From Western Protesters to National Party: a timeline with Canada's Progressives
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  From Western Protesters to National Party: a timeline with Canada's Progressives
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Author Topic: From Western Protesters to National Party: a timeline with Canada's Progressives  (Read 6048 times)
Hatman 🍁
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« Reply #25 on: April 19, 2011, 06:36:24 PM »

Turns out the most often used colour at the time was Red.

Source?

They can't have red for obvious reasons.
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« Reply #26 on: April 20, 2011, 01:00:49 AM »

There were a few sources.

Mostly it was the socialism business.

Now I use a darker shade of red when I colour it.
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« Reply #27 on: April 25, 2011, 09:23:28 AM »
« Edited: December 20, 2011, 08:26:26 PM by Minister of Free Time Hashemite »

The 1931 Election

As Canada went to the polls in April 1931, it was plunged into one of the most severe economic depressions it had ever known. Unemployment reached all time highs, and all levels of government struggled with deficits and social trouble. Mackenzie King's response was in line with the laissez-faire mood of the day, and did next to nothing to alleviate the effects of the Depression, which was originally thought to be a temporary economic downturn. But as the Depression worsened, the federal government stuck to its position. Provincial Premiers visited Ottawa in 1930 demanding federal assistance to provinces, but King refused to give the provinces anything. He argued that aid was a provincial responsibility, and besides there was no unemployment problem so the Premiers were just a political ploy and grandstanding. Needless to say, to the Prairie farmers and central Canadian workers who were suffering under record high unemployment, low industrial production and, for farmers, a collapse in prices for their goods, it was not an appealing message.

Canada's economy was reliant on exports of wheat and other commodities. The United States passed the Smoot-Hawley Tariff in June 1930 which rose tariffs on all goods and hit Canada especially hard. The federal government retaliated by raising tariffs and switching business preference to Britain.

As the spring campaign kicked off, the Progressives and Conservatives had the upper hand. The Progressive platform focused largely on social issues and pledged to take aggressive measures to get Canada out of the Depression. It promised a whole slew of public works programs, unemployment relief programs and new social legislation such as old-age pensions (on the back burner since the 1927 election). Henry Stevens' Conservatives took a similarly interventionist route, pledging extensive relief and aid to farmers and workers. Stevens' populist campaign attacked the bankers, corporations and businesses; a somewhat bizarre rhetoric considering the Conservative Party's reputation as the party of big business.

Stevens also pledged high tariffs and made a pledge to "blast" Canada's way into world markets. The Progressives, the old party of free trade, had quietly dropped its old support for free trade. For starters, the Canadian mood was overwhelmingly protectionist and supportive of high tariffs in response to Smoot-Hawley. Secondly, the Progressive Party's rural base was turning to protectionism out of despair. The Progressives' rural lobby allies, notably the UFA, UFO and SGGA had started making moves towards protectionism of some sort.

Mackenzie King's Liberals ran on the old platform of stability and warned of impeding economic and political chaos if the unruly Progressives were allowed to form government. In Quebec, the Liberal machine played on old tribal fears of the Tories as evil English imperialists. Though the talk of stability over chaos worked in the good times of 1927, it didn't work in 1930. Even in Quebec, voters were turning away from the Liberals.

Nobody knew what exactly would happen on April 21 as Canadians went to the polls. The Progressives were predicted to sweep the Prairies and most of rural Ontario. The Liberals were certain to take a majority of the seats in Quebec and start off with a solid national footing because of that. The Conservatives were predicted to do well, but nobody knew if they could reclaim the Official Opposition.

The Progressives won the most seats on April 21, taking 99 seats and roughly 39% of the votes - enough for a minority government. In taking nearly 100 seats, they swept the West - including British Columbia - and took a plurality of seats in Ontario. They even managed 4 seats in Quebec. The Liberals squeaked out 29% and 71 seats, but finished a poor third. But outside of Quebec, where they took 49 of the 65 seats, they won only 22 seats and got shut out west of Winnipeg. The Conservatives, with 30%, took 74 seats - including 32 in Ontario. They suffered surprising loses in British Columbia, but they doubled their seat count in Ontario and won 11 seats in Quebec, where the Tories had been shut out for more than a decade.

