President Johnson is Dead: Turbulent Times in the New Frontier

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What's going on with Vice President Kennedy?

Much like how LBJ was treated under Kennedy, the vice president is essentially being excluded from the administration. Kennedy is meeting dignitaries of other countries, traveling for diplomatic purposes, etc. For this point, in 1963, he is aware of what is happening with Laos, but is kept in the dark for most of the conflict's details.

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Stand in the Schoolhouse Door, June 11th, 1963

  "Lyndon Johnson won a short reprieve when he blew out the candles on his 55th Birthday. With rising strain in Southeast Asia, our American sons traveled down to those points of Red Terror and fought with our latest arms as to protect the cause of liberty. At home, civil rights once again on the brink as Governor Wallace declares war on integration. [...] The president balances each issue with care in his final months." This segment had been near the conclusion of Lehman's L.B.J., and solemnly carried the tale of Johnson's last year in office.

  Laos escalated fast. With the input of Secretary Symington and recently inducted State Secretary Roswell Gilpatric in mind, the president authorized increased attention to curbing the rise of the Laotian Communists. Bogged down in the mountainous region, the war simply see-sawed without either side holding a concise initiative. The Soviet machinery utilized by the Pathet Lao matched pit-for-pat the advanced weaponry held by American soldiers in the region. B-52s rained bombs down on the Southern tip of the Ho Chi Minh Trail, effectively cutting off supply routes for many of the Pathet Lao. Estimates of civilian casualties, by the summer of 1963, easily outnumbered that of the Korean War in its first year.

  Tensions rose further when nine unarmed Buddhists, under the direction of the South Vietnamese Army, were fired upon and murdered. President Ngo Dinh Diem, a staunch Catholic, presided over a region with an estimated 80% Buddhist population and this method of adding fuel to an already burning fire did little to save his reputation. Diem, an ally of the U.S., supported the royalists government in Laos following direct involvement by President Johnson in the region. This demonstration not only served to de-legitimize the governance of Diem, but in turn damaged the reputation of the Americans next door. Following the shootings, Diem countered that Northern Vietnamese Communists had perpetrated the firing, yet did nothing to calm the provoked population. On June 11th, 1963, Thích Quảng Duc, a Mahayana Buddhist monk, set himself ablaze and perished at a busy Saigon intersection in protest of Diem's policies.

   President Johnson held a fair amount of heated debates with Governor George Wallace of Alabama in this final year of his tenure, and only assured the governor that the civil rights legislation would pull through, and any refusal to comply would only lead to embarrassment. Unwilling to allow the mandate for integration, Wallace attempted to block the entrance to the University of Alabama in order to prevent two black students, Vivian Malone and James Hood, from entering. The university, with police assistance, searched vehemently for excuses to deny the students, yet this debate ended with a federal district judge's interference. Primarily for political showmanship, Governor Wallace then made the calculated choice to stand at the front door to the university's Foster Auditorium.

  The president somewhat miscalculated the feigned determination by Wallace and, without informing the governor, issued an order federalizing the Alabama National Guard. Johnson ordered the Guard be dispatched and remove, by any means, the governor from the doorway. George Wallace was raised and forcibly pulled from the university grounds by guardsmen. The Alabaman Press published dozens of stories on this incident the following morning, all calling for demonstrations against the intrusion by the federal government. Johnson expected this circus to conclude as the Freedom Rides did, with clear intervention closing the curtains. However with Wallace in the picture, those calling for a reinforced segregation now had a leader: one who had just had his rights, and those of his state, violated.

  On July 3rd, following the passage of the Civil Rights Act, Johnson spoke before a joint-session of Congress and urged this be merely the start, not the end, of ensuring the Constitutional rights of all men, regardless of color or race, be accounted for. As he stated, "Until justice is blind to color, until education is unaware of race, until opportunity is unconcerned with the color of men's skins, emancipation will be a proclamation but not a fact." Though L.B.J. would not live to see its inception, a bill meant to double-down on voting rights protections would later be introduced by a Texas House Democrat with intent inspiration from Johnson.

Alabama Church Explosions -- Birmingham Bombs Kill Negro Children Across State, Injures Hundreds
The San Francisco Chronicle, September 15th, 1963

Activists Led By Dr. King Call for Civil Rights March in Alabama
Governor Wallace Issues Third Curfew, Order Add'l Police to Quell Riots
The Hartford Courant, September 17th, 1963

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Crater Left by One of the Alabama Church Bombs, September 15th, 1963

  Speaking to the press reaction, and the tide in general, following the Alabama Church Bombings, Press Secretary Bill Moyers gave the following take captured in The Making of the President. "Thunder. It was thunder." Moyers explains in his piece that the outcry from the networks had been so severe so quickly that it caught the administration off guard: a rare occurrence under the guidance of the micromanaging Lyndon Johnson. The president himself released a statement shortly following 11:00 a.m. on September 15th in which he condemned the church attacks, utilizing striking phrases such as "unspeakable terror" and "Klansman bombings". Public reaction, especially in and around D.C., demanded more.

 A state-sponsored study conducted in 1965 revealed that Birmingham had been one of the most racially segregated cities in the United States. The piercing determination of those most outspoken in favor of keeping it as such had later been designated as the chief cause of the climate leading up to the bombings. The growth of the Ku Klux Klan in response to the rising interest in civil rights had been remarkable. The United Klans of America, an Alabaman chapter of the Nativist terror operation, orchestrated the church bombings in order to, as several of the perpetrators claimed, act in extreme defiance of President Johnson, the mandated integration of public facilities, and the federal government's overall role in enforcing an end to segregation.

  Klan members whom had based their regiment in Birmingham planted dynamite in twelve churches all throughout Northern Alabama: reaching as far as the First Baptist in Decatur to the Community Church in Tuscaloosa. Timed dynamite bombs detonated early morning on Sunday, September 15th. Half of those religious buildings attacked were, at the time of explosion, empty. The remainder were either conducting services or Sunday School. Those who lost their lives were mostly unidentifiable as a result of the intensity of the blasts, but conservative estimates had those injured at 1,342 and those lives lost at 140.

   The ensuing race riots erupted within hours, and Governor Wallace did little to remedy the worsening situation aside from calling upon state police to intervene. Fires erupted throughout those affected cities and towns with white-owned businesses and automobiles swiftly becoming targets for enraged youth. Dr. Martin Luther King and Civil Rights strategist and organizer Bayard Rustin leading the present movement for equality expressed outrage at the sequence of events, yet urged a refrain from violent backlash as such may only provoke further terror. On the following night, Rustin and fellow organizer A. Philip Randolph began working toward a nonviolent March on Alabama to peacefully express the call for civil rights. Dr. King announced the project publicly shortly thereafter.

   Short-term consequences of the Church Bombings varied in the weeks succeeding the initial shock, with each side feeling vilified in their root cause. Hard-right conservatives and states' rights fanatics put forth the notion that it had been due to the Civil Right Act and federally mandated de-segregation that the Klan first considered planting dynamite. Civil rights proponents and those on the Left whom had spoken out following the attacks placed responsibility on the shoulders of the state and federal government: exclaiming that years of inaction lead to, yet another, racially-motivated act of terror.

  Southern Democratic incumbents, not all but most, did not alter their stances on the segregation issue. Senator John Sparkman (D-AL) released a statement expressing disgust at the bombing itself, but refused to go beyond this. Governor Wallace was revealed to have stated in a New York Times interview earlier that September that blocking integration would require, "a few first-class funerals." Sensing a plausible moment of opportunity, a handful of Republicans eligible for re-election in 1964 leaped to lambaste the Dixiecrats for refusing to call on the persecution of those responsible. This contingent included Governor Nixon who criticized the Democrats' failure to provide serious civil rights reform and protections. Sick at the prospect of facing re-energized opposition in Congress, as well as a loss of the black voting population in '64, the president struck back and sought to turn this from a 'party issue' to a 'national issue'.

White House Strengthens FBI Investigation, Orders Crackdown on Alabama United Klans
Johnson: "Malefaction and disregard for human life must not, and cannot, be condoned in the United States"
The New York Times, September 19th, 1963

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Buddhist Demonstration in Saigon, October, 1963

  A shaken and uneasy Alabaman population braced for the worst when the president declared a substantial increase in resources toward the end-goal of eliminating the UKA, if not the national KKK. Governor Wallace, perhaps due to a feeling of persecution or mistreatment himself, expressed indignation when Johnson's announcement aired. The governor demanded the federal government not intervene in the matter, and that any dealing with terror suspects in Alabama was centrally a state issue. Senators Sparkman and Hill, each Democrats from the region, sided squarely with Wallace, leading to what amounted to a standoff. Taking heed of the advice of his staff, including Paul Nitze who as history would foretell recommended the president take a quieter approach, the president drew back.

  In lieu of the strained climate and suspicious of F.B.I. Director J. Edgar Hoover's trustworthiness in taking the investigation in earnest, Johnson instead authorized the C.I.A. conduct an internal operation. Nitze's C.I.A. earned a reputation within the White House for its secrecy in Cuba and the president entrusted the intelligence body as such. The director insisted that his agency was not meant to interfere with domestic affairs and that moving ahead with the exercise may cause a ripple effect in administrations to come, yet the president instructed he move ahead.

  Starting from October 2nd, Operation Flicker rooted itself in local Alabama communities in order to gain leads into KKK plots, leading voices and any future terror activity. The federal agents thwarted five subsequent plots against integration, including one intercepted school bus detonation. Eleven suspects of malicious activity were apprehended between October and November: this group included Robert Edward Chambliss, later convicted of conspiring in the Church Bombings. This methodology, revealed in the memoirs of FBI agent John Patrick, exasperated Director Hoover. Patrick wrote, "The director deeply disliked President Johnson, called him a 'f-ing snake'. I think he feared that LBJ was in bed with Civil Rights Communists like Martin King and the like. When the CIA started trampling in on our investigation, that only worsened things. [The C.I.A.] agents wanted the hell out of Alabama from the moment they arrived, and my friends there agreed the president was going too far."

