A Second Chance - CONCLUSION

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

May 1st, 1981
...As midnight passes, the nation enters another day. In the hospital where President Reagan is currently under-going a risky but potentially life-saving operation, it doesn't matter whether it's April or May, the President's life is the number one priority. A doctor hears the fatal beeping sound from the heart monitor and sees the line go flat.
    Doctor: sh**t!
Other doctors, along with nurses, rush into the room. Where the first doctor sits pumping the President's chest, a defibrillator is placed.
    Doctor: Don't let him die on us!
The doctors and nurses continue trying to bring back their quickly dying President, but to no avail.
    Doctor 2: Oh God, oh God, oh God, oh God.
    Doctor 3: That's it. Dammit! He's dead!
    Doctor:  Christ...

"Awake, in the Oval Office, with most of the lights dimmed, sipping my coffee to keep me awake, it was practically Hell. Chief Justice Byron White had been given a room for the night. We were all hoping that he would be able to leave tomorrow, his visit here being un-necessary. Hatfield wasn't in a good mood. Sitting in a chair in the corner, his arms clasped together, still silently praying, none of us bothered to disturb the man. Meese had taken up residence on top of the Resolute desk, his head bobbing downward towards sleep while his hands rested on the silent phones. I kept blinking rapidly to try to stay awake. John Eisenhower had gone home for the night. Pat Buchanan had fallen asleep upright on the sofa. First Lady Nancy Reagan was at the hospital along with the children. We had sent Bill Clark down there. Just as I was beginning to nod off, the loud ringing of the phone shook the entire room. The lights flashed on and the formerly sleeping Edwin Meese grabbed at the phone, finally picking it up off its cradle and putting it to his ear. Upside down of course."

-Courage and Consequence, Karl Rove, ©2009

    Meese: Hello?
Meese turns the phone rightside up.
    Meese: Uh yes, hello?
The room goes silent as everyone leans in to hear the answer.
    Meese:...Oh God, oh God, oh God. Are they sure?
Meese looks up towards the ceiling, and past it, towards heaven.
    Meese: Are they, are they, I mean, are they really really sure? This isn't a hoax or something? ...No? Well, alright then. I- I'll- (Meese whipes a tear from his face) I'll inform Hatfield.
    Rove: What happened?
    Meese: Reagan's dead.
    Buchanan: What? You're not serious!
    Meese: Do you think I would ever joke about this? Our boss is dead, damn it!
    [adviser William J.] Casey: We'd better get Byron White in here this instant!
    Secretary: I'll go wake him!
Vice-President Hatfield, though officially President upon Reagan's death, gets up from his chair, with one last look towards heaven, and prepares to take the Oath of Office.
    Hatfield: **Sigh** Reagan is beyond our prayers now. Let's hope he's in the right place.
    Casey: Amen to that.
    Buchanan: I- I suppose you're the President now.
    Hatfield: According to the constitution, yes. However, I'll prefer to take the Oath of Office and make it official.
As Hatfield is talking, Chief Justice Byron White emerges from the hallway with the Holy Bible to swear in President Hatfield.
    White: Place your left hand on the Bible and repeat after me. "I, Mark Odom Hatfield"
    Hatfield: I, Mark Odom Hatfield...
    White: "Do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States"
    Hatfield: ...Do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States...
    White: "and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States"
    Hatfield: ...and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. So help me God.
    White: I'm sorry that it had to happen like this, Mr. President.
    Hatfield: As am I.

41. Mark O. Hatfield (Republican-Oregon) May 1st, 1981-?

[Niemeyerite]

President Hatfield

I'm not upset because of the Reagan death because this is not real, obviously...

[MASHED POTATOES. VOTE!]

Hatfield was one of those handful Republicans I'd like to see in the Oval.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

"Following his inauguration, it would be up to Hatfield, now the President, to formally address the nation as to Reagan's death. With many of the staff in tears or close to it, the President viewed it his duty, not just for the country, but for those of us in that office, to address the country over the death of a man we were obviously dedicated to."

-Courage and Consequence, Karl Rove, ©2009

May 1st, 1981

Hatfield sits down at the Resolute Desk, speech printed, lying on his desk. He gives it one furtive last look over, and proceeds to stare intently at the camera.
    Crew Member: In Five, Four Three...
    Voice: Ladies and Gentlemen, the President of the United States.
    Hatfield: My fellow Americans, I am here, speaking to you today, through the workings of tragedy. Earlier today, just past midnight, President Ronald Wilson Reagan died while undergoing a risky operation to save his life. He had been shot yesterday afternoon by John Hinckley Jr. who is now in Washington D.C. Police custody. While undergoing the operation, it appears that a bullet was driven further into his body, hitting a crucial area in his lungs. I can say no more at this time. Be assured that though your President may be dead, he will not be forgotten. Be assured that this nation will not weaken, will not falter, and will not fail because of the actions of a depraved, attention seeking madman. However, hope will not make up for the loss of such a man. Dedicated to public service and dedicated to his beliefs, dedicated to his God and dedicated to what he viewed as Christian ideals, and most of all, dedicated to the American people and their hopes, dreams, and wishes, he shall remain a titan of American politics long after his death. In my first act as President, I am declaring today and tomorrow a day of national mourning. It has been the first time in thirty-five years that America has had to endure the loss of a President. We needn't act like it is an everyday occurrence. Thank you.