Progressive leader and former Ontario Premier E.C. Drury was widely thought to be the favourite for the office of Prime Minister. On April 23, he met with the Governor General, the Earl of Bessborough. The Governor General asked Drury to form a government and seek the confidence of the House.



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« Reply #28 on: April 27, 2011, 10:48:48 PM »

I haven't had much to say, but I've been reading this and enjoying it.
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« Reply #29 on: December 20, 2011, 08:41:40 PM »
« Edited: December 28, 2011, 11:40:38 AM by Minister of Free Time Hashemite »

Steering through Chaos: 1931-1933

Following the 1931 election, former Ontario Premier Ernest C. Drury was propelled into office as the likely Prime Minister of Canada. The election placed the Progressives, the perennial opposition party for ten years now, into a paradoxically difficult position. Drury, Forke and most of the Manitoban and Ontarian caucuses supported traditional representative cabinet government, party discipline and were on good terms with the Conservatives since Stevens had won the leadership. On the other hand, the Gingerites, which made up the bulk of the Albertan caucus and a sizable minority of the Saskatchewan and Ontarian caucuses, were hostile to party discipline and cabinet government. They continued to harbour nostalgic conceptions of class government and were by consequence hostile to organized centralized political parties and opposed any formal ties with either the Liberals or Conservatives. In the midst of the Great Depression and riding - ironically - on a protectionist wave following Smoot-Hawley, the Progressives under Drury needed to prove themselves capable of government while maintaining the fragile unity of the Progressive Party, made all the more fragile by their accession to power.

Drury opened formal contact with Henry H. Stevens, the leader of the Conservative Party, with view at forming a Progressive-Conservative coalition government. The two parties, formerly enemies by their diametrically opposed positions on the tariff, had become friendlier to each other by necessity of opposing the Liberals and both had dropped their more doctrinaire positions on the tariff. Stevens and most Western Conservative including his lieutenant, R.B. Bennett, were open to a coalition with Drury's Progressives. However, the deal ultimately fell through on the back of the opposition of Gingerite Progressives who threatened to refuse confidence to Drury, as well as the implacable opposition of the Toronto Tory elites led by Stevens' rival, Sir Henry Drayton. In the end, Stevens became Leader of the Opposition but had indicated to Drury that he would, on a personal basis, offer support to the government where the two parties saw eye to eye.

On the Throne Speech, the Drury Cabinet narrowly received the confidence of a majority in the House, with some 130 MPs voting with the government - all Progressives and the vast majority of Western Conservatives. The Liberals had abstained. Drury was successful in winning over the support of the Gingerites and the Labour-Progressives, in return for major concessions in terms of social policies. Drury's cabinet sought regional balance and tried to please rival factions within the party as well as the Conservatives. Robert Forke, as Justice Minister, was effectively Drury's Deputy Prime Minister. Fansher and MacDougall were particularly close to the Conservatives and received the important portfolios of commerce and revenue respectively. Gingerites such as Good, Gardiner or Shaw were given portfolios not responsible for expenditure.

The 15th Canadian Ministry: main offices
Prime Minister: Ernest C. Drury (Ontario)
Minister of Finance: Ernest C. Drury (Ontario)
Minister of Justice, Attorney General of Canada: Robert Forke (Manitoba)
Minister of Agriculture: William C. Good (Ontario)
Minister of the Interior: Robert Gardiner (Alberta)
Minister of National Defense: Harry Leader (Manitoba)
Minister of Immigration and Colonization: John F. Johnston (Saskatchewan)
Minister of Commerce: Burt W. Fansher (Ontario)
Minister of Mines: Alan Webster Neill (British Columbia)
Minister of Railways and Canals: Thomas W. Caldwell (New Brunswick)
Minister of Labour: Joseph T. Shaw (Alberta)
Minister of Fisheries, Minister of National Revenue: Isaac Duncan MacDougall (Nova Scotia)
Minister of Marine: Rémi Plante (Quebec)
Secretary of State for External Affairs: Ernest C. Drury (Ontario)