  In Southeast Asia, President Johnson meticulously observed the progress of South Vietnamese demonstrations as they threatened the political practice of Diem. The corrupt government lashed out in accumulating fashions against the Buddhist majority in private whilst disparaging the efforts of their opponents in public. Diem's sister-in-law, the infamous Madame Nhu, in a move calling far back to Marie Antoinette, proclaimed that she would enjoy seeing further "barbecues" of Buddhists. As written in Bernd Greiner's Optics Without Sense: America's Vietnam, "The U.S. government, indeterminate to the righteousness of supporting Diem, wavered in turn. The Defense sector, with Symington at its head, alongside the C.I.A. backed uprooting the Ngo family." Greiner proceeds, stating, "Johnson's rigidity in his belief that Diem had been a rock in Vietnam went unchallenged by Ambassador Henry Byroade. Secretary McNamara, upon return from Vietnam in October, recommended holding out financial and political support yet allow for the government to remain as is. On October 18th, General Tran Thien Khiem was discovered dead. Hours later, Duong Van Mihn the same."

  These two aforementioned figures spearheaded a plan to oust President Diem with backing by select soldiers of the ARVN, or the Army of the Republic of Vietnam. With the generals mysteriously slain, and those close to the plot hesitant to take full command of the operation, the demoralized soldiers backed away from any relation to the conspiracy. Ngo Dinh Can, a younger sibling to Diem, took control of the greater army machine on October 29th and ordered the executions of several dozen believed to have played a substantial role in the plot. Murmurs arose of a full-fledged uprising then and there, but none materialized. Diem's official statement regarding the attempt of the generals to seize power and the related executions concluded that Communist infiltration was the direct source. This remark transpired without American involvement and as one versed in historical fact would know, was totally baseless.

  The struggle between combatants in Laos were magnified by Diem's latest atrocities and the aggressiveness of the Pathet Lao no longer appeared to be curtained by the ongoing flood of air strikes as the administration had expected. In the midst of his fixation with solving the puzzle of Southeast Asia and maintaining a semblance of sanity at home, Johnson emerged distant to his family. The First Lady had an active role in designing the conservation measures proposed by Secretary Udall and was known as a smiling face in an otherwise grim White House, yet in private, as Ladybird Johnson would state in her countless interviews that she felt as though, "[Lyndon]'s health was no richer here. We felt such joy in [1961: specifically at the height of Great Society legislation]."

  As the story goes, President Johnson packed his bags and set out for a grand return to his home state, landing first on November 21st for several scheduled events in Houston and San Antonio. The endeavor would perform a three-pronged purpose. The trip would reduce the splitting tension for the First Family and take the president back to a place of comfort, it would act as a chance for Johnson to meet with his friend Governor John Connally and plan ahead for his re-election, and it would drum up essential campaign and party contributions early in the game. The Texas crowds were more than thrilled to catch a glimpse of the president along his way from meeting to meeting. President Johnson's speech in Arlington, TX, attended in immense numbers, would go on to be one of his most critically acclaimed.

Johnson: "There is no Negro problem. There is no southern problem. There is no northern problem. There is only an American problem.
NBC Coverage of Lyndon Johnson's Arlington Speech, November 21st, 1963

"The president is slated to speak tomorrow in Dallas apace with Governor Connally to a convention of delegates. The First Lady shall be issuing an address of her own that afternoon."
WFAA Broadcast, November 21st, 1963

[Pyro]

The Kennedys Arrive in Dallas, November 22nd, 1963

  Lyndon Johnson's life was cut suddenly short the afternoon of November 22nd from apparent sniper fire in an open motorcade in Dallas. The news cycle captured, moment-by-moment, the shock of the president's sudden death. The vehicle containing the president, along with his entourage, arrived at Parkland Memorial Hospital ten minutes before Johnson had been pronounced dead. John Connally suffered three entry wounds, although with none fatal he would go on to undergo intensive surgery followed by several months of recovery.

  Across the world, networks broke their daily schedules to carry on with coverage of the assassination. Those countries visited by the president played audio reflections from those who had known Johnson. American streets were completely vacant that day as the nation intently observed the uninterrupted programming. Nikita Khrushchev stated that the death of the president was a tragedy, and that although the two shared countless disagreements, "I shall always keep the memory of my meetings with him." Other world leaders expressed similar sentiments.

  Two suspects were taken into custody following the shots fired. First, a depository worker named Lee Harvey Oswald was accused of delivering sniper fire from a building along the motorcade route. Oswald was discovered and arrested inside the Texas Theater when a ticket clerk phoned police. A second accused shooter, Thomas Gerald Cherry, was simultaneously arrested by federal agents. Cherry had been found ducking inside his '62 Rambler Classic, laying on top of a Carcano infantry rifle: apparently with the hope of hiding the weapon. Each man was brought in to the local county jail. Interrogation would follow.

 Rushed on-board Air Force One with his spouse, John Fitzgerald Kennedy was now, by the law of succession, the next rightful President of the United States. He painstakingly placed his hand on a copy of Saint Joseph Sunday Missal (A copy of the Bible had not been on the plane) and repeated the words uttered by District Judge Sarah Hughes. At 2:27 p.m., the Oath of Office was thereby conducted, and Kennedy now officially wore the title of president.

  The press readied themselves for an entirely new brand of president. Although they had enjoyed his public appearances over the past several years, the networks' talking heads repeatedly talked down the vice president, exclaiming that his political and social inexperience served only as a detriment to the Johnson Administration. The public wondered if Kennedy would carry on Johnson's policies, and, should he seek to accomplish just that, if his lack of a substantial congressional resume doomed any domestic agenda whilst in the crib. An unaccredited congressman is cited in The Making of the President with the November 22nd quote, "The Great Society has died with Lyndon Johnson."

  Air Force One, landing in Washington at about 5:00 p.m., had its passenger compartment door open to a sea of floodlights and reporters. The casket exited first, followed directly by an emotionless Lady Bird Johnson. Minutes later, John Kennedy, accompanied by his wife Jacqueline, approached an impromptu podium encircled by microphones, and proceeded to put forth his first public remarks as president.

  "What has occurred today is an unspeakable act: for the nation and the world. We all feel the sorrow bared by Mrs. Johnson and her family. I will work to the greatest of my ability to protect the legacy of President Johnson. In this objective, I humbly ask for your support."
 

"International Grief: The World Pauses in Recognition of Pres. Johnson Funeral
The Washington Post, November 25th, 1963

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John Fitzgerald Kennedy, 36th President of the United States  

Chapter Two: Ask Not: A Tale of Confidence in Rain

  John Kennedy expressed hope three short years ago that he may, one day, come to find himself in the White House. The once Massachusetts senator built up a program of domestic and foreign security during his '60 run, one he believed would carry him to the general, yet lost his rising notoriety to the winner of that election: Lyndon Johnson. Coming to an agreement that the Republican ticket could only be successfully thwarted with their North-South alliance, Johnson and Kennedy worked in crafting the pragmatic strategy which brought down the Nixon Campaign of 1960. Close aides to Senator Kennedy reflected on his, would-be apparent, foolhardy hope in playing a meaningful role in the Johnson Administration when he was selected as the vice presidential nominee. The exact minute that the final vote tally ended as it did, any symbiotic relationship between the two figures vanished. When all was said and done, Johnson was president, and Kennedy was not.

  In the weeks ahead, Kennedy swiftly learned that President Johnson had no intention of including him in any matters of national security, be it the Soviets, Cuba, or, when it too became a crucial tipping point, Laos. Lending an olive branch, the president did allow Kennedy to speak on his behalf when it came to domestic matters. This was most apparent during the mid-stage of the Freedom Riders ordeal, when Kennedy toiled alongside Attorney General Hemphill in order to protect the vulnerable riders. The vice president directly encountered a handful of riders in this tumultuous period, and assured them that the administration would seek to find an end to the violence.

  Vice President Kennedy, initially somewhat of a foreign policy hawk, gradually shifted his view in his tenure. He expressly urged the president take a harder line against Khrushchev, especially as tensions in Cuba escalated in 1961. Kennedy wished to attend the Vienna Summit, but, possibly fearing the vice president's inexperience would damage the credibility present in the visit, Johnson instead welcomed Indonesian President Sukarno to Washington to meet with his second-in-command. Kennedy held deep resentment for this move, yet conducted himself in a proper manner and retained relations with the hot-headed Sukarno. The vice president requested minute-by-minute updates of the Vienna Summit and found himself relieved when he heard news of Khrushchev's acceptance of the Partial Test Ban Treaty at the event's closing. As the Berlin issue cooled down in turn, Kennedy, although perturbed with the construction of a concrete wall, may have come to the realization that avoiding potential conflict was indeed a natural scenario.

  Insofar as Laos and Vietnam, Kennedy had been completely, intentionally, left in the dark by L.B.J. By the time Kennedy took the Oath of Office, he had extremely rudimentary understanding and insight into the actions of the C.I.A. overseas. All he knew, according to those historians well-studied in the transitional period in 1963, was that the U.S. was dedicated in securing a safe haven for the Hmong in Laos, and that the overall goal likely included protecting the legitimate government in Laos. Kennedy was briefed extensively on foreign affairs shortly after Johnson's assassination, and, left with a cabinet and an intelligence community filled to the brim with staunch interventionists, read into the recent history of the region.