The camera shuts off and the President is handed a glass of water. A young man, named Karl Rove, a member of Reagan's staff, walks over.
    Rove: Great speech Mr. Vi- I mean Mr. President.
    Hatfield: That's perfectly okay. Thank you. Now, Karl, you and the other members of the staff have been here since yesterday, right?
    Rove: Of course.
    Hatfield: Eh, well you and the rest had better take the day off. You've been here long enough and it's time you and the rest got back to your family.
    Rove: I- I guess I'll inform the rest.
    Hatfield: Very good. While it's too soon, and I know it is, inform Meese that, a, eh, transition will have to take place. I'd like to be shown around here within the next few weeks so I can formerly move in.
    Rove: Well of course.
Rove scurries off and Hatfield is left, once again, to ponder the situation. While he did not agree with Reagan's foreign policy. That had to be their biggest area of contention, he didn't agree with some of Reagan's domestic policies, though they could often be in agreement. He would be left to balance the memory of Reagan and his own policies until at least 1982. And there is the situation of the cabinet. Calling his own personal secretary, the same secretary who handed him the phone only the day before that would inform him of Reagan's shooting, he tells her.
    Hatfield: Mary, I'd like the main members of the cabinet informed that I'd like a meeting with them in the Oval Office on the fourth.
    Secretary: Of course Mr. Hatfi-, Mr. President.
Hatfield sighs. It'll be a while before he or anyone else will get used to the name.

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Former President Nixon finishing his speech on Ronald Reagan

May 6th, 1981
Do you Approve of President Hatifled's performance in office so far?
Yes: 81%
No: 8%
Unsure: 11%

Ronald Wilson Reagan

Date of Birth: February 6th, 1911
Date of Death: May 1st, 1981
Spouses: Jane Wyman (1940-1948), Nancy Davis (1952-1981)
Children: Maurine, Christine, Patti, Michael, Ron
Religion: Disciples of Christ, later Presbyterian
Nationality: American
Profession: Actor
Career:
-9th President of the Screen Actors' Guild: 1947-1952
-13th President of the Screen Actors' Guild: 1959-1960
-15th United States Secretary of Commerce: January 20th, 1961-October 12th, 1963
-United States Senator from California: January 1st, 1965-January 2nd, 1977
-36th Governor of California: January 8th, 1979-January 4th, 1981
-40th President of the United States of America: January 20th, 1981-May 1st, 1981

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Don't worry, this won't be some "praise Reagan" fest. It's merely what's going to be happening following a President's death. At a funeral, they don't talk about your faults unless it's in a joking and harmless way. They don't try to use it as a platform to call you out on things you did wrong or that the speaker disagreed with. They're going to be recalling funny anecdotes, personal stories, and in the case of a politician, the cause he or even she represented and his or her faith in that, and so on.

[GLPman]

Excited for the next update

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

“Following the funeral, it was clear the nation wanted some grand gesture in honor of their fallen President. To this day I wonder how Reagan’s memory would have fared had he been in charge all those years. I myself was forced into long spells of thought as I wondered how exactly to balance the image his admirers had, and what I knew I as President felt I had to do, at the risk of my own conscience. At my first cabinet meeting the day prior to the funeral, I found myself sitting uneasily with Secretary of State Bill Buckley on my left and Secretary of Defense John Warner the second on my right. Breaking the silence of the first few moments of the meeting, I said, “Now, we have all lost, only days ago, not just a President of the United States, but as well, for many of you, a friend and colleague. And as many of you who knew Ronald Reagan, I’m sure as many of you know the differences between he and I on key policy points. Mainly, issues of foreign policy.” At that point, Buckley who I believe had been staring rather interestedly at a ceiling tile, turned toward me. At the same time, John Warner leaned forward so as to get a clear view of what I was saying. “Foreign policy will be handled carefully. I have, in the last few days since the first of May been briefed on CIA actions in Afghanistan. For the most part, they shall continue. The human rights abuses being committed by the Soviet Union in that nation are intolerable for any human to stomach. However, I plan on meeting with the Soviet leadership within the next few months in order to chart a course for calmer relations than the last four years have shown. No, I shall not cede ground to them or give them a larger foothold for them to spread their empire. However, nor shall I attempt to escalate the Cold War to even newer levels of danger.” At that point, Buckley chose to speak up, “Mr. President, how then, do you propose we deal with the fact their very society is geared towards continuing their 1917 revolution? Marxism obligates a continued equalization of the world’s wealth, and a continued supposed revolution for the Proletariat?” “In my opinion, it is that thinking which has led both of us to continually increase our nuclear arsenals over the past thirty-five years. Meanwhile, on their side, they are proclaiming their own propaganda about us. If we can get past that, then I believe it will be better for both of our nations.” “I would love to continue discussing this Mr. President, however, that is not what this meeting is about. Please continue.” That was to be only a brief and calm preview of the next seven months before Buckley would leave the cabinet.

