remaining contests and is projected to have a surplus of delegates going into the July convention. Speculation is now floating as to who his Vice Presidential pick will be.

POSSIBLE:

John Heinz (R-PA): A member of the “conservative” wing of the Republican Party, Heinz supported Connally and Laxalt. However, he is able to provide both party unity and could deliver Pennsylvania to the ticket. The big con from John Heinz is that his status as a multi-millionaire only strengthens the anti-elitist cudgel the Democrats used in the ’78 midterms.

Alan Simpson (R-WY): Alan Simpson voted for the Dole-Wilkinson bill, and walks a tight line between the moderate and conservative lines. No real pluses, but no real minuses either.

Paul Laxalt (R-NV): The Nevadan was Hatfield’s primary opposition in the primaries, and has yet to announce his support for the Republican ticket. A Hatfield/Laxalt ticket could provide party unity, but also make the message incoherent, as the two were on opposite sides of several votes this session. Additionally, Nevada’s four electoral votes are unlikely to decide the election.

Lee Dreyfus (R-WI): Governor Dreyfus is seen as an eccentric, anti-establishment figure that could attract “swing” voters, and he could snag Wisconsin for Hatfield. However, his social views make him toxic to the already aggravated conservative wing.

Presidential Approval Ratings:


HEAD-TO-HEAD MATCHUPS

June 1st, 1984

Key:

Safe Republican: >10%

Slight Republican: 4-9%

Tossup: 3% difference

Slight Democratic: 4-9%

Safe Democratic: >10%

Hatfield vs Jackson



255 - 173 - 110

Sign me up.

Keep up the good work!

[Archibald (Archie) Preston (b. 1886 - ?)]

I've been too lackadaisical to finish this the past two days, but I thought I'd post what I have so far to provide everybody else with a skeleton: (which I'll be revising myself in the next few days)

Archibald (Archie) Preston (b. 1886 - ?)

Mayor of Springfield, Massachusetts: 1910 - 1913 (age 24)
State Representative from Hampden's Second District: 1914 - 1916 (elected 1913) (age 27)
State Senator from the Berkshire, Hampshire and Hampden District: 1917 - 1924 (elected 1916) (age 30)
Senator from Massachusetts: 1924 - ? (Appointed 11/12/1924, elected in 11/02/26 special) (age 38)

“Archie”, as affectionately known by his own friends, was born as the third son to Redfield and Jane Preston (nee Erbhart), a wealthy entrepreneurial couple from West Springfield. Redfield Preston was a wealthy executive at the Boston and Albany Railroad, as well as owning several mills in West Springfield and Holyoke. Redfield also acquired a significant amount of wealth when his brother bought him out of his share of a company town.

Archie was a precocious young boy, adventurous when in the company of his brothers but quiet at dinner. He attended public schools and was tutored afterwards, brushing up on subjects not covered in “that uncultured curriculum” as his mother would call it. At an early age he devoted himself to art, civics, and manners. Far too often would one of his friends be in trouble, and no broken fence ever seemed to be his fault.

With his father frequently lobbying in D.C. or abroad on business trips, Archie’s mother had gatherings at the house on occasion. Archie would often sit at the table, listening to socialites from Springfield and Northampton prattle on, before eventually being shooed away to “play with the others.” As he got older, he would partake in some conversations, and the guests adored the boy’s panache and curiosity.

After graduating, Archie’s life had little troubles: advisors informed most of his decisions in the stock market and his well-to-do family asked little of him. Eager not to grow complacent, Archie’s curiosity inevitably turned him toward politics; an endeavor his lobbyist father was more than willing to assist.  However, rather than be an alderman or representative, Archie wanted to be an executive, which turned his attentions toward Springfield.

When filing in 1908, it was the first time Archie had ever set foot in Springfield. At the turn of the century, Springfield was a bustling city with a lively manufacturing base. Archie would campaign in a Knox car, praising Springfield for its three A’s – “Armaments, Automobiles, and Abodes.”  The Democratic candidate, Edward Lathrop, attacked Archie as a carpetbagger, but Archie parlayed himself as a newcomer hoping to see Springfield through its prosperity.

As far as governance went, Archie’s term as mayor of Springfield was uneventful. However, he used his office as a means of cultivating a public image, making frequent appearances at bars with “the commoners,” and doing interviews. Despite his efforts, he was seen as an exemplar of the ruling class, and unlike Calvin Coolidge in nearby Northampton he could only get the votes of the poor that aspired to be like him.