  President Kennedy, prior to his address before Congress on November 27th, reached out to former Secretary Fulbright as a means to gain an insight into the lead-up of the ongoing, full-throttled American intervention in Laos. This phone conversation, recalled in subsequent decades by Fulbright, "acted as clarification." Precise details as to the substance of the communication remains unknown, however the secretary likely shed light on U.S. involvement prior to September 25th: that of the C.I.A. and the distribution of American financial support. The new president also discovered, as we understand from now-declassified sources, that the numbers of Hmong vanquished in the genocide were dramatically over-estimated: Ambassador Unger's "sure count" exceeded reality by roughly one hundred thousand. According to Fulbright, President Johnson's War in Laos began in earnest in 1961, if not far sooner, and the genocide may have been simply been his casus belli.

"Ignorance and misinformation can handicap the progress of a city or a company, but they can, if allowed to prevail in foreign policy, handicap this country’s security. In a world of complex and continuing problems, in a world full of frustrations and irritations, America’s leadership must be guided by the lights of learning and reason — or else those who confuse rhetoric with reality and the plausible with the possible will gain the popular ascendancy with their seemingly swift and simple solutions to every world problem."
'World Affairs' Segment from President John Kennedy's 1963 Address Before Joint Session of Congress, November 27th, 1963

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Does Kennedy still have the affair with Marilyn Monroe?

"Happy Birthday, Mr. Vice President" just didn't have the same ring to it.

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The President and First Lady Attend the Formal Funeral for Lyndon Johnson

  When Kennedy issued his first congressional address as president, the country endured somewhat of a culture shock. This new man entering the White House did not have any semblance of a resemblance to their president of the prior years. Everyone had grown so accustomed to the thick Texan accent, the abrasive personality, the plain-talk method of speaking, and more than anything, the seclusion of Johnson. Here and now, to have a young and mild-mannered, Harvard-learned Bostonian speaking on behalf of the Executive Branch provoked a mixed reaction: some vocally criticizing the president for his stark differences.

  Regardless of this phenomenon, following the trauma of the assassination, all were glad to hear the comfort of a presidential figure once more. Kennedy's speech, borrowing elements of Johnson's initial platform, sought to assure the public that he, as well as the nation, must press onward. He proclaimed that the Johnson-era domestic programs must come to full fruition, remarking that legislation like the Occupational Opportunity Act merely represented an infantile stage of development. From this point, the president introduced several new concepts that Johnson merely touched upon in his time, including affordable housing for the poor and the start of a new healthcare project.

  With the technicalities remaining ambiguous, Kennedy did not include any specific citations into the culprits of the shooting, nor of their motives. He did make a solid case, however, that the sort of manic hatred that drove a man, much less two or more, to go forth and kill a president of the United States ought to be addressed. As one of the hottest points of tension in 1963 had been civil rights, some certainly held an inkling that a maniacal segregationist may have taken part in the crime. Therefore, when Kennedy briefly spoke to cleansing us "of all prejudice," the press took this as a sign that this new president was no softer on the race issue than his predecessor.

  As per securing justice in the aftermath of the brutal slaying of President Johnson, the investigation ensured a serious and tumultuous hurdle on the afternoon of November 25th, 1963. Thomas Gerald Cherry, one of the investigation's chief culprits, was found dead in his county jail cell. The cause of death was deemed cyanide: an apparent suicide. Those county guards relented their failure to have "thoroughly" searched Cherry following his capture, meaning he well may have hidden a capsule containing the poison. Cherry's suicide, plastered all across the press, ruffled the feathers of the investigating team as well as the present administration. Only one suspect remained alive.

  President Kennedy sent out an executive order regarding the safe and observant treatment of Lee Harvey Oswald on the evening of November 25th. The second perpetrator was transported from the Dallas police station to Hutchins State Jail via an armored vehicle in private: barred from reporters and crowds. Attorney General Hemphill focused an immense amount of brain power toward this goal, and, as assisted by federal guards, he succeeding in moving Oswald to a secure facility.

Kennedy Administration Orders Commission on Johnson Assassination
Trial Preparations Begin for Lee H. Oswald
The New York Times, December 3rd, 1963

"Governor Wallace has announced the conclusion of his state investigation into the Johnson Assassination. He has revealed that, and I quote, 'no ties whatsoever' exist between the recently self-immolated suspect, Alabama resident Thomas Cherry, and the infamous United Klans."
NBC News, December 14th, 1963

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Executive Committee of the National Security Council (EXCOMM) Meeting, January, 1964

  During this intermediary period in mid winter, with the Oswald Trial struggling to find impartial jurors, the president began to pursue a transformation of the sitting administration officials. Kennedy believed, as opponents of Lyndon Johnson relentlessly insisted, that his predecessor had less so been guiding his foreign and domestic policy teams than they had been guiding him. Observing this play out over the course of the L.B.J. incumbency led Kennedy to bring into the fold several new faces.

  Members of Johnson's upper echelon, aside from Hemphill and Udall - and to a lesser extent McNamara and Symington - distrusted Kennedy with the reigns of the Executive Branch. They, too, understood that this feeling was mutual in totality, yet none apart from the isolated Chief of Staff, Walter Jenkins, resigned before 1964. President Kennedy replaced Jenkins with his friend and campaign ally, Kenneth O'Donnell, with whom he would work closely on numerous endeavors in the transitional period and beyond. With O'Donnell in command, disgruntled Johnson-ites nicknamed the incoming leadership "the Irish mob," disparaging the reputation of the new administration before truly getting its feet wet.

  In domestic affairs, John Kennedy retained the bulk of the existing team which assisted in crafting the image of the Great Society and learned immensely from Johnson's dealings with Congress. The president hired two additional senior consultants to work on future proposals, Robert Sargent Shriver and, his brother, Edward M. Kennedy. These two led an effort to expand the scope of VISTA as one of their first initiatives. The VISTA budget, as well as a slew of other Johnson programs, nearly doubled in following budget negotiations. Robert McNamara, returned to working exclusively within the Department of Commerce, proudly announced on December 28th that American GDP reached a point higher than any in the past five years, and, more so, reported unemployment fell to 4.1%: down from 6.9% when Johnson first took office.

  Close aides to the president reflected on Kennedy's indisposition in regards to the then-present state foreign affairs. As insisted by defense aide James Collins in biographer Robert Dallek's A Life in Turn: John F. Kennedy, 1917-1993, "Jack was sick to his stomach at the thought of sending a continuous loop of soldiers to die in the mountains of Laos, and refused to consider any further activities in Vietnam. He allowed the C.I.A. to move ahead in the Cuban Project and did not escalate in the Diem conundrum, but Johnson's decision to instigate military action in Laos deeply left the president disconcerted. Johnson enclosed himself in such a damned bubble that he very well may have gone on to drop a warhead on Ho Chi Minh City."

  Sitting in the Oval Office for less than two months, President Kennedy was unwilling to turn tide with too much expedience. He took Fulbright's commentary with a healthy dose of skepticism, yet read further into the situation in his first smatter of national security meetings. He caught on swiftly to the mood. The Joint Chiefs asserted their confidence in maintaining troops in the region, if not pressing into Vietnam entirely. As Gordon Blake, as per his tendency, stressed the need for increased strikes along the DMZ, he had been interrupted by one of several new voices in the room.

  General David Shoup, on-boarded by President Kennedy in December, retorted that morale for the opposition exceeded any expectation American personnel had assumed. The Pathet Lao, in addition to the North Vietnamese, believed in their cause of liberation, and dropping streams of bombs would only serve to legitimize their belief that the U.S. fought for colonization. O'Donnell inquired as to the purpose of escalating troop movement along the DMZ if the occupation had already cut off the transport of artillery. Blake struggled to answer. President Kennedy motioned, stating that as long as the North Vietnamese are cut off from infiltrating South Vietnam, there shall be no further discussion of American military involvement of the region.

  From the early weeks of 1964, the conflict remained a stalemate in Laos. Left with few alternatives other than abandonment or total war, Kennedy authorized an amplification of C.I.A. embroilment in the region, happy to see the same men who had crippled the economy of Cuba running new operations in Southeast Asia. Ambassador Unger was fired in early January for "improper conduct" and speedily interchanged with another. The amount of American soldiers in Laos remained stable, hovering around 23,000, and the president contemplated gradual disengagement if diplomacy proved a viable option.

Sen. Goldwater: Yes, I Am Running
The Southern Courier, January 6th, 1964

"You asked for it! For the ninth time this morning! The Beatles with their chart topper hit, 'I Want To Hold Your Hand'!
WCBS FM Radio Broadcast, January 9th, 1964

[Pyro]

Somewhat surprised you're portraying Kennedy as being to the left of Johnson. Given Jack's relative conservatism in the Senate, I wouldn't have been surprised if his years at the helm were seen as a long list of wasted opportunities for America's progressives. This is still very early though. Fantastic work!

Kennedy's still in the shadow of Johnson at this point - he will come into his own before long =)
And thanks!

[Pyro]

Two of the Republican Presidential Candidates in 1964: Barry Goldwater and Nelson Rockefeller

  The White House, in the midst of stabilizing an undeclared War in Laos, opening talks with Civil Rights Movement leaders in hopes of curtailing a planned March on Alabama, and anxiously awaiting the start of the Oswald Trial, now required a split in its focus once more. The presidential election loomed on the horizon. President Kennedy, only just recently inducted into the perplexities left to him by his predecessor, found himself caught off-guard when Senator Goldwater launched his campaign in January, officially opening the election season.

  Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona had been one of the fiercest critics of the Johnson Administration, nearly as harsh as Wallace. The Arizonan frequently joined with the Southern, states' rights segment of the Democratic Party when it came to a vote, and he had taken a major role in stalling the Civil Rights Act. Goldwater spoke out, throughout his political career, against the measures taken in the New Deal, referring to such expansions of the federal government's role as unconstitutional. As for the Great Society, the senator spared no fewer words of critique. When Goldwater did announce his presidential ambitions, he did so among a hefty crowd of thousands from his front patio. An AP poll released in January revealed that over half of Republicans believed that the Arizonan was the "strongest" candidate for the party, greatly assisting in his early campaign.