With a summit scheduled for August, my main priority was to preside over the struggling economy. The recovery was slow, but it was a recovery. As well, a long, arduous investigation into waste and fraud in government resources was undertaken that would yield a result two years later. With unemployment numbers seeming to decrease by only a fraction of a point every month, my honeymoon period soon ended. However, with the August summit upon us, I looked forward to making a major step forward in foreign policy. Over the past twenty years since 1961, the Soviets had encountered varying styles of leadership in the White House. Nixon was crafty, though sometimes too crafty for his own good. Jack Kennedy as well publicly took the hard-line but was willing to operate behind the scenes for the good of the globe. Perhaps the most conciliatory years were, strangely enough, the Agnew-Bush era, that welcomed diplomatic relations with China and SALT I. However, at the same time, tensions flared in the Middle East. RFK, though committed to human rights, had a very end-justifies-the-means orientation, meaning he was willing to side with one human rights abuser to battle a larger human rights abuser. Though publicly attempting to cultivate the image of an international battler for basic human liberties, regardless of what side you were on in the Cold War, he was perhaps the most devoted Cold Warrior of them all. It was at the summit, held in Berlin, that I would attempt to ease the tensions of the “Second Kennedy Era”.

-Against the Grain, Mark Hatfield, ©2000

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[Jerseyrules]

Great timeline Cathcon.  Next time don't kill Reagan >

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

"Only we seeks following my inauguration, the issue of who the new Vice-President would be, predictably, sprang up. Insiders were tossing around "tried and tested" names like former Vice-President George Bush who was then Ambassador to the U.N., or former Vice-President Gerald R. Ford who was by then serving as Secretary of Health and Human Services. As well, always looking to prop up a political dynasty, it was suggested to me by one person that National Security Adviser John Eisenhower. The media, on the other hand, was throwing around the names of party rising stars or history making picks. Names like Elizabeth Dole, Ron Paul, and Edward Brooke wafted across the airwaves. I personally didn't want to appoint a person who m ight not be ready for the job, or someone who had spent far too much time in politics. As well, there was the faction suggesting that a "natural heir" to Reagan be appointed, meaning either Senator Barry Goldwater Jr. or Governor Pete Wilson, both of California. I knew Barry had no intention of leaving the Senate, and Wilson had only been at his job as Governor for a few months. At last, a short list formed. There were some names from the list of "elder statesmen", but by and far, it was my own list.

• Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona
• Senator James L. Buckley of New York
• Senator William V. Roth of Delaware
• Senator Paul Lalxalt of Nevada
• Governor James R. Thompson of Illinois
• Governor Pete duPont of Delaware
• Congressman Donald Rumsfeld of Illinois
• Congressman Pete McCloskey of California
• Congressman Jack Kemp of New York

Though hardly a short list, it was a list of people I felt were qualified to assume the office of the Vice-Presidency, and the Presidency if God forbid it be needed. My staff and I; with Edwin Meese being replaced by Tom McCall, my successor as Governor of Oregon and a man I could trust as the "Gate Keeper" to the Presidency; firing names back and forth, looking over data and the candidates, and making late night calls to potential Vice-Presidents, Many of the Senators seemed keen on the idea, but were intent on continuing their work in the Senate. With a careful Republican Majority, we were nervous about taking even one person out of the chamber. However, in discussions with a few leaders of the Conservative end of the party, we had finally decided on our pick. After a long and roundabout call to him, he relented and accepted. However, he told me that he had no intention of running in 1984, and that was fine with me.

-Against the Grain, Mark Hatfield, ©2000

July 11th, 1981

Hatfield Chooses Goldwater for Veep!

Earlier today at a press conference, President Mark Hatfield announced that Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona is his nominee for Vice-President of the United States. Though an unexpected choice, the idea that his political veteran could serve ably as Vice-President is no surprise. Goldwater has been in politics since the 1940's and was elected to the Senate in 1952. With over twenty-four years of experience in the nation's highest legislative body as well as experience in the military and as Secretary of Defense under Presidents Agnew and Bush, Goldwater is an experienced pick for the job of Vice-President and one that is no stranger to the political scene, having run for the Republican nomination twice.

