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Author Topic: SENATE BILL: Atlasia-Israel Defense and Security Cooperation Treaty (VS)  (Read 3428 times)
Senator North Carolina Yankee
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« on: June 12, 2012, 11:20:09 am »
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Treaty
between the Republic of Atlasia and the
State of Israel for Defense and Security Cooperation

[Location], [Date]


As presented to the Senate
by the Secretary of External Affairs
by Command of the President
[Month, Year]



TREATY BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF ATLASIA AND THE STATE OF ISRAEL FOR DEFENSE AND SECURITY COOPERATION
The Republic of Atlasia and the State of Israel, hereinafter referred to as "The Parties",

Recalling that their foreign and defense policies are founded on common interests, values and responsibilities,

Mindful of their rights and obligations under the Charter of the United Nations,

Believing that greater defense and security cooperation strengthens the ties between their nations and international security,

Bearing in mind that they do not see situations arising in which the vital interests of either Party could be threatened without the vital interests of the other also being threatened,

Determined to address strategic challenges, promote international peace and security, ensure collective security, deter and dissuade against potential aggressors and counter threats, including terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and cyber-attacks,

Seeking to improve further the effectiveness and interoperability of their armed forces,

Recalling that the control of their armed forces, the decision to employ them and the use of force shall always remain a matter of national sovereignty,

Convinced that a technological and industrial defense base which is robust and competitive is both a strategic and an economic necessity for the two Parties,

Have agreed as follows:

ARTICLE 1
Objectives
The Parties, building on the existing strong links between their respective defense and security communities and armed forces, undertake to build a long-term mutually beneficial partnership in defense and security with the aims of:

1. maximizing their capacities through coordinating development, acquisition, deployment and maintenance of a range of capabilities, facilities, equipment, materials and services, to perform the full spectrum of missions, including the most demanding missions;

2. reinforcing the defense industry of the two Parties, fostering cooperation in research and technology and developing cooperative equipment programs;

3. deploying together into theatres in which both Parties have agreed to be engaged, in operations conducted under the auspices of the United Nations or in a coalition or bilateral framework, as well as supporting, as agreed on a case by case basis, one Party when it is engaged in operations in which the other Party is not part.

ARTICLE 2
Scope
The Parties agree that cooperation undertaken under the provisions of this Treaty
shall include:

1. the strengthening of the cooperation between the armed forces of both Parties which shall include increasingly close cooperation in the following fields: the conduct of joint exercises and other training activities; joint work on military doctrine and exchange of military personnel; sharing and pooling of materials, equipment and services, and, subject to the provisions of Article 5(2), close co-operation in contributing to and pooling forces and capabilities for military operations and employment of forces;

2. continuing and reinforcing the work on industrial and armament cooperation, involving industry as appropriate, through a long-term joint approach aimed at delivering effective military equipment in the most efficient manner, minimizing national constraints and strengthening industrial competitiveness;

3. the building and joint operating of such facilities as may be agreed between the Parties;

4. the sale or loan of materials, equipment and services by one Party to the other Party or the procurement by both Parties from third Parties;

5. the development of their defense technological and industrial bases around key technologies with efficient corporate governance mechanisms;

6. the attachment or exchange of personnel between the Parties;

7. the exchange of information relating to the political, policy, planning and decision-making processes involved in the planning, launching and command and control of bilateral and multilateral military and civil-military operations;

8. subject to national security regulations, the exchange of classified data and information relating to the performance of different defense equipment and systems as well as for operational purposes.

ARTICLE 3
Deployment and Employment of Forces
1. The deployment and employment of the armed forces of each Party shall remain a national responsibility at all times.

2. The deployment or employment of the armed forces of one Party together with or on behalf of the other Party in any operation shall be on the express command of the first Party and in agreement in writing with the other Party. Such deployment or employment shall involve, after careful consideration by both Parties, a direction by the Parties to their respective authorities concerning the strategic objectives, scale of operation, mission, duration and end state. The Parties shall form, in advance of deployment or employment, a common understanding of the purpose and the legal basis under international law for such deployment or employment and appropriate and complementary rules of engagement.

3. Appropriate command and control arrangements shall be agreed by both Parties for all bilateral deployments or operations.

ARTICLE 4
Access to Facilities, Equipment or Support Functions
1. Each Party undertakes to make available and to guarantee unhindered access to any facility, equipment and support function where cooperation undertaken under this Treaty has led to both Parties sharing facilities, equipment or support functions or to dependence by one Party on facilities, equipment or support
functions of the other Party, subject to any exceptions to such access set out in any applicable agreement or arrangement relating to such cooperation.