  Opponents of the senator disliked his reactionary economic message and, most especially, his isolationist foreign policy stance, often citing his statement regarding a potential withdrawal from the United Nations. The candidate's retort to such criticism was that he offered a "choice, not an echo," positioning him firmly on the right against not only President Kennedy, but the whole of the Republican Party. From within the party, Goldwater struck most moderates and liberals - debatably the majority of the GOP - as too extreme to stand a shot at succeeding. Any candidate would have a rough up-hill fight against Kennedy with the assassination in recent memory. Nonetheless, Goldwater launched assault after assault from the get-go with the intention of wearing down the administration and damaging the credibility of Kennedy's run before it had even been declared.

  The second major candidate in the Republican field was the incumbent Governor of New York, Nelson Rockefeller. Locked in a heated rivalry with the rightist Goldwater, Rockefeller had been the clear moderate-liberal in the primary bout. Serving as governor since 1959, Rockefeller re-energized the infrastructure and educational system in New York, controversially (within the party) expanding the state government's role and increasing taxes in the process. The bulk of Republican women, according to primary polling, held distrust for the candidate due to his 1962 divorce and subsequent 1963 marriage to a woman with whom he had been having an affair. Rockefeller's once-ally Senator Prescott Bush (R-CT) denounced this action and refused to consider endorsing the New Yorker in the '64 race.

  Several other candidates announced their intentions to run in this time, including Chair of the Senate Republican Conference, Margaret Chase Smith (R-ME), and former Minnesota Governor Harold Stassen. The field remained wide open with several weeks before the New Hampshire primary, however many of the 'heavyweight' candidates hesitated to enter what they believed was an impossible election. Robert Finch remarked that, "[Goldwater] only needed the nomination to consider himself a success that year. The obscurantist bastard could care less if he drove the party line into the dirt with him as so long as he could revel in the defeat of the rest of us. [...] Rocky appeared the perfect fit, but his Happy (Rockefeller's wife) left 60% of New Hampshire Republicans undecided. Bush wouldn't answer my calls, and the party wouldn't waste its time choosing a woman, let alone Margaret. I told that to him, all of it. We knew Kennedy was no Johnson, and his allies were all blasted family members. The chance was there, that was all."

  In an open letter to the citizens of New Hampshire, Governor Richard Nixon sent the following. "I have had a chance to reflect on the lessons of public office, to measure the nation's tasks and its problems from a fresh perspective. I have done so as your vice president, and continue to do so as governor. I have sought to apply those lessons to the needs of the President, and to the entire sweep of this final third of the 20th century. And I believe I have found some answers." He went on, stating, "We have entered a new age. And I ask you to join me in helping make this an age of greatness for our people and our nation."

Nixon Is In - Now Formally Entered in March 12 Primary
The Los Angeles Times, January 27th, 1964

Senators Bush, Lodge Endorse Nixon. Congressman Taft, Jr. Endorses Goldwater
The Washington Post, February 4th, 1964

[Pyro]

Snapshot from Vietnam Film, "West Out of the East", 1967

  President Kennedy resisted temptations to formally announce his interest for candidacy in the coming election, instead planning on doing so just before the convention. The Kennedy team figured that with Republicans fractured in four, or more, different ways the unified Democratic ticket would smoothly sail into winning column come November. "He was confident, relentlessly so, in the belief that expending energy on the election was a waste of resources that winter," John Connally was quoted in regards to the president. "I spoke with Jack often as I regained my full composure in those months. I asked what could be done for the primaries. He told me to just remain on stand-by, that there would be no active campaigning."

  White House leadership sought to win the coming election through its demonstration of President Johnson's successes: indeed domestically, but, particularly, abroad. Foreign policy, slowly yet surely, had moved its way into the limelight as a hot-button issue for the electoral season. How would the United States press forth in Laos, if at all? Kennedy, aided by Symington and Nitze, felt no cause to back off of U.S. involvement so long as troop numbers stabilized. Republican opponents to the president, including those like Goldwater who haphazardly called the war "reckless", struggled to find a meaningful counter-argument to the administration's apparent success in holding back Communist aggression in Southeast Asia. "Should the dam have held," Connally hypothesized, "Kennedy may have gone ahead with Shriver's suggestion to chart a withdrawal plan."

  The historically-defined "powder keg" in Vietnam erupted in the January of 1964. President Diem, from the moment that the secretive attempt to overthrow his leadership collapsed, doubled-down on his oppressive tactics on the peasants and religious majority. He divulged on New Year's Day, 1963, that any man or woman accused of possessing Communist ties, a past of demonstrating against the government, and/or a connection to the Duong Minh Conspiracy would be detained and indefinitely be held in "Loyalty Centers" at five major sites. Tens of thousands, if not far more, fit this description. An authorized contingent of secret police set out on 4:00 a.m. local time on January 4th. By 7:00 a.m., the streets of Saigon became filled to the brim with a militant population demanding an end to the state terror. The police scattered.

  Protesters flew banners imploring for the need for toleration and the restructuring of government as the previously outlawed Buddhist flags fluttered in the thousands. The American Embassy shuttered its doors and windows as a furious population identified the U.S. as a principal ally of the ruthless president. Protests endured well into January, culminating in a series of skirmishes betwixt the peasants and Diem's police. Much of the movement radicalized in this period, and unprecedented interest in previously disdained philosophies ranging from Tridemism to Localism took root.

  The South Vietnamese President, with his legitimacy in peril, ordered his "re-conditioned" army end the rabble. The commanding generals, combed so thoroughly as only Diem supporters remained, demanded their soldiers intervene on January 31st. One or two contingents did, for the time being, follow through the order as such, but the mass of the military refused to fire upon their own families and neighbors. The revolt reached a boiling point when Madame Nhu, by then a symbol of the injustice and tyranny of the ruling elite, was captured by the rebelling army. Ngo Dinh Nhu, her spouse and younger brother to Diem, was discovered (likely through interrogation of his former secret police) and executed shortly thereafter.

  The Paper Revolution saw the rise of a young class of leaders who on February 1st founded the "Alliance for Democracy", or Liên minh Dân chủ. Its star players involved local activists Le Quang Dai and Tran Duc Luong, each of whom strongly advocated for a provisional government to take control of the country. The Alliance, as well as numerous other assorted coalition groups, desired not only the abdication of Diem, but an end to American meddling in Vietnamese affairs.

  With the army on the side of the opposition, Diem was forced to evacuate, lest risk his own death sentence. The president-in-exile took residence in Melbourne, Australia following a stealthily engineered escape in early February. An improvised bicameral legislature, the Diet of Saigon, now controlled the mechanisms of the country. An amalgamation of varied political and socio-economic interests within the Diet, albeit heavily influenced by leading anti-Diem faces within the military, ruled South Vietnam beginning in February of 1964. In this time, the ARVN forged ahead sans coherent orders from the point of command, resulting in a severe mismanagement of supplies and a lack of finer tactic and strategy. As a consequence of this development, holding attacks from the National Liberation Front pierced beyond portions of the DMZ, shattering the U.S. plan of containment.

American Line Ruptured Due to Vietnam Revolution
Kennedy Fortifies Troops in Laos, Recognizes New Government in South Vietnam
The Washington Post, February 19th, 1964

Gov. Wallace Declares Primary Challenge to Kennedy
"This is More than Miscalculation, This is Incompetence."
Chicago Tribune, February 21st, 1964

[Pyro]

I recall reading that Bush and Goldwater had been friends in he Senate, despite their ideological disparity; as such, I've thought that Goldwater Bush would be an interesting ticket and potential TTL prelude to the real life Reagan/Bush ticket.

Hmm :>

[Pyro]

President Kennedy Meets The Beatles, Backstage on The Ed Sullivan Show, February 9th, 1964

  The calamity of Ngo Dinh Diem's ousting rattled the White House. President Kennedy, albeit wary of Johnson's South Vietnam tactic of supporting their oppressive leader against the controversial coup attempt, planned wholeheartedly to carry on with the status quo. With Diem removed from power and a provisional government in place, however, President Kennedy, hoping to prevent the rise of yet another hostile power in Southeast Asia and maintain its fortifications against the Pathet Lao, formally recognized the new power. This action likely saved any long-term chance of the U.S. retaining a presence in South Vietnam as the Diet of Saigon voted in favor of concentrating all efforts on combating the National Liberation Front first and foremost. The Alliance led the charge against this motion, yet failed to circumvent the majority's plea.

  The president's move proved controversial in the United States, with onlookers mostly displeased with the turn of events and perhaps fearful of the consequences of such an abrupt regime change. The intelligence community had played no role in the revolution, meaning the new government's policy toward America's role in the region may end up far less friendly than that of Diem's. President Kennedy's reluctance to ramp up the war effort and protect the existing structure in Vietnam played squarely into his opponents' claims that the new president was too inexperienced and timid, even craven, to be a successful commander of the U.S. Armed Forces. Historians like Robert J. McMahon point to the Fall of Diem's Saigon as a prominent turning point in the war, recognizing the unsettled Diet as, conceivably, a greater threat to the longevity of South Vietnam's independence than the war itself.

  Anticipating an aperture in the incumbency's methodology, Governor Wallace launched himself into the electoral fray with a speech denouncing the foreign diplomacy of the ruling administration. Cheered on by his ardent supporters numbering in the thousands, Wallace came out swinging against the Kennedy foreign policy, referring to it as "appeasement the likes of Chamberlain would shy from." The Alabaman scolded the Kennedy strategy of cautiousness in Southeast Asia, proclaiming, "If elected, I will consult with the Joint Chiefs of Staff to bring a resolute military conclusion to the war. The security of our brave soldiers, and that of democratic South Vietnam, is paramount." Wallace went on, blaming the administration for its support of a ruthless dictator like Diem and accusing this policy of damaging the reputation of the U.S. overseas.