Senator Goldwater with the late President Reagan earlier this year

However, Goldwater and Hatfield do not have the best political pasts. A supporter of Nixon in 1964, and a supporter and eventual running-mate of George Romney four years later, Hatfield has found himself in opposition to Goldwater a number of times. Commenting in 1967 on William Buckley's Firing Line (ironically, Bucklely is now Hatfield's Secretary of State) that it was his opinion that the nomination of Goldwater would be a "grave mistake" due to Hatfield's belief that Goldwater's ideas and presentation of ideas were vastly out of line with those of America in general at the time. In 1972, Hatfield, supported by Romney, ran in opposition to Reagan, supported by Goldwater, for the nomination. Both, however, would lose to Agnew as we all know. Four years later, Hatfield, running once again as a peace candidate, ran in opposition to the moderate incumbent George Bush and the COnservative challenger Meldrim Thompson Jr.

Despite this, it seems political tensions have vastly cooled in the over two months since President Reagan's death, and with that, it is as good a time as any to unite the party politically behind two of its most experienced and iconic figures. Goldwater, the unorthodox Conservative voice of the South West, and Hatfield, the unorthodox Liberal voice of the Upper West. However, such an appointment has reportedly worried Republicans in the Mid-West, South, and North-East who see the power of the Republican Party shifting vastly away from states it needs in order to win elections. To quote Republican Congressman John Anderson, a politician from Illinois, "If you divide up the American map between the West and the East, the Democrats get three hundred and seventy-two electoral votes. In contrast, Republicans receive a pidling one hundred and sixty-six electoral votes. The Republicans need the East and I hope they realize this before it's too late." While this could pose a problem, Goldwater has already pledged that if confirmed, he shall serve only the remaineder of the term. Come 1984, Hatfield shall likely choose a more voter friendly candidate for Vice-President, likely from the East.

July 13th, 1981
Do you approve of President Hatfield's performance in office so far?
Yes-51%
No-44%
Not Sure-5%

What is your opinion of President Hatfield's choice of Barry Goldwater as Vice-President?
Good-43%
Bad-39%
Not Sure-12%

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[FEMA Camp Administrator]

List of Presidents of the United States
34. Dwight D. Eisenhower (R-NY) January 20th, 1953-January 20th, 1961)
35. Richard M. Nixon (R-CA) January 20th, 1961-January 20th, 1965
36. John F. Kennedy (D-CA). January 20th, 1965-January 20th, 1973
37. Spiro T. Agnew (R-MD) January 20th, 1973-June 19th, 1974
38. George H. W. Bush (R-TX) June 19th, 1974-January20th, 1977
39. Robert F. Kennedy (D-MA) January 20th, 1977-January 20th, 1981
40. Ronald W. Reagan (R-CA) January 20th, 1981-May 1st, 1981
41. Mark O. Hatfield (R-OR) May 1st, 1981-?

List of Vice-Presidents of the United States
36. Richard M. Nixon (R-CA) January 20th, 1953-January 20th, 1961
37. Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. (R-MA) January 20th, 1961-January 20th, 1965
38. Terry Sanford (D-NC) January 20th, 1965-January 20th, 1973
39. George H. W. Bush (R-TX) January 20th, 1973-June 19th, 1974
Vacant: June 19th, 1974-July 3rd, 1974
40. Gerald R. Ford (R-MI) July 3rd, 1974-January 20th, 1977
41. George McGovern (D-SD) January 20th, 1977-January 20th, 1981
42. Mark O. Hatfield (R-OR) January 20th, 1981-May 1st, 1981
Vacant: May 1st, 1981-July 19th, 1981
43. Barry M. Goldwater (R-AZ) July 19th, 1981-?

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

"Stepping on board Air Force One, I was to embark on my first summit with the Soviet Union. The first of many, as it would prove, the my only one with Brezhnev. Leonid Brezhnev was a dedicated man as I was to learn. Dedicated to the principles of the expansion of communism, something I, as President, was, according to public opinion, supposed to stop. The ride over on Air Force One was a long one. Bringing with me what critics referred to as an "entourage" of members of my cabinet and staff, the plane was packed. Secretary of State Bill Buckley, Secretary of Defense John Warner, National Security Adviser John Eisenhower, Special Adviser to the President Pat Buchanan, and many others. Politically speaking, I was not among allies. The vast majority of those on board, apart from my staff, were of the Reagan wing, a wing I felt quite a lot of pressure to keep on, at least for the time being. Buckley, Warner, Buchanan, were all for the most part hawks and anti-communists. The only one I could expect any amount of sympathy from was John Eisenhower, who personally favored a more careful and delicate foreign policy, though certainly not a nuclear freeze. It would be a priority in later years to buck the politics of the situation and to appoint people I felt I could agree with and work with effectively.