In 1931, Canada found itself in a deep global recession. Workers and farmers suffered record high unemployment, low industrial production and a collapse in world prices for Canada's agricultural produce. The Progressives had long yearned to set national policy, but they received their first chance at a time when Canada's revenue were at its lowest. The Winnipeg Declaration of 1922, which remained official Progressive policy in 1931, included a call for lower tariffs, cutting railroad freight rates, social reforms including old age pensions and unemployment benefits, Senate reform, electoral reform and direct democracy. The Gingerites were particularly keen on using the opportunity of being in government to "ram through" the movement's long time dreams, but Drury and Forke were far more pragmatic and wary of doing anything too radical which would drive the Conservatives into opposition. To placate Gingerites, Drury set up a Parliamentary Commission on Social Policy, charged with exploring the issue of old age pensions, unemployment insurance, minimum wages and health insurance.

In the meantime, Drury's government passed some symbolic legislation. The Canada Relief Act provided for the establishment of federal public works programs throughout the country. Several provinces, notably Quebec, had experimented with large-scale public works program to relieve unemployment though though with little immediate effects. In the Progressive base of Western Canada, the Great Depression had made the wheat pools - agricultural cooperatives which marketed grain for Western farmers - go belly up. As in 1919, when the federal government marketed that year's crop, there was increasing Western demand for a federal cooperative which would hold a monopoly over the wheat industry. In January 1932, an act of Parliament created the Canadian Grain Board (CGB) with a monopsony in wheat and barley. The CGB would become the sole organism able to buy the produce of Western farmers and would strive to offer the best prices for farmers.

Quebec held provincial elections on August 24, 1931. Louis-Alexandre Taschereau's conservative Liberals were left apparently unscathed by either the Depression or the Beauharnois Scandal. Yet again, the Liberals were assured a triumphant reelection against the Conservatives, led by Montreal Mayor Camillien Houde.

Liberal 79 seats (+5)
Conservative 11 seats (+2)
Others 0 seats (-2)

Prince Edward Island held a provincial election in late October 1931. Liberal Premier Walter Lea, victim of the Depression, was defeated by James David Stewart's Conservatives. The Progressives lost both seats in the Tory landslide.

Conservative 20 seats (+12)
Liberal 10 seats (-10)
Progressive 0 seats (-2)

In 1930, the United States passed the Smoot-Hawley Tarriff which represented a sizable increase in American tariffs on Canadian imports, severely hurting, among others, Western wheat farmers. Smoot-Hawley had pressured Mackenzie King against his will, in his 1930 budget, to impose countervailing duties on American imports while reducing tariffs on products imported from within the British Empire, a so-called Imperial Preference. In the 1931 election, the Conservatives had campaigned aggressively on high-tariff policies, with Stevens promising that Canada would "blast its way into world markets". Even the Progressives, responding to a particularly pronounced desire for retaliation at the Americans in Western Canada, had campaigned in favour of imposing countervailing duties on the United States and shifting to Imperial Preferences, a position basically shared with the Liberals. In Western Canada, a 33% increase in the American tariff on bran (a milled product, the bulk of which was wheat) had been particularly unpopular. In southeastern Ontario and the Eastern Townships of Quebec, the increased U.S. tariff on milk was worsened by the negative effects on local employment of a treaty signed by the Liberals with Australia and New Zealand, reducing the tariff on butter from those countries.

In the February 1932 budget, the Progressive government continued what Mackenzie King had started in 1930 and continued in 1931: lowering the duties on British imports and placing countervailing duties on American products. The mood in Canada was overwhelmingly protectionist or at least inclined towards retaliation at the United States.

Manitoba voted on June 16, 1932. Since the 1927 elections, John Bracken's Progressives, increasingly allied with the Liberals, had retained all their strength. In 1931, the provincial Liberals, with Mackenzie King's blessing, merged with the Progressives. The Progressive-Liberals were reelected, although the Conservatives won their best result in years.