While serving two years as Mayor, Archie found the pressure of being an executive trying at times. He decided to forego running for reelection, and instead set his sights on Beacon Hill. However, with each seat out of Springfield being held either being a Democratic incumbent who eked in 1912 or an entrenched Republican, Archie ran for the seat that represented his native West Springfield.

Vote Totals for Hampden's 2nd District:



Republican Share of the Vote, 53.69%
Democratic & Progressive Share of the Vote, 46.31%

The election for State Representative from Hampden's 2nd District took place on November 4th, 1913. Until 1920, Massachusetts would have elections for its officers every year. This district was for two seats, the incumbents being Republican William Sessions of Hampden and Democrat James Barry of Agawam, both of whom ran for reelection.

Archie declined to personally campaign outside of West Springfield, instead reaching rural voters with pamphlets and newspaper ads. His record as Mayor of Springfield and dapper, eccentric personality played well with the district's more urban voters, and he held on to his native West Springfield rather handily, despite charges of being a reverse-carpetbagger. He would often respond to these charges saying, “I only crossed the Connecticut, not the Rubicon!”

Preston and the incumbent Sessions were elected and reelected respectively, though there were terse relations between the two. Some speculated that Progressive nominee Herbert Whiting, also of West Springfield, would damper his chances, but this proved not to be the case.

1916

Vote Totals for the Berkshire, Hampden and Hampshire District



Archie Preston of West Springfield, 58.21%
Michael Fitzgerald of Northampton, 41.79%

Not entirely sure to what degree I'd like to be involved (if only given my activity levels) but I'd like to call Massachusetts just in case.

Also, if I'm not overstepping my bounds here, I'm not entirely sure why two players couldn't "share" a state and come to a consensus on events. Maybe even sharing a state could create a rivalry and be part of the plot?

[State]

State	Hatfield	Laxalt	Dole	DuPont	Hammerschmidt
Alabama	31%	46%	23%	0%	0%
Alaska	29%	35%	36%	0%	0%
Arizona	46%	48%	6%	0%	0%
Arkansas	30%	61%	5%	0%	4%
California	54%	39%	7%	0%	0%
Colorado	53%	45%	2%	0%	0%
Connecticut	52%	11%	37%	0%	0%
Delaware	63%	34%	3%	0%	0%
D.C.	67%	30%	3%	0%	0%
Florida	29%	37%	34%	0%	0%
Georgia	38%	62%	0%	0%	0%
Hawaii	54%	10%	32%	0%	0%
Idaho	24%	41%	35%	0%	0%
Illinois	63%	35%	2%	0%	0%
Indiana	71%	29%	0%	0%	0%
Iowa	36%	22%	32%	7%	3%
Kansas	17%	8%	72%	0%	3%
Kentucky	44%	52%	4%	0%	0%
Louisiana	44%	56%	0%	0%	0%
Maine	63%	10%	27%	0%	0%
Maryland	77%	22%	1%	0%	0%
Massachusetts	58%	19%	22%	1%	0%
Michigan	63%	37%	0%	0%	0%
Minnesota	39%	36%	25%	0%	0%
Mississippi	30%	57%	13%	0%	0%
Missouri	34%	27%	39%	0%	0%
Montana	56%	42%	2%	0%	0%
Nebraska	29%	38%	33%	0%	0%
Nevada	39%	41%	20%	0%	0%
New Hampshire	34%	31%	26%	8%	1%
New Jersey	64%	31%	5%	0%	0%
New Mexico	62%	35%	3%	0%	0%
New York	64%	30%	6%	0%	0%
North Carolina	69%	30%	1%	0%	0%
North Dakota	76%	23%	1%	0%	0%
Ohio	81%	19%	0%	0%	0%
Oklahoma	60%	23%	17%	0%	0%
Oregon	63%	29%	8%	0%	0%
Pennsylvania	79%	18%	3%	0%	0%
Rhode Island	82%	11%	7%	0%	0%
South Carolina	22%	71%	7%	0%	0%
South Dakota	75%	22%	3%	0%	0%
Tennessee	29%	47%	23%	0%	1%
Texas	68%	30%	2%	0%	0%
Utah	46%	54%	0%	0%	0%
Vermont	76%	19%	5%	0%	0%
Virginia	100%	0%	0%	0%	0%
Washington	57%	43%	0%	0%	0%
West Virginia	53%	45%	2%	0%	0%
Wisconsin	41%	31%	28%	0%	0%
Wyoming	37%	38%	24%	0%	1%