Through the most of the night, I was still awake. Sitting silently with a small reading light on, looking over files on Brezhnev, as well as closely detailed CIA reports on Soviet culture, Soviet tradition, their military, stockpiles and so on and so forth, as well as reports on our own military with instructions as to what I should reveal and what should be left unknown by the bear-like Soviet General Secretary. Hearing something, I looked up, seeing Buchanan stir and sit upright. Though nowhere near my ideological partner, he was one of the few of us who had accompanied the President on summits with the Soviet Union, having worked in both the Agnew and Bush White Houses and having accompanied President Bush on his visit to China as well as S.A.L.T. negotiations. Apart from John Eisenhower, he was probably the only man who knew what to expect, despite the comparable experience of people like Buckley and Warner.  Walking over to him and crouching down, I whispered, "What can we expect when we get there?" Buchanan, still sleepy and not in his best mood, answered back They love to show how great they are and sh**t like that. Berlin's status as a sort of neutral territory began in the sixties with Nixon's negotiations with Kruschev. However, they're still going to attempt to portray the city as an example of the greatness of Marxism. once you get inside where we'll be negotiating, you'll see Brezhnev's end of the table. Filled with generals and crap like that." "Thanks." "Oh, and one other thing." "What?" "Don't let them get the better of you." I sat back down and went back to my reading. I was going there as a peacemaker, but I had no intention of them getting the better of me."

-Against the Grain, Mark Hatfield, ©2000

"Berlin was a city of historical significance, and of great symbolism for the American-Soviet negotiations. In 1961, President Nixon had successfully negotiated to keep Berlin as basically a "neutral state" between East and West Germany, successfully dodging Soviet threats that they would permanently, physically, separate the two Germanys. "What are they going to do, build a wall?" Nixon had scoffed. Arriving there, Hatfield hoped he too could forge something of historical significance. Though it would hardly be possible in his first meeting with General Secretary Brezhnev, Hatfield wanted to begin dialogue for an eventual nuclear freeze. The last great reduction in nuclear weaponry had occurred in 1975 with President Bush signing the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty. Estimates from inside the military and intelligence establishments had made it a widely accepted fact among the anti-communist crowds that the Soviet Union had repeatedly violated SALT. Meanwhile, with the United States obeying the treaty, American nuclear stockpiles were trending downward. While the Soviets had not yet surpassed America in amount of warheads, they had in nuclear armed submarines, and graphs were repeatedly showing a trend that within the next three years, the Soviet Union would be the dominant military superpower on the planet, even if they weren't the dominant economic power. Therefore, foreign policy hawks on both sides were apprehensive as Hatfield, a known dove, approached the Soviet Union, likely with a request for comprehensive stockpile downgrading and depletion in hand. Meanwhile, the White House, with the economic recovery occurring slowly, knew that they needed something good to come home with, even if only a photo-op, to buoy Hatfield's approvals until the recovery bore fruit."

-Republicans in Revolution, Bob Woodward, ©2007

August 3rd, 1981
Walking into Chancellery, the vast government building where negotiations shall be taking place, Hatfield and his men march forward, led by a guide. Entering the hall where they shall be negotiating. Staring down the end of a long table is General Secretary of the Communist Party.
    Hatfield: Hello Mr. Brezhnev.
    Translator: Здравствуйте, мистер Брежнев
    Brezhnev: Ха! И вам того же г-н Хетфилд!
    Translator: And the same to you Mr. Hatfield.
The leaders of the two most powerful nations shake hands and sit down to begin discussion.

[Jerseyrules]

Oh crap....  What's Barry Jr. Doing?  Is James Buckley still senator?  Oh and is Al D'Amato senator?

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Oh crap....  What's Barry Jr. Doing?  Is James Buckley still senator?  Oh and is Al D'Amato senator?

-Barry Goldwater Jr. served as representative from California (1969-1977), and was elected to Reagan's Senate seat when Reagan declined re-election to run for Vice-President.
-James L. Buckley was re-elected narrowly over Congresswoman Bella Abzug in 1976. He is endorsed by the Republican party, but is officially the only member of the Conservative Party in the Senate.
-Jacob Javits was defeated for re-election in 1974. Failing to win re-nomination in 1980, he ran as the candidate of the Liberal Party. With left-wing independent voter turnout at one of its highest points ever, and with liberal Republicans supporting him over the Republican and Democratic nominees, Javits was elected to the Senate. Of note is the fact that New York is represented by a Conservative Senator and a Liberal Senator. In all, New York has a better record of electing members of the Conservative and Liberal parties, with Liberal Mario Cuomo being elected Mayor of New York in 1977.

[Pingvin]

Ask me, If you need help with Russian

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Ask me, If you need help with Russian

Thanks. This Russian is from google translate. Do they actually have exclamation points & question marks in Russian? It seems odd.