   The Governor of Alabama implored the president to end the "foul indignity of mandated integration" and support the sovereign wishes of the states. He spoke in terms one unfamiliar with the politician may determine to be populistic, even congenial. This had been precisely Wallace's game plan. In order to appeal before a national crowd as an underdog, an audience all too acquainted with the governor's mannerisms and social proposals, the Alabaman ventured to portray himself and his cause as unwarranted victims. According to residential polling, although a fair amount of southern Democrats (Wallace's intended base) shared their insecurity toward the new Kennedy leadership and frugally observed the president's actions on the international stage, the idea of supporting a challenger with such poor general election prospects as Wallace greatly deterred voters from taking his side. February Gallup polls taken in Nebraska and West Virginia, two of the states pundits believed the governor stood a chance, revealed only 1-in-7 registered voters considered voting for Wallace.

  Jack Kennedy took all of this in stride. To the chagrin of the Joint Chiefs, the president persisted in the order that no American troops will be sent directly to South Vietnam. He understood that Johnson's hope of a stable Diem regime was all for naught, and the advice of Ambassador Byroade and Secretary McNamara had been fruitless: Kennedy himself pondered as to why the Commerce Secretary had any role in foreign affairs in the first place. The administration now sought to heal the wounds left behind in South Vietnam and coordinate the best possible relationship with the new government. The number of American soldiers in Laos, as well as the shipment of weapons, resources and air support, escalated in the winter of 1964.

  Insofar as boosting potential voter interest and gathering widespread support against the incoming Republican ticket, President Kennedy engineered with his team a novel philosophy. Successful candidates of the past made leaps and bounds through appealing to particular crowds, catching wind to political trends, and thinking two steps ahead of the rest. Kennedy's appeal laid not simply in his charisma and plea for an optimistic future, but in his ability to connect to an audience as L.B.J. never quite accomplished. The youth vote may, in fact, pull the independent vote with it, Democratic strategists like Robert Murphy believed.

  Murphy, brought on as a campaign adviser in the second week of January, recommended the president move on forging a concordant relationship with the rising popular culture scene. Whittled down to the bare bones, this philosophy meant that influential musical acts, for instance, may associate themselves with the president. In turn, their fans could theoretically become his supporters. "Artistic Infusion" is the term they utilized when speaking of this transpiration. The initial step made itself clear when the British pop troupe, The Beatles, touched down at the New York International Airport to a sea of screaming fans on February 7th. The president conducted a surprise visit to the musical ensemble two days later, doing so immediately prior to the group's live American broadcast debut on The Ed Sullivan Show. Kennedy greeted each of the members by name, and reportedly stated, whilst overpowering a loud, impatient audience, "You certainly have their devotion," inducing laughter from the band.

President Kennedy Welcomes UK Hit, Beatles, to America
Newsweek Article, February 10th, 1964

Air Force General Curtis LeMay Announces Retirement from Armed Forces, Mulls Senate Run
The Los Angeles Times, February 22nd, 1964

[Pyro]

I would like to see Kennedy/Symington, assuming Rockefeller doesn't get the nomination.

As for the events in South Vietnam, I suspect Symington would advise Kennedy to draw closer ties to the Diet.

Yes on the latter point, that is likely.

[Pyro]

Accused Presidential Assassin Lee Harvey Oswald, February, 1964

  February 28th, 1964. The Trial of the Century. With jurors and councils prepped, the trial of Lee Harvey Oswald was set to begin proceedings. Just as national consciousness had started healing from the seemingly irreparable damage of the assassination, the horrific story would be told all over again, scrutinized top to bottom. Providing a summary of what Oswald had been accused of, the prosecution opened its remarks. "President Johnson is dead. Evidence points to this man, Lee Harvey Oswald, as the primary assailant."

  The trial would be broadcast live across the nation and through a conglomeration of networks in full color picture, prompting a remarkable rise in the sale of expensive color television sets. The proceedings took place in a Dallas courthouse, overseen by a Texan judge, with a Texan jury and under Texas state law. The United States did not have a law on the books mandating an assassination trial be held in Washington or any other locale aside from the state whence the crime took place, much to the dismay of President Kennedy. The juror selection took beyond four weeks with the arduous task of attaining men and women willing to discover the pure truth and deliver a fair judgement on the case. Americans saw Oswald, the sole surviving suspect in the Johnson Case, and wanted blood. A state poll found 9-in-10 Texans believed Oswald was guilty perpetrating the crime as a co-conspirator to Thomas Gerald Cherry.

  Attorney F. Lee Bailey represented the defendant. David G. Bress served as the chief prosecutor. Bailey, a criminal defense attorney famed with his defense of neurosurgeon Sam Sheppard, was the man Oswald settled upon to be his judicial protector. When asked by the press how he could stand to defend a "dead man walking," Bailey slyly answered that sentencing first required ample evidence. On the opposing side, D.C. attorney David Bress leaped to volunteer for the prosecution. When several high-profile figures, including Einsatzgruppen lawyer Ben Ferencz, declined taking up the call, voices within the Kennedy Administration favored the appointment of a procurator familiar with Johnson on a personal level. Bress, believed to have been assisted with information provided by nameless federal intelligence agents, doubtlessly declared shortly before the trial, "America will have her justice."

  For the consideration of the jury, David Bress presented what he, and the virulently anti-Oswald press, referred to as a "mountain" of data to convict the defendant. He first reiterated the moment of assassination in excruciating detail, showcasing the Abraham Zapruder Film: privately acquired color footage of the sequence of events from November 22nd. Oswald reportedly sat emotionless as the shots were fired off in the motion picture, indicating to the crowd of onlookers that he truly held no sympathy for Lyndon Johnson. Bress replayed a slower version of the film and explained the following sequence. The first shot, fired by Oswald, struck the president in the throat. The second, originating from Frank Cherry's weapon across the street, pierced the back and wrist of Governor Connally. Then, the final bullet, again from Oswald, ruptured Johnson's skull. In plain terms, this meant Cherry was innocent of outright murder, and Oswald was not.

  Bailey countered this argument. He stated that speculating in the origins of the shots was fruitless, as there was no possible way to prove, beyond a shadow of a doubt, which were fired by Oswald, or Cherry, or another individual. A haphazard autopsy of Johnson's body led to doubts, expressed here by Bailey, that the exit wounds were on the front of the president's neck and skull. He proposed that the shots which had led to the death of the president stemmed from whomever was standing near the parkway overpass: meaning Cherry. He challenged the mere proposition that assassin's bullets originated from the defendant's place of work, directly leading to several days of eyewitness testimony.

  The twelve-person jury gravely followed the evidence presented for them. For each of Bress' arguments, Bailey readied a prepared rebuttal. When the defense attorney revealed the rifle belonging to Oswald, which had been found on the upper floor of the depository building, Bailey disputed the charge that the defendant used the rifle on the day in question. Forensic analysis acknowledged that while Oswald's fingerprints coated nearby facilities and boxes nearer to the sixth floor window, there were none aside from an inconclusive and non-photographed palm-print on the rifle itself. As the defense attorney motioned, since Oswald had been employed by the depository, his prints on nearby book cartons was not out of the ordinary. Then, Bailey put forth the claim, substantiated by his co-workers, that the accused assassin was in fact eating lunch on a lower floor of the building only minutes before the shots took off. Could an altogether separate individual, a look-alike of Oswald, have been the true perpetrator?

  Despite Thomas Cherry not surviving to stand trial himself, Bailey's objective laid in placing the burden of suspicion on the recently deceased suspect as well as suggesting his client was, perhaps, set-up by an unseen force. The fact that Cherry's rifle mimicked Oswald's to a T made the issue even more complicated. The tiresome back-and-forth carried on for weeks on end with topics ranging from rifle casing residue to a supposed "brown package" carried by Oswald on the day in question. According to Bailey, apart from the rifle itself belonging to the defendant, no concrete proof linked Oswald with the assassination, or at least connected him with the firing of the rifle. He stated that additional, comprehensive investigations into Cherry ought to be pursued, and that may provide further insight into the events in question. For Bress, this was a preposterous assumption. His witness accounts (albeit disputed) pointed directly at Oswald as the instigator of the crime and forensic analysts sided with Bress' bullet theory. Playing to the Red Scare fears of the era, Bress raised questions about the pro-Castro, Communist, or "Marxist" as Oswald put it, ties of the defendant, thereby implanting the motive for murder as purely political. Observed more closely than any case since the Lindbergh Kidnapping, the public learned a great deal from the captivating nine-week trial and must have been overwhelmed by just how deep this canyon went.

  The jury reached their final decision on May 4th, 1964.
  Turning the world on its head, they announced their verdict. Not Guilty.

"The nation, at a standstill for months, now finds itself acutely unsettled. A CBS Poll found 92 in a survey of 100 Americans strongly disagree with the acquittal. These jurors, some reported to have regretted the decision, expressed frustration over the prosecution for failing to vanquish all reasonable doubt. Lee Harvey Oswald has been moved to an unspecified location as a response to threats of violence now numbering in the thousands. In this uncertain time, let us all remember our civility and our better judgement. This is Walter Cronkite. Goodnight."
CBS Evening News, May 5th, 1964

[Pyro]

Could this be the OJ of the 60s? As in everyone gets ticked over the rulling of someone that is clearly guilty not getting a punishment?

Something like that. Perhaps more of a Casey Anthony vibe turned up to 11, since unlike in the O.J. case, there's no one crossing their fingers for Oswald to be acquitted.

[Pyro]

Governor Nixon Campaigns in Maine Alongside Senate Hopeful Clifford McIntire, February 20th, 1964

  The Republican field concentrated intently on the upcoming New Hampshire primary. This first official hurdle for the candidates would prove how strong their grassroots support truly was on the national stage, as well as demonstrate their ability to sufficiently organize on a small scale. Even though sparse delegates are chosen in this initial primary bout, it nonetheless mattered a great deal in terms of media focus and in finances how well a candidate may perform.