[REPUBLICAN PRIMARY – SUMMATION]

REPUBLICAN PRIMARY – SUMMATION

Following his victory in New Hampshire, Mark Hatfield snagged the neighboring Pine Tree State’s delegates resoundingly over his challengers. This left him with four victories to his name; Iowa, Hawaii, New Hampshire, and Maine while his opponents, Dole and Laxalt, only had Kansas and Wyoming respectively. Despite a last minute attempt by his opponents (which seemed to be concerted) he won the Wisconsin Caucuses comfortably, in part due to his superior organization.

The rest of February would prove more fruitful to Hatfield’s opposition, however. A desperately needed victory in Tennessee brought new life to the Laxalt campaign, where he had fought hard with Hatfield and Dole, who had only Missouri that day as a consolation prize. However, a surprisingly narrow home state win damaged any momentum to be had; Laxalt only won the Nevada Caucuses with 41%. Some chalk up a surprising amount of infrastructure and roadwork in rural Nevada to have severely hampered turnout.

However, he was able to mitigate the damage on February 28th, dubbed “Super Tuesday” by scoring victories in Alabama, Idaho, Mississippi, and Nebraska, cementing his status as the primary opposition to Mark Hatfield. Senator Dole, determined not to go down without a fight, made his final stand at Florida. Despite fighting tooth and nail, Laxalt was the victor in the Sunshine State, and Dole dropped out.

Laxalt attempted to parlay his victory in Florida as a “turning moment” in the national campaign. But Hatfield’s commanding lead in delegates and the gradually decreasing popularity of the War in Iran made the Nevadan’s position untenable, and after a drubbing in New York, Laxalt quietly dropped out and declined to make any endorsement.

[Flex: 1984]

Flex: 1984

Following the sojourn at Areus’ estate, Thad departed for Maine once more; he had been tasked with helping push Hatfield in order to stave off a potential effort by the Dole campaign. While polls showed that Republican primary voters preferred Hatfield, Maine had a complex (and several day long) convention system that made organization reign supreme. Some had feared that Dole had secretly tucked money into this state, and would have a helping hand in the Maine Republican Party to deliver it to him as a surprise victory.

By miracle, Thad made it back to Maine in a two-day drive with no impediments. He had corresponded with Ralph Stevenson, who saw the Maine Caucuses as a pilot for his own campaign infrastructure. Ralph set up networks and rented a few buses in Cumberland and York counties. Thad deployed himself to Bangor, where the native William Cohen was working for Dole.

An entourage of Hatfield supporters was already waiting just outside of the building when Thad arrived. A potbellied man with a Hatfield sign and baseball cap scratched his head, saying to Thad, “They say the building’s shut down for the night. Gas leak or something.” Thad looked at him quizzically, noticing a sizeable amount of cars in the parking lot. Still, he approached the door.

A hefty man with a club stepped forward as Thad neared the entrance. “Building’s closed, friend. Voting’s moved to Houlton for the day.” Thad responded, “Pray tell, why are all these cars outside?” “Maintenance workers. Lots of em. Pretty big gas leak.” The man said. In disbelief, Thad shouldered his way past the two guards and peaked through the window door.

What he saw were neatly organized tables, people chatting, and ballots being filled out. While being shoved aside, the comparatively small Thad O’Connor rallied his compatriots, shouting, “This man is lying to us! Dole and his lot are trying to rob us!” As if on queue, the Hatfield supporters outside were in shock, and a cavalcade stormed the doors to gain entrance.

Inside, one of the Hatfield supporters gave Thad a notebook, which he inscribed upon potential voters. “Most of these guys were turned away at the door. A few of them went to Houlton, but the rest stayed home,” he said. “I’d sooner dismantle this building brick by brick than see it be party to a Dole victory,” responded Thad. List in hand, he returned to his car and made several trips driving in voters who’d been turned away.

It wasn’t until 6:30 PM that he finally managed to participate in the caucus himself. There was much persuasion, shoving, and shouting, but despite the clamor the general mood seemed to be of a Hatfield victory.