[Jerseyrules]

Oh crap....  What's Barry Jr. Doing?  Is James Buckley still senator?  Oh and is Al D'Amato senator?

-Barry Goldwater Jr. served as representative from California (1969-1977), and was elected to Reagan's Senate seat when Reagan declined re-election to run for Vice-President.
-James L. Buckley was re-elected narrowly over Congresswoman Bella Abzug in 1976. He is endorsed by the Republican party, but is officially the only member of the Conservative Party in the Senate.
-Jacob Javits was defeated for re-election in 1974. Failing to win re-nomination in 1980, he ran as the candidate of the Liberal Party. With left-wing independent voter turnout at one of its highest points ever, and with liberal Republicans supporting him over the Republican and Democratic nominees, Javits was elected to the Senate. Of note is the fact that New York is represented by a Conservative Senator and a Liberal Senator. In all, New York has a better record of electing members of the Conservative and Liberal parties, with Liberal Mario Cuomo being elected Mayor of New York in 1977.

Oh good.  Is it possible to see governor Ed Koch and/or mayor Bill Buckley soon?

[Pingvin]

Ask me, If you need help with Russian

Thanks. This Russian is from google translate. Do they actually have exclamation points & question marks in Russian? It seems odd.

Sure, we have them!
Конечно же, они у нас есть!

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Oh good.  Is it possible to see governor Ed Koch and/or mayor Bill Buckley soon?

Unlikely. Buckley will stay at State for a while before resigning due to basic differences between him and Hatfield. Governor Daniel Patrick Moynihan is popular and will likely win a third term in 1982.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

"Stepping outside on a break from the first day of talks, I knew it wouldn't be easy. Handed a glass of water by a Secretar Service member, I took a sip, placing the glass on the balcony as Bill Buckley stepped outside, only a minute behind me. "What do you think?" I asked, half-knowing the answer that'd be coming back at me. "They're Soviets. As simple as that. Kruschev said 'We'll bury you', he mocked our system, he had no intention of letting the lazy Capitalist America getting the better of him. Same here with Brezhnev. If you're going to attempt to accomodate them, and you know my thoughts on that, you have to convince them that the years of the Kennedys are over. J.F.K. crushed them in South-East Asia. I'm guessing that they know about Bobby and Afghanistan. Show them the America you want them to see." Buckley was just being uplifting. He was relishing my encounter with the tough, rugged Soviet Bear that Ronald Reagan had been intent on confronting head on. I was quickly gaining the perception that this was not the regime to be negotiating with. I would comment days later to John Eisenhower "Yes, yes I do believe the Soviets can be negotiated with. Just not this Soviet." Brezhnev was a hard-line Soviet who had successfully advanced the Soviet agenda in spite of defeats in South-East Asia and opposition in the Middle East. A pacifist at heart, it was a difficult decision for me to try to take a harder stance against Brezhnev. But as would be seen later in my Presidency, being cordially resistant to Brezhnev would pay off.

-Against the Grain, Mark Hatfield, ©2000

August 10th, 1981
President Hatfield, flanked by the Secret Service and followed by his foreign policy "entourage" strides towards Air Force One, waiting to take him home.
    Hatfield: Say goodbye to Berlin, folks!
A few token, unenthusiastic waves are given, but not much more. Ascending the stairs right in front of National Security Adviser John Eisenhower, Hatfield turns to him once both are at the top.
    Hatfield: Watch us receive a good bashing in the press when we get home.
    Eisenhower: What makes you say that?
    Hatfield: The reporters that were there, the same press corps in the front of the plane, know that everything we did there was completely useless.
    Eisenhower: Don't be so hard on yourself. Your first meeting with Leo. How much time do you think it took for Bush to bang out SALT?
    Hatfield: I just don't get the feeling we'll accomplish anything with Brezhnev in charge, and I'm telling you the press knows it.

August 11th, 1981

Hatfield Returns

Returning from his first meeting with Soviet Premier Leonid Brezhnev, President Hatfield has stated that America may be seeing a cooling in the Cold War. In what some have termed as an "historic" summit, the President participated in a week of talks with the Soviet leader, on topics relating from agriculture, to trade, to the Middle East, and to the obvious elephant in the room, American and Soviet nuclear arsenals. Stepping off the plane, the President stated "Yes, the subject of the nuclear problem came up quite a lot, and we both agreed that further talks should be made to resolve the problem." Many in the foreign policy community are claiming that the issue of nuclear weponry could be resolved within the decade. Congressman Pete McCloskey (R-CA), a member of the House Foreign Relations Committee, has said to reporters "We should look for more talks like this in the future to eventually resolving the Cold War and in all likelihood looking for a nuclear freeze, maybe even before the 1984 election." Such plans are ambitious but with the right attitude, they could very well prove successful. National Security Adviser John Eisenhower as well believes that negotiations will be the key to a more successful and realistic American foreign policy.