  Each of the major candidates made the trek up to New Hampshire in this period. All, that is, except for Governor Richard Nixon. The perceived frontrunner of the GOP nomination took it upon himself to press further on into Maine in order to campaign for Clifford McIntire, the expected Republican Senate challenger in that state. With public polling granting Nixon a solid 40% to Rockefeller's 30% and Goldwater's 25%, the governor decided on a risk. In order to appeal beyond his core contingent of supporters, Nixon sought to express to the voters his intention not only to win the nomination for himself, but to turn over Congress for his party. He quietly brought on-board strategist heavyweights like Murray Chotiner and John Mitchell, in addition to Robert Finch, to assist in securing New Hampshire and scrubbing away fellow candidates in the race. These men considered Nelson Rockefeller, by far, to be the fiercer opponent, and thereby worked to discredit the New York governor by any means necessary. Finch himself later divulged that their candidate had mixed feelings when it came to burning bridges. Finch stated that "eons had passed," politically-speaking, and it was of vital significance for Nixon to "sever ties with Rockefeller toxicity."

  For the bulk of February, the Nixon Campaign engineered television advertisements with sights aimed directly at Rockefeller. They were instructed to act subtly in their approach, however made a definitive argument that due to the New Yorker's negligence in his marriage, he would too be unfaithful to the United States if elected president. The advertisement broadcast in New Hampshire featured a mother at a voting booth with a child in her arms, undecided between two levers. As she places her hand on one to pull, she backs away and considers the other lever. Following some seconds of silence, a voice narrates, "When you cast your ballot, will your choice represent your values - and those of the American family?" The mother turns and shuts the curtain of the voting booth, blocking the camera and fading the scene to black. The narrator continues, "America deserves moral leadership. On March 10th, vote Nixon."

  Political historians have since verified the claim that the candidate did not wish to press the personal infidelities of his once-ally with such belligerence, yet the campaign team moved forward and sent the tapes to air. Rockefeller was furious. He struck against Nixon on the campaign trail, garnering a mixed reaction in the process. He blasted the Californian for his lack of accomplishments as governor, specifically asking when Nixon planned on instituting promised reform. Grandstanding at a rally in Concord, Rockefeller exclaimed, "Governor Brown signed the Unruh Act, the very same endorsed by Governor Knight before him. Where is Governor Nixon on the issue? Governor Brown, following in the footsteps of the great Republican Hiram Johnson, set in motion the State Water Project, revitalizing the water resources of California. Once again, where is Governor Nixon on the issue?" Nixon later responded, "If the governor admires Pat Brown so greatly, why is he running as a Republican?"

  Senator Goldwater had been able to cling above the fray leading up to the New Hampshire vote, and instead implanted a "soft" conservative message to the moderate Republicans in the state. He ignored the Nixon-Rockefeller squabbling and contended that the public deserved an issue-oriented campaign based on solving the problems brought about by a bloated federal government. Assisted in the field by former Governor Hugh Gregg (R-NH), the senator from Arizona familiarized his proposals to an audience unaccustomed to the rightist brand of Republicanism. Goldwater remained on message, howbeit backpedaled to some degree in regards to his opposition to the New Deal. When asked to respond to rumored claims that he would abolish Social Security in its present form, Goldwater denied the proposition. Evidence surfaced two days before the final vote that he had once expressed an interest in reforming Social Security into a volunteer program, considerably tarnishing his trustworthiness. The story, published in the New England-based Yankee Magazine, has since been speculated to have originated from the Nixon Campaign. Unfazed, the senator persisted in his drive up to and including the day of the vote.

  Coated in a fresh blanket of snow, the state held its primary as scheduled and presented the results that evening.

|R| New Hampshire Primary Returns |R|
Barry Goldwater: 34.5%
Richard Nixon: 34%
Nelson Rockefeller: 22%
Margaret Chase Smith: 4%
Harold Stassen: 2.5%
Wesley Powell: 1.5%
Norris Cotton: 1%
William Scranton (write-in): .5%
Others/Invalid: <1%

|D| New Hampshire Primary Returns |D|
John F. Kennedy: Uncontested
Others/Invalid: <1%

[Pyro]

What is John Bailey up to? Who is Kennedy's campaign manager?

The director, John Bailey? No idea
Stephen Edward Smith would be JFK's manager, I'd believe.

[Pyro]

Wallace Article, Jet Magazine, April 2, 1964

  Wisconsin, the second primary on-stage, proved to have fallen far from the scopes of any of the leading candidates. Unlike in 1960 when it had battleground potential, this state was deemed a 'wash' from the moment Nixon threw hit hat into the ring. Pollsters presented varying forecasts of Republican and Democratic turnout in the early spring, with each demonstrating a sheer lack of voter ambition. One of the more influential Wisconsin Republicans, Representative John Byrnes (R-WI), backed out of the nominating race and endorsed Governor Nixon, giving the Californian a clear edge going into the primary. Goldwater moved on to Illinois to embark on the next stretch of campaigning as Rockefeller rallied support in the Northeast. President Kennedy only administered scattering addresses to the electorate. He placed confidence in state surrogates to rally the vote without his help, and instead spent any off-time busily crafting a prosperous war effort abroad. As thus, Governor George Wallace would be the sole presidential contender to vie for the Wisconsinite vote this year.

  Wallace's name was filed to appear on the state ballot through his committed proponents, and he arrived in Madison with a concise message: "Stand Up For America". The Alabaman's strict, anti-Communist sloganeering struck a chord with the population - a great deal of whom had personal and familial connections with European countries right along the Iron Curtain. Growing crowds of supporters, as well as protesters, accompanied the governor as he traveled throughout the state of Wisconsin in late March. A seemingly inconsequential legislative battle in Milwaukee over school busing and integrated housing generated a perfect storm for Wallace to gain a captive audience. Wisconsin Governor John Reynolds assured President Kennedy that Wallace would fail to gain any momentum in his state and, worst come to worst, he could only possibly serve to risk the incumbency's popularity in the South. To be frank, he was mistaken.

  Governor Wallace rekindled a traditionalist, right-wing spark in the Democratic Party just as Goldwater appeared to be in the process of doing so within the GOP. The Wallace crowd was predominantly lower middle-class, often first or second generation European immigrants. Disruptive protests from young liberals and civil rights activists along the campaign route only served to benefit the Southern candidate who received endless cheers as he denounced the Civil Rights Act. The Wallace Campaign paid less and less heed to and observance of the tragedy of President Johnson's assassination, outright denouncing the aim of his Great Society at several points. This played exceeding well with a core of reactionaries who remained bitter over the late president's initiative to curtail the Klan and Kennedy's immovability in preserving this course of infiltration. President Kennedy received wind of the burgeoning "Elect Wallace" movement precisely due to a rise in intimidating telegrams being sent from Wisconsin.

  Circumventing Reynolds, Kennedy requested and received the committed assistance of the Wisconsin Democratic Party, including the unnervingly quiet Mayor of Milwaukee, Henry Maier. The president also recruited Minnesotan Senator Hubert Humphrey as a surrogate in Wisconsin about eight days before the votes were cast. Despite the fact that Governor Wallace's poll numbers looked healthy in the moment, this call to action gave those opposed to the governor a candidate, and a goal, to campaign for and celebrate. The Kennedy Surrogates reassured their base that the "echo of the Civil Rights Act will be heard", as Humphrey stated, "into 1965, 1966, 1967 and so on, into each and every year ahead, until those persecuted in this country may receive fair and equal treatment under the law." In due time, the Wallace bump rebounded and the end-results were less than satisfactory for the challenger. The "Dixie North" was kaput.

|R| Wisconsin Primary Returns |R|
Richard Nixon: 73%
Barry Goldwater: 13%
Nelson Rockefeller: 12%
Others/Invalid: 2%

|D| Wisconsin Primary Returns |D|
John F. Kennedy: 88%
George Wallace: 12%
Others/Invalid: <1%

  In the immediate aftermath of New Hampshire, the Goldwater team was ecstatic. Upon learning of their remarkable win, the senator's staff presented the candidate with one of his more illustrious proclamations. Senator Goldwater professed that this landmark victory for American liberty and morality would set a precedent in all state elections to come, and should he be successful in attaining the nomination, he would press on to defeat President Kennedy come autumn. In his post-primary speech, the candidate stated, "Our conservative movement has one basic tenant to which I subscribe - and to which my opponents wholeheartedly do not. Government governs best when it governs least." The Arizonan's campaign received a notable jump-start exiting New Hampshire, and, to the worry of the established moderate leadership within the Republican Party, his standing in national polling was elevated considerably.
  
  Governor Nixon, distraught, fired several top advisors on the morning of March 11th. He blamed John Mitchell for the Rockefeller campaign advertisement, lambasting the strategy of dividing the moderate vote. According to historian Chris Matthew, author of Kennedy & Nixon, "Nixon likely considered, in the fiery heat of that moment of loss, firing his entire staff-line. This was a game-changer and it meant reevaluation was imminent." Sensing betrayal in this devastating defeat in the first primary, Nixon opted to block Mitchell from any role of significance in the race. From this point in the election on, the Californian would set his sights first and foremost on Senator Goldwater. "The ruthlessness and the constant suspicion we now associate with Mr. Nixon," Matthew wrote,"stemmed, if not from his loss in 1960, from the March defeat in 1964."