Progressive 38 seats (-9)1
Conservative 15 seats (+8)
Independent 2 seats (+1)

The government's economic policies had little short-term effects, in fact the Depression reached its worst year in 1933. Labour and agrarian unrest in Western Canada mounted to worrying highs in 1933, and the government feared that the unrest was fed by Communist provocateurs. The Drury government passed tough anti-communist legislation, in tandem with the governments of the four Western provinces and Quebec. The growing unpopularity of the government and the worsening Depression placed the government in a tough situation. On its left, the Gingerites were becoming particularly aggressive and were demanding immediate social reform including unemployment insurance, old age pensions and health insurance. The Parliamentary Commission on Social Policy's report in early 1933 forced the government's hand. In January 1933, with Conservative support, the government passed federal unemployment benefits legislation and charged a special commission with studying the issue of old age pensions further.


1 Compared to the 1927 sum total of the Progressives (37) and the Liberals (10)
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« Reply #30 on: December 20, 2011, 09:28:27 PM »
« Edited: December 27, 2011, 03:06:08 PM by Minister of Free Time Hashemite »

A Party's Descent into Hell: 1933-1934

The heavy expenditure of 1931-1933 had worried Drury and Forke, and in the 1933 budget the government drastically cut back on expenditure and announced its objective was now to balance the budget to grow the economy. The Conservatives were quite content with this tight-money policy, as were most right-wing Liberals. But it was certainly no answer for the Gingerites. Unable to fathom supporting a government which it deemed so "out of touch" with its constituents, Good, Gardiner and Shaw resigned from cabinet. In March 1933, days after the first reading of the budget, 24 Progressive MPs resigned from the Progressive caucus. In a letter sent to Forke, who was the unofficial liaison between the government and caucus, the rebels, led by Gardiner and the Labour MPs, decried the government's economic policy, the "incomprehensible lack of any visible progress on social legislation" and a "failure to implement the ideals of the Winnipeg Declaration of 1922 including democratic reform." The loss of 24 members reduced the government caucus to 75 members, while the 24 rebels founded the Farmer-Labour caucus, led by Gardiner and Winnipeg Labour MP J.S. Woodsworth. For the time being, the rebels said that they would continue to offer their conditional support to the government.

The government tried to entice the rebels to rejoin government ranks, but the rebels judged that the government was sliding on its feet on social policy and democratic reform. In April 1933, a bill changing the electoral system from single-member plurality voting to single-member preferential voting was voted down in the House with the bulk of Liberals and Conservatives voting against. In May 1933, the Liberal Senate shot down a Senate reform proposal which would have allowed provincial legislatures to name Senators. Finally, by the end of the year the Supreme Court ruled that the government's federal unemployment benefits scheme was unconstitutional as it overstepped federal responsibilities in Section 92 of the BNA Act.

Provincial elections in 1933 showed a deep anti-incumbent mood in the midst of the recession.

Nova Scotia voted on August 22, 1933. The governing Conservatives, led by Gordon Harrington, were desperately clinging on to power and had refused to call by-elections for five seats fearing that they would lose their majority. The Liberals had found in the young reformist Angus L. Macdonald a leader of the stature of the anti-confederationist hero Joseph Howe. His promises for old age pensions, relief and provincial autonomy struck a chord and resulted in the rout of both the Conservative government and the Progressive opposition.

Liberal 20 seats (+16)
Progressive-Labour 8 seats (-11)
Conservative 3 seats (-17)

British Columbia voted on November 2, 1933. In 1928, the Liberals, in office since 1916 were narrowly reelected over a Provincial-Progressive Party which had won 16 seats to the Liberals' 21. The right-wing Liberals, now led by Premier Thomas Dufferin Pattullo, were in utter disarray in the midst of the Great Depression. The Conservatives were in no better shape and were left without much legitimacy after having supported the Liberals since 1928. The main beneficiaries were the opposition Provincial-Progressives, a rather moderate party led by the pro-Tory Alexander Duncan McRae. In a chaotic election, Pattullo's Liberals were defeated, McRae's Provincial-Progressives won while a left-wing Farmer-Labour slate (close to the federal Gingerites) did well.