President Hatfield has a history of choosing peace over war, and negotiation over conflict. An opponent of the Vietnam War even as it ended in 1971, an opponent of the Palestinian War, and a supporter of SALT, Hatfield has been known as a "Peace Republican". An early supporter of a nuclear freeze, alongside people such as then-Senator George McGovern, Hatfield has made it clear he is a man who desires peace and he will likely prove a President who desires peace. After two war-torn decades, this type of President is the type America could use at the helm and the type America would support. Should his attempts at a nuclear freeze prove successful, he could be placed historically alongside modern giants such as John F. Kennedy as one of the greatest Presidents of the era.

August 5th, 1981
Do you approve of President Hatfield's performance in office so far?
Yes-54%
No-42%
Unsure-4%

How do you feel about President Hatfield's recent summit with the Soviet Union?
Good-47%
Bad-44%
Unsure-9%

"The liberal press--the same liberal press that ridiculed Nixon, that smeared Agnew, that rallied against Bush--the same liberal press that only supported President Kennedy's Vietnam War thanks to his status as a Democrat--loved Hatfield for what he did. He even admitted to many of us he felt the press would smear him upon return, that the summit had been useless. However, for the first time in quite a while, the press decided to love a Republican President. Why? It was simple. Hatfield had a reputation as not just a moderate Republican, but a liberal Republican, and if they could mold a President into the brilliant, peace-loving, crusader against nuclear missiles, they would. So they decided to love him and to hail his every move as that of a rousing foreign policy success. It was a two-fold strategy. They would turn the country towards his nuclear freeze policies, and at the same time their favorable coverage of him would turn him towards a nuclear freeze by praising such a thing. To this day I sit back and wonder who outsmarted who there."

-Right from the Beginning, Patrick J. Buchanan, ©1988

[Mechaman]

For the record,

MY HEAD ASPLODE

[Pingvin]

Eh... maybe a bump?

[Jerseyrules]

Eh... maybe a bump?

I don't know...not for a while...he's been working on a super-TL.  Let me see if I can find it...

EDIT: https://uselectionatlas.org/FORUM/index.php?topic=146202.0

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

I'm hoping to update this weekend. Not sure what I'll update about, but I'll think of something.

[Jerseyrules]

I'm hoping to update this weekend. Not sure what I'll update about, but I'll think of something.

Sounds good to me!

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

August 13th, 1981

The New Opposition
Labor Unions, Southerners, War hawks--What Hatfield will likely face the rest of his Presidency

"On my first full day back from Germany, I would begin facing what the press was terming "The New Opposition". It was really nothing new, it was what I'd been facing a large part of my career.  On August third, only a day after I had left for Berlin, the Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization had gone on strike. Deemed by Barry as a threat to the country and in violation of labor laws, the Vice-President ordered all controllers back to their jobs. Following the return of  only a fraction, he then ordered in temporary replacements or "scabs". Seeing anything else as a violation of his role as what basically amounted to Acting President, Barry patiently awaited my return. With little time to act, I demanded negotiations with the Organization. "Yes, we will address the concerns of the conditions of the controllers and their demands. However, in the meantime, they must return to work or risk being permanently replaced. This is a violation of this nation's labor laws and a violation of the safety of this nation. As well, this has practically halted this nation's air travel, putting a stop to commercial and personal affairs of users of this nation's airports. It is because of this that the strikers must return to work or risk the loss of their jobs." Members of my own party were surprised with my "tough" stance against the strikers. My reputation as a Liberal Republican had been betrayed in the eyes of many, not least of all the strikers. They'd been hoping for a much easier approach on my part. However, I'd just return from ten useless days talking to Brezhnev and was in no mood to be trifled with while people waited impatiently in airports and planes sat idle outside. With only 4,200 of the strikers returning to their jobs on the fourteenth, I was forced to do the unthinkable. The firing of 8,800 Air Traffic Controllers was not an easy decision to make. However, any threat when not backed up, created a bad precedent on my or anyone's part. While the tension outside continually increased, I attempted to meet with PATCO President Robert Poli. While negotiations were not easy affairs, Poli and the rest of PATCO being bitter following the mass firing, I made it clear that changes would be taking place shortly. Assisting me in negotiations were Transportation Secretary George Romney and Labor Secretary Ben Fernandez, the departments of both having an interest in the events transpiring. It would only be two months later when negotiations would be completely settled and the changes started enacting. Meanwhile, PATCO was beginning to lose its credibility as a labor union and would just narrowly avoid being completely destroyed in 1982.