  The assault commenced at once. From controvertible civil rights measures to the grand platitudes of conservative idealism represented by his opponent, Nixon relayed the concerns of the moderate majority into a media lightening storm. A sea of negative ads, as funded by the Nixon Campaign, aired nationally in future primary states, far outpacing anything Goldwater could muster. Nixon railed against Goldwater as an extremist who, if nominated, threatened to "bury the Republican Party." Simultaneously, while he too tossed negative advertising against Goldwater, Nelson Rockefeller was not so easily swayed with Nixon's change of pace, and therefore pursued his defeat far more seriously. With his disappointing third place finish in the New Hampshire race, the incumbent New York governor would be witness to an abrupt halt in major contributions. Senator Jacob K. Javits (R-NY) turned out to be one of very few incumbents in Washington who gave any thought to endorsing, let alone allying themselves with, Governor Rockefeller. Tepid endorsements rang in from state officials in New York as per obligation, however the bulk of moderates backed away from Rockefeller and sat decisively behind Nixon. As that spring reached its apex, the Republican nominating race narrowed.

|R| Illinois Primary Returns |R|
Barry Goldwater: 48.5%
Richard Nixon: 37%
Nelson Rockefeller: 7%
Margaret Chase Smith: 5%
Others/Invalid: 2.5%

|R| New Jersey Primary Returns |R|
Richard Nixon: 68%
Barry Goldwater: 25%
Nelson Rockefeller: 6%
Others/Invalid: 1%

|R| Massachusetts Primary Returns |R|
Richard Nixon: 70.5%
Nelson Rockefeller: 14%
Barry Goldwater: 10.5%
Others/Invalid: 5%

|R| Pennsylvania Primary Returns |R|
Richard Nixon: 59%
William Scranton (write-in): 20%
Barry Goldwater: 17%
Nelson Rockefeller: 2%
Margaret Chase Smith: 2%
Others/Invalid: <1%

[Pyro]

Governor Nelson Rockfeller Returning to New York, May 2nd, 1964

  President Kennedy solidified his soft-guarantee of receiving the Democratic nomination following Wisconsin. The discrediting of George Wallace's alleged rise seriously wounded the remaining credibility of his candidacy, and once more he became locked into regional support. Kennedy's campaign staff struck hard at the Wallace fiasco, pushing forth the notion that any candidate who speaks with such divisive language and gathers as many protesters as supporters is no man fit for high office. The governor was dealt back-to-back sweeping losses in Nebraska and West Virginia despite a favorable polling forecast: indicating a plausible, troublesome turnout issue. Wallace re-embarked on his opposition tour for the remaining primaries, however moving beyond May, the relevance of the Democratic contests dissipated. The obstinate Alabaman did not formally drop out from the race, instead standing determined to fight on through the August convention.

  On the Republican side, Governor Rockefeller ceased all active campaigning measures following his abysmal showings in Massachusetts and Pennsylvania. He privately conceded to his senior staff that the state election fare was a poor investment, and his only chance now rested with a divided convention. The farewell was bittersweet for the New Yorker who had far grander aspirations in mind. Rockefeller did not count on 1964 ending on a positive note for the Republicans and, as he later acknowledged, the bitter primary only poisoned chances for the eventual nominee to bring down the Democratic Giant. Disliking each of his opponents, the governor refused to endorse either Nixon or Goldwater. In order to appeal to the broader party electorate, he slyly stated his intention to wholeheartedly vote for "whomever our nominee shall be."

  Therefore, from the moment Rockefeller exited the ring, following primary bouts came down to brutal, head-to-head contests between Goldwater and Nixon. Senator Goldwater racked up his delegate count with clear-cut victories in Texas, Indiana and Nebraska. Nixon increased his delegate lead as he won out in Ohio, West Virginia and Oregon. Split results in Maryland and Florida muddled expectations for a far larger prize fast approaching on the horizon. These aforementioned primaries led to the culmination of the primary season with California. As its incumbent governor, one would believe Nixon to have the state all wrapped up, however Goldwater retained a monstrous line of supporters in the state and his chance to eek out a win did not seem too far out of the question.

  As it turned out, California thereby became a hotbed of activity that spring. For Goldwater, winning a plurality in the Golden State meant a realistic shot at the nomination and, far more significantly, it would indicate to the world just how unelectable a figure Nixon was. Governor Nixon depended on California - not for the sheer amount of delegates up for grab, but rather to preserve his legitimacy. Losing his home state could risk everything. The fate of Nixon's political future, as well as his political presented, rested squarely with this vote. The general population of his state viewed Governor Nixon favorably, 55%-45%, nonetheless registered Republican voters appeared on the brink with 46% in a Gallup poll "considering" choosing Goldwater in the primary. The two candidates, by this point just gearing up for a month of savage, negative campaigning, were served a sudden curve ball right from the start.

  Each side momentarily paused as the Oswald verdict rang in, with Nixon and Goldwater in agreement that the nation, indeed including themselves, required a breather to process the information. Endless trial proceedings brought about more questions than answers and left the nation wholly unsettled. The final outcome of the Oswald case produced demonstrations throughout Sacramento, Oakland and San Francisco, blocking state venues and halting traffic. Marchers across the country, outwardly resenting the results provided to them, demanded a re-trial and an investigation into the impartiality of the jury. When rumors spawned in mid-May regarding one of the jurors' purported antipathy toward President Johnson's civil rights law, the notion arose that the jury felt no obligation to find the assailant guilty. Taking into consideration confirmed reports that Oswald was now, essentially, kept in hiding, the public demanded justice.

President Kennedy Implores Restraint in Written Statement, Investigation at Federal Level Goes On Undeterred
Nixon Dismisses Oswald Question at Campaign Stop and Pivots to Tax Reform
The Sacramento Bee, May 10th, 1964

"This is a miscarriage of justice, plain and simple. I find no doubt that Mr. Oswald committed the abhorrent crime. As Mr. Bress bravely presented, Mr. Oswald is an outspoken Communist and a well-documented crazed Castro-appeaser. The motive is clear, as are the means, and swift action must follow, not calmness or restraint as the president has suggested. When the investigation confirms our suspicion that that sham of a trial was an absolute fraud, I will most certainly order a re-trial, if elected." *Protracted Applause*
KTLA Broadcast of Goldwater Response, Royce Hall, Los Angeles, May 17th, 1964

[Pyro]

Ronald Reagan Delivers Speech at Goldwater Event, Los Angeles, May 25th, 1964

  The stage was set and California, as a winner take-all state, clearly had the potential to make or break either player's candidacy. Governor Nixon adhered to his advisory team and, believing bringing up the subject would be a pointless endeavor, declined any opportunities to comment on the Oswald conundrum. His engrossed his talking points on prevalent campaign issues, including a proposed fiscal limitation plan to cut down on domestic spending. This tactic was an effective one in other major metropolitan areas and the governor set it as his 'winning' issue. Unlike Goldwater's radical measures, Nixon dealt a moderate hand: one theoretically approachable by a more widespread electorate.

  When the California governor refused to put forth any worthwhile comment on the assassination trial, Senator Goldwater found an opening. He pounced. "Injustice is injustice," he stated in Royce Hall on May 17th. Within this defining speech, the Arizonan became the first prominent public official to refer to the trial as a "sham" and make clear his intent to demand a retrial if elected. It pulled at the grassroots, and succeeded in expanding the senator's voting bloc beyond simply a third, or less, of the Republican voters. In an interview with the Independent-Press-Telegram, recent Goldwater supporter John Lerwick exclaimed, "This man is as a president ought to be. An independent who speaks with force in his voice. A real leader."

  Richard Nixon, in response, scrambled for the spotlight and retooled his effort in his home state. John Mitchell was promptly fired, as expected, and quietly replaced with Eisenhower's AG, Herbert Brownell, Jr. Having worked on several Republican presidential campaigns, Brownell supposedly understood exactly how to orchestrate the media's direction and, more significantly, direct the general point of attention. Nixon spoke at ten stacked venues in the span between May 20th and June. Each of these had immense press presence, simply overpowering the less grandiose Goldwater Campaign. One event of note, as planned by Governor Nixon and Brownell, had been a momentous joint-conference slash campaign rally in Sacramento. It featured Senator Thomas Kuchel and Senate candidate George Murphy alongside their endorser, Nixon. Compared to a microcosm of a Republican convention, the guest speakers spoke in a drum-roll sequence prior to the presidential candidate.

  The entire experience in Sacramento turned out disastrously for the campaign. Murphy mistakenly arrived at a similarly named venue in an adjacent part of the city, thereby pushing Kuchel ahead of him in speaking turn. This annoyed the incumbent senator who disliked the prospect of serving as an "opening act" to a man with no prior political expertise. Robert Finch later espoused, "Never will I forget the floor tiles in that auditorium. [Kuchel] had me pacing in the hallway as he fought against the staff's insistence that he go on. The most esteemed senator thought himself a hero for civil rights, and all be damned if he would appear ahead of George. I would never dare to imply that the honorable Senator Thomas Henry Kuchel could ever stoop so low as to have a childish tantrum two doors down from the next President of the United States, so let's leave it at that."

  Kuchel did, directly after thirty minutes of repetitious, stalling remarks from the Sacramento City Clerk, embark onto the podium to deliver his address. Explicitly absent were two paragraphs in the final section of the printed speech: one recognizing and endorsing George Murphy, and another building up Governor Nixon. Murphy arrived in time to hear this take place, and when he finally took to the microphone, intentionally flubbed a line regarding Kuchel. "The Republican minority in this Congress has been right at its post doing its greatest possible for the state of California and the city of Sacramento. We are most fortunate to have Senator Kuchel as our representative. I know, as you do, in my heart of hearts that he has done what is right for our state, as any good Democrat - oh, excuse me, Republican must do." This flew over the heads of the audience in the moment, but rest assured, Kuchel heard it loud and clear. Nixon sought to erase the drama of the evening with his prepared remarks, but it ultimately failed to top the newsworthy Kuchel-Murphy sparring that night.

  Four days following the Sacramento conference, on May 26th, mixed results coming in from Florida (a state neither candidate actively campaigned for) proved the ongoing inconclusive status of the race and new polling figures had Goldwater a mere three points behind Nixon. What followed, on May 27th, revamped Goldwater's chugging campaign and demonstrated the reality of the Republican schism in progress. Former president Dwight Eisenhower released a statement in relation to the Republican primaries. He was previously silent on the matter, yet perhaps due to incessant calls from the Nixon-ites, now felt it necessary to comment. "I cannot find fault in healthy competition. [...] Nixon has served this country well, as has Senator Goldwater. I personally believe that Goldwater is not an extremist as some people have made him, but in any event we're all Republicans."