Provincial-Progressive 24 seats (+8)
Liberal 11 seats (-10)
Farmer-Labour Group 9 seats (+9)
Conservative 2 seats (-7)
Independent Labour 1 seat (-1)

Federally, the situation was becoming untenable for the government. In the March 1934 budget, they were stuck in the middle between Liberals and Conservatives who demanded tight-money policies and Gingerites who demanded social reform and immediate relief. In their Western heartland, the Progressives were severely split between "Crerarites" (of the name of their old leader, who had return to Parliament in a 1932 by-election in Manitoba) and Gingerites. On top of that, the whole Progressive Party in the West was threatened by the emergence of socialism on the left and Social Credit gospel on the right in Alberta. The 1934 budget increased spending on public works and announced grants for farmers, while retaining the largely prudent flair of the 1933 budget. The budget pleased no one, the Conservatives and Quebec Liberals found it too imprudent while the Gingerites found it, like in 1933, far too prudent. On March 20, 1934 the House shot down the budget with 156 votes against. The government resigned and an election was called for June 4.
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Хahar 🤔
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« Reply #31 on: December 21, 2011, 02:25:11 AM »

So the Gingerites will be going it alone this time, then? Fun.
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« Reply #32 on: December 28, 2011, 11:39:09 AM »
« Edited: December 28, 2011, 11:41:44 AM by Minister of Free Time Hashemite »

Oh, snap, I forgot to cover the 1930 Ontarian election...
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« Reply #33 on: December 28, 2011, 12:50:27 PM »

The 1934 Election

The 1934 election was held in a chaotic period: Prime Minister Drury's cabinet had been wracked by divisions and had lost even its plurality following the defection of the Gingerites. At the same time, the Great Depression showed no signs of being anywhere close to its end. Unemployment had reached a peak in 1933, the worst year of the Depression up till that point. Federal and provincial governments had struggled in their response to the crisis, and were divided between those who favoured decisive intervention into the economy along the lines of American President Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal, and those conservatives who were wary of state intervention and still believed that laissez-faire dictated that the cyclical crisis would end on its own. The federal Progressives were divided along those same lines: its moderate wing was by nature economically liberal and was not all that keen on New Deal-type programs (but did support some state intervention), but the radical Gingerite wing was clamouring for massive state intervention and public reforms including pensions, minimum wage legislation and health insurance. Drury's allies of circumstance in the House, Henry Herbert Stevens' Tories, were in some regards interventionist but the bulk of the Tory caucus opposed major state intervention into the economy.

As the campaign kicked off, nobody could predict what could happen. The Progressives were certain to lose a good number of seats, especially now that the party was divided between the "official" Progressives and the "dissident" Progressive-Gingerites who ran as "Farmer-Labour" candidates in the election. The Farmer-Labour candidates included the Gingerite Progressives, largely concentrated in Alberta, and the handful of Labour-Progressive MPs led by Manitoba MP J.S. Woodsworth. The Progressive candidates included the bulk of the remaining 75 pro-Drury Progressive MPs, concentrated mostly in Drury's Ontario and "Crerarite" Manitoba.

The Liberals, the third party in the legislature with 71 members, had not been a particularly strong opposition. Mackenzie King remained at the helm of the party, as he was the only element which pleased the Quebec Liberals - who represented 49 of the 71-seat Liberal bench. In the House, the Liberals had usually opposed the government on most bills but had seldom proposed its own policies and had contented itself with stinging criticism of Drury's irresponsible and amateurish style of governance. In Quebec, the local Liberal machine started shifting its ammunition towards the Progressives, who had shown surprising vitality in the province in the 1931 election. The Progressives were derided as "reds" and "socialists" in the conservative province.