On another front of the "New Opposition" would be War Hawks. Long my opponent since the mid-sixties, upon my return I found several hawkish Democrats conducting various speeches in opposition to "High minded, Soviet-Peacenik schemes to destroy America's defenses and with it, its security." Those words would be spoken by Congressman Larry McDonald of Georgia. The de facto leader of the House Southern Conservatives--as opposed to the Senate being headed by Strom Thurmond and Jesse Helms--McDonald had by then been a six year thorn in the side of many in Washington. However, among his base he'd built a large following and was being considered as a possible candidate for President by many among that group. Of course, McDonald, Helms, and Thurmond were nowhere near the only members of the "New Opposition". Several Southern Democrats of course were onboard. However, Northern, hawkish, Labor funded Democrats, such as then-Governor Daniel Patrick Moynihan--a man whom we all know would take a very active role in the nation's future--and Senator Philip Noel of Rhode Island, were also on the offensive. Many, supported by traditionalist, mainly Catholic, blue collar workers, saw me as just another "hippie candidate" like they'd viewed George Romney over twelve years earlier. Then, they had rallied behind John F. Kennedy for his re-election. Knowing the turf I tread and also knowing the last time a Republican won re-election was in 1956, I felt it would not be easy to try to maintain national support in the face of the reputation I had earned that many in the both parties viewed as negative.

Then-Governor Daniel P. Moynihan of New York--One of the greatest minds the Democrats had, and still have

The Democratic hawks had been having their fiddle played for quite a while by both sides. Save for Bobby Kennedy, every winner of the Presidency since Franklin Roosevelt had won appearing more hawkish than his opponent, and even "Saint Bob" as he'll be sarcastically called, broke his facade of being a dove and a "peacetime President". Therefore, they weren't accustomed to a President that had been outright hostile to nearly every major American military action since his entry into national politics. And when I was that man, many were unsure of how to react. Moynihan, who, despite not serving in either house of Congress, was still a national presence and one of the Democrats' greatest minds, handled it better than most. However, some, especially in the South, became just as hostile to me as I had been to war. Helms was the ring-leader. Elected to the Senate in 1972, he had risen among the more Conservative Democrats to be known as their most vocal proponent. During that time he had been a cheerleader of the foreign policies of Agnew, Bush, and Bobby Kennedy and in fact had worked to ward off a Southern challenge in 1980 in order to ensure unity against his party's far left. While Thurmond by then had grown accustomed to throwing words around and laughing at where they landed, Helms was the one who continually worked with fellow legislators to block measures of mine, such as my future attempts at de-segregating the armed forces and ending the War on Drugs. The media, sadly, had been right. Whereas hippies and anti-war protesters had been the opposition of the past, this was the New Opposition."

Against the Grain, Mark Hatfield, ©2000

"Following the Reagan Assassination, the country went into a shock. There hadn't been a Presidential death since Franklin Roosevelt in 1945, and there hadn't been a Presidential assassination since 1901, for many beyond living memory. For me, Ron had been nearly as much a political mentor as Dad had been. He had been one of my greatest supporters during my first Congressional bid, the same year that he had been on the national trail, campaigning for Goldwater Sr.'s second Presidential bid. It was he who stepped aside in 1976 in order to run for Vice-President, and fully endorsed me in the emergency primary held that fall to nominate me for Senate. He resigned early in order to give me Senate seniority. When I'd heard the news that he'd been shot, I was shocked. Reagan, if you've ever seen the man, either on film or in person, gave off an impression of invincibility. To imagine the man crumpling from a bullet wound, to me and to many others I've spoken to, was unbelievable. When I heard the news just after midnight on the first of May, that he was dead, it was indescribable. A close family friend since the early 1960's and the man who had been my mentor in California politics, was gone. I'd managed to send my well wishes along to Nancy before then, and Dad had even visited her in the hospital. However, no words could change this.

With Mark Hatfield taking office I wasn't sure what to think. He had a long and productive career in the Senate, and I very much felt pulled on board when he appointed Dad of all people to become the next Vice-President. However, I felt unsure of how to take to him. While I was a Reagan supporter, had succeeded him in the Senate, and considered old Ron a family friend to the end, there was hope with Mark. He had been a staunch defender of liberty, opposing wage & price controls, the Keynesian schemes of the Kennedys, the War on Drugs, and had been known as one of the biggest opponents of American incursion into foreign countries. However, he was also a man prone to moderation and, as far as any of us knew, not likely to take the hard line against unbalanced budgets, the Soviet Union, and tax increases where deemed "necessary". As well, he was a man of deep faith and while that is almost always an honorable trait, there was a suspicion among some, Dad included, that his faith might affect his policies far too much. Things like a nuclear freeze and opposition to abortion were largely faith driven for him. However, I'm glad to say I knew and still know Mark Hatfield and am glad to have worked with him."

-My Life, Barry Goldwater Jr., ©2007