  Robert Finch reflected, "I handed Ike's printed remark to Dick. He skimmed it for a moment, then looked at the ground and gravely asked, 'Bob, is our hotel space set for San Francisco?'"

|R| California Primary Returns |R|
Barry Goldwater: 51%
Richard Nixon: 49%
Others/Invalid: <1%

"This is a victory not for Barry Goldwater, but for the mainstream of Republican thinking"
CBS Broadcast of Goldwater Speech, June 2nd, 1964

[Pyro]

Festivities Underway at the Republican National Convention, July 1964

  The Cow Palace. Located just beyond the border of neighboring San Francisco, this Art Deco-styled Daly City arena readied itself for a tremendous influx of visitors, dignitaries and a who's-who in the right-leaning branch of American politics. The massive asphalt structure was once built with the purpose of enclosing livestock within its walls, yet twice in its history, during the summers of 1956 and 1964, housed the GOP its in quadrennial nominating ritual.

  The halls of the facility, as it were eight years prior, held a broad assortment of delegates and supporters of then-President Eisenhower. As is when approval rings high and economic tidings prove prosperous, the Republican Party stood solidly behind the incumbent leader in what had turned out to be more of a coronation than a nomination. An assemblage of wholly unified party goers voted in essential unanimity for the renomination of Ike in a rather joyous and celebratory affair that seemed to mimic the political era itself.

  When circling back to the Republican National Convention in 1964, the type of engagement as previously described summoned distant memories. Taking place in the aftermath of an excruciating primary season, division and strict factional-partisanship became the name of the game. The leading two candidates, Governor Richard Nixon and Senator Barry Goldwater, held respective camps of supporters in and throughout the convention audience. Neither had managed to clinch the nomination outright, with Goldwater's surprise win in California keeping the Arizonan afloat. Each candidate's hopes relied solely upon his final delegate count.

  A Universal Newsreel documented the brokered convention as the events unfolded. Summarizing the opening ceremonies of July 13th, an announcer reflects, "Two men have arrived this morning in San Francisco to a magnificent welcome. Governor Nixon and his entourage entered with the impression of a slight advantage, although it was Senator Goldwater who was met with an undoubtedly higher degree of enthusiasm. Both appear to emit confidence with the future uncertain. Former President Dwight Eisenhower arrives by train to the convention still mum on his choice."

  The ceremonies opened with rather generic short speeches from varying party officials and delegates before delving right into the platform debate. President Eisenhower delivered his thoughts to the convention attendees and its television viewers preceding the vote, stating that the nation deserved straight and honest words from its elected officials. He went on to criticize the enlarged federal government in its present state and emphasized strengthening efforts on a local scale, a view commonplace in the party. The former president, in a particular moment of note, then advised the convention watch its step when treading into the murky waters of extremism. However, he ultimately refused to present an endorsement of either candidate when speculation indicated otherwise.

  The Goldwater camp, sensing Ike's wavering and their opportunity approaching, began to publicly maneuver itself through an explosion of energy and enthusiasm in the platform disputes. This moment was highlighted in Robert Fischer's National Conservatism in the 1960s. An interviewee in the documentary film, Representative Donald G. Brotzman (R-CO), explained, "Us, the conservatives in the Republican Party, came to a certain realization. In our task to best represent the will of the people, we had grown to the point that the Eastern Establishment quaked in their boots. The party reached a crossroads, and at long last, had the chance to redefine itself."

  Brotzman and others serving in the Goldwater camp rallied hard against moderate amendments to the platform that year and managed to shout down one which specifically condemned the Ku Klux Klan, the John Birch Society, and the Communist Party. The liberal-moderate faction of the GOP, unprepared to bring about a counterattack, failed in challenging the tenacity of the party's hard-Right contingent. Although the Goldwater delegates versus those in favor of Nixon split about evenly, those which remained unaffiliated and unbound insinuated collaboration with the conservatives. According to Robert Finch, "As we observed Senator Scott's civil rights amendment fail before our eyes, I saw the Goldwater's acceptance speech play out in my mind."

  In the aftermath of the California primary, Herbert Brownell, the Nixon adviser stained with the disaster in Sacramento, blinked with a sense of déjà vu. To the luck of the Nixon Campaign, the Republican operative once conquered a scenario closely resembling his present circumstances. As Chair of the Republican National Committee, and subsequently in working for the Thomas Dewey Campaign in 1948, Brownell gained insight into the muck of politicking, later putting this to good use in the staving off of Robert A. Taft from the nomination that same year. To him, Goldwater was Bob Taft reincarnate, and could thereby be taken down in an identical fashion.

  Brownell worked tirelessly for weeks on end collecting data on every single uncommitted delegate. He memorized their family members by name, their secrets, and understood exactly what it took to entice them to vote Nixon. As cited in his memoir, "Loyalty cannot always be bought, but it can most certainly be bargained for." The presidential balloting began on the third and final day of the Republican convention. This, the climax of the ideology war, held the fate of the GOP in its arms. Brownell unleashed the team's blitzkrieg and, frankly, the Goldwater camp found itself blown apart. Every last uncalled delegate voted for Richard Nixon. Goldwater sat, mouth slightly agape, in stunned disbelief.

REPUBLICAN BALLOT: PRES		1st Call Before Shifts		1st Call After Shifts		1,308 DELEGATES
Richard Nixon		813		1014
Barry Goldwater		437		290
Nelson Rockefeller		49		2
Margaret Chase Smith		5		1
William Scranton		2		0
Others/Blank		2		1

"Before this convention, we were Moderate Republicans, Conservative Republicans, Liberal Republicans, but now that this convention has met and made its decision, we are Republicans, period. [...] Four years ago, I had the highest honor of accepting your nomination for President of the United States. Tonight, I again proudly accept that nomination for President of the United States. But I have news for you. This time there is a difference. This time we are going to win!"
Excerpt from 1964 Republican Nominee Richard M. Nixon's Acceptance Speech, July 16th, 1964

[Pyro]

It has come back from the dead.

You bet!

[Pyro]

Republican Party Nominee Richard Nixon Delivers Acceptance Speech, July 16th, 1964

  Within the concrete walls of the auditorium stood a mass conglomeration of Republican enthusiasts readied for a much-speculated contested convention and a ideological brawl. Certainly evident in the halls of the convention, however, had been the ferocity of an establishment faction unwilling to loosen its reigns in the face of disunity. In the very first roll call a majority of delegates rebuked the perceived rise of Goldwater, thereby preventing what may have been an insurgent makeover of the Republican Party.

  A hush fell over the once-ecstatic Goldwater supporters as Nixon was named the party's official presidential nominee. Most begrudgingly offered tempered applause with the realization of their defeat, although others leaned back and scowled. The hardheaded Arizonan himself would tepidly endorse his challenger shortly after the delegates made their call, however, as per his movement of conservative hardliners, describing the mood as bleak would serve as a criminal understatement.

  Those championing the campaign of the California governor rallied a "We Want Nixon" chant as the candidate prepared for his latest acceptance proclamation. All smiles, the candidate skipped to the podium and delivered an address he hoped could stand to unify a disjointed gathering. "Our understanding in writing the speech was this," later stated Herbert Brownell. "In the spirit of pressing on, Barry's Boys would realize the fallacy in upholding unobtainable purist dogma and open themselves up to our side. We are, essentially, sides of the same coin. All of us, Republicans, I mean, we're all after an efficient government. But, you see, the American system requires an element of compromise to get there."

  In the monumental acceptance speech, Richard Nixon stressed the need for unification among all Republicans, regardless of issues and labels, and as indicated above by Brownell, the overarching theme of an ameliorated method of governance was pervasive throughout. Learning from past experiences in floundered above-the-fray campaigning and in the art of messaging, the governor assailed specific Johnson-era programs and questioned the foreign policy judgement of President Kennedy. "For all of its lauded successes," proclaimed Nixon, "this administration has failed ten-fold."

  The nominee then presented his take on economic assistance programs in one of the more generous nods to the conservative sect. "We must make welfare payments a temporary expedient, not a permanent way of life. Something to be escaped from, not to. Our aim should be to restore dignity of life, not to destroy dignity, and the way welfare programs are too often administered today, their effect is to destroy it. They create a permanent caste of the dependent, a colony within a nation." The conservative faction, warmed by this tilt to Nixon's acceptance speech, now applauded in the same degree as the party moderates.

  "Let's grow up, Republicans. Let's go to work, and we shall win in November!" The nominee wrapped up in a triumphant fashion, as if he were fated to be this election's victor. In this concluding line that brought the entire delegation to its feet, including Senator Goldwater, Richard Nixon quoted his own rival in a distinct show of good faith. The attendees, drained from a fierce primary season and a bitter convention, appeared rejuvenated before a nationally televised audience.

  "The applause lasted for eternity," remarked Samuel Forrest, serving as a Kennedy Communications Aide. "Those veterans among us, myself included, believed we knew this individual well, but this was not the same man Johnson defeated." Bolstered with the knowledge of Nixon's weaknesses in 1960 and, presumably, confident in loyalty of the American voters, the Kennedy team ought not to have been worried at the sight of this convention. Viewing the acceptance speech in its entirety alongside subsequent viewership numbers far exceeding GOP expectations, an awareness set in like a bolt of lightening. "We could lose this one."

A Refreshed Republican Party: Nixon Speech Met with Positive Response
Senator Prescott Bush Selected as Vice President
The Washington Post, July 17th, 1964

Race-Infused Harlem Riots Enter Day Four
New York Journal-American, July 20th, 1964