The Conservatives were the uncertainty of the election. They had not been allied in a coalition with Drury's Progressives, so they were not tarred by association with the unpopular divided party. On the other hand, Stevens' short-term "alliances of necessity" with the Progressives were not well received by Ontario and Quebec's old-style Conservatives. There remained an element of unease with the Conservatives across Canada, and many doubted Stevens' competence as a potential Prime Minister.

As in 1927 and 1931, the Liberals campaigned on stability - "King or Chaos" was their line. The Liberals promised a pragmatic, responsible and experienced government which would reunite the country, heal the wounds of the Depression on the Canadian economy and break with the chaos and factionalism of the Drury government. In terms of social policy, King proposed little which was new and preferred to talk in vague terms about "social reform" of some kind.

The Progressives abandoned Alberta, Quebec and the Maritimes and focused their efforts on Saskatchewan, Manitoba and Ontario. They continued promising more social reform, but the Progressives had lost all their credibility and were crippled by the split with the Gingerites. The Farmer-Labour candidates, receiving increasing support from urban organized labour, campaigned unambiguously in favour of radical social reform including a "break with capitalism" in favour of "group government" and social reforms.

The Conservatives sought to take up King's old line of stability, but largely without success. Stevens was increasingly unpopular and many swing voters felt that the Conservatives, whom they had trusted in 1931, had largely bungled their job as the opposition through their "irresponsible" alliance of circumstance with the Progressives. The Conservative campaign was largely cautious and did not include any of the more ambitious promises contained in the party's 1931 platform.

There was a new element in 1934, concentrated in Alberta. Alberta, which had been the heart of the more radical Progressive movement, had largely fallen out with the Progressives as the Depression hit Albertan farmers particularly hard. The Social Credit gospel of Calgary Baptist preacher William Aberhart appealed to poor Albertan farmers with the simple message of providing a "national dividend" to all citizens, mixed in with attractive fundamentalist Christian gospel. The Social Credit movement decided to nominate about 20 candidates, almost all in Alberta, in the 1934 election.

As Canadians voted on June 4, there was much uncertainty about what would happen. Most predicted that the Progressives would be shut out east of the Ottawa River, and probably in Alberta and B.C. as well. The Liberals were once again certain to sweep Quebec, and likely to perform strongly in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. It would likely be enough to at least restore King's party to Official Opposition, and to government depending on the Liberal performance in Ontario. As to the Tories, the major question was whether or not they could hold their 1931 gains in Ontario, Quebec and parts of the West.

On election day, the Liberals swept to power with a majority government with some 39% of the vote and 131 seats in the House. They won 54 of Quebec's 65 seats, but also swept the Maritimes and performed strongly in Ontario, Saskatchewan and British Columbia. Surprisingly, the Progressives were able to retain Official Opposition with 47 seats on 24% of the vote. Their stronghold was now Crerarite Manitoba, but they still managed to retain 20 seats in Ontario and 13 seats in Saskatchewan. But outside one member in Quebec and British Columbia, they were wiped off in the Maritimes and Alberta. The Conservatives performed very poorly, losing 28 seats and winning just 46 seats (26% of the vote). Most loses came from the Maritimes and the Prairies, but they also lost ground in Ontario (-5 seats) and Quebec (-2 seats).

The Farmer-Labour group won 11 seats (they had 24 members in the House at dissolution), but suffered heavy loses in Alberta at the expense of SoCred. Gardiner, the Farmer-Labour house leader, was narrowly reelected in Acadia (Alberta) while the Labour MPs in Winnipeg held their seats. In Ontario, only former cabinet minister William Good was reelected in Brant (Agnes Macphail, a Gingerite, won reelection as a Progressive in Grey-Bruce). The Gingerites were surprisingly successful in British Columbia, where they won 3 out of 5 seats in Vancouver and defeated a Tory incumbent in Nanaimo. The B.C. results indicated a successful alliance of urban organized labour and miners with radical farmers, but the same alliance was not replicated anywhere else. In Alberta, SoCred candidates won 10 of the province's 17 members.



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