2. If such agreement or arrangement is terminated, its substantive provisions and the obligations referred to in paragraph 1 above shall continue to apply until such reasonable time as the other Party has generated or established or has access to an alternative facility or to an alternative source of such equipment or support function. Any modalities for implementing such continued application, where necessary, shall be defined in appropriate agreements or arrangements between the Parties.

3. In paragraphs 1 and 2 above the provision of support functions includes any necessary personnel.

ARTICLE 5
Procurement and Future Capability Programmes
The Parties undertake to compare, at the earliest possible dates, capability objectives and prospective programs and, to the greatest extent practicable, to harmonize timelines and requirements. The Parties undertake to consult before taking any decision on significant capability programs or procurement.

ARTICLE 6
Transfer, Access to the Market and Export Licensing
1. In implementing laws, regulations and any stated policies on the export of armament materials and technology, the Parties undertake to facilitate to the greatest extent possible the transfer of defense and security equipment and services between the Parties, consistent with their national licensing procedures.

2. Each Party undertakes not to hinder legitimate access to its markets and to its Government contracts in the field of defense and security.

3. The Parties agree to facilitate and promote the export of defense and security equipment jointly produced by Atlasian and Israeli entities to third parties, by agreement and within the framework of their respective national legislation.

4. The rights and obligations set out in paragraphs 1 to 3 above shall be subject to the international rights and obligations of the Parties, and shall accordingly be given effect in a manner consistent with such rights and obligations.

ARTICLE 7
Industry and Technology
1. The two Parties undertake to develop and to preserve key industrial capabilities and defense technologies so as to improve their independence in relation to key defense technologies and to increase their security of supply and to develop the operational capabilities of their armed forces.

2. To those ends, the Parties shall work to minimize unnecessary regulatory hindrance, improve dialogue between the defense companies of both Parties and foster their rationalization with the objective of enabling the purchase of equipment best suited to the performance and cost requirements of both Parties.

ARTICLE 8
Costs and Benefits
The Parties shall share equitably all costs and benefits incurred as a result of their involvement in the totality of cooperation undertaken under this Treaty, including all overhead and administrative costs unless otherwise provided for in related agreements or arrangements.
« Last Edit: July 21, 2012, 09:17:24 am by Senator North Carolina Yankee »Logged

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Senator North Carolina Yankee
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« Reply #1 on: June 12, 2012, 11:20:58 am »
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ARTICLE 9
Information
1. The Parties shall enter into arrangements to facilitate the exchange of information, including classified information, for the purposes of co-operation under this Treaty.

2. As regards information in which intellectual property rights exist, nothing in this Treaty authorizes or governs the release, use, exchange or disclosure of information, whether classified or not, in which intellectual property rights exist, until the specific written authorization of the owner of those rights has been obtained, whether the owner is a Party to this Treaty or a third party.

ARTICLE 10
Claims and Liability
In the event of damage to property or injury or death caused by a willful act or omission or through gross negligence of one Party, its employees or agents, that Party shall be fully responsible for meeting or dealing with any resulting claims.

ARTICLE 11
Other Defense and Security Agreements
The provisions of this Treaty shall not affect the rights and obligations of each Party under other defense and security agreements to which it is a Party.

ARTICLE 12
Duration, Withdrawal and Termination
1. This Treaty shall continue in force until such time as either Party decides to withdraw from it after having given the other Party at least one months’ notice of its intention to do so.

2. During the notice period, the Parties shall decide on satisfactory
arrangements for the settlement of any outstanding liabilities. All provisions of this Treaty shall continue to apply during this period. Cooperation undertaken in accordance with specific agreements or arrangements shall continue after the termination of this Treaty in accordance with the provisions of the specific agreements or arrangements. The Parties may make any necessary amendments to those agreements or arrangements.

ARTICLE 13
Disputes
Any dispute regarding the interpretation or application of the provisions of this Treaty shall to the extent possible be resolved by consultations between the Parties. If a dispute cannot be resolved by consultations, the Parties may decide to refer it for settlement under a dispute settlement mechanism. The Parties shall decide upon the appropriate mechanism.

ARTICLE 14
Amendments
This Treaty may be amended at any time, in writing, by the agreement of both Parties.

ARTICLE 15
Entry into Force
This Treaty shall enter into force on the first day of the second month following the deposit of the later of the two instruments of ratification.


IN WITNESS WHEREOF, the undersigned, duly authorized by their respective Governments have signed this Treaty,

DONE at [Location] on the [Day] of [Month], [Year], in duplicate in the English and Hebrew languages, each text being equally authentic.

For the Republic of Atlasia:

For the State of Israel:

Sponsor: Ben
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Mideast Assemblyman Ben
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« Reply #2 on: June 12, 2012, 11:29:06 am »
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Israel has always been one of our most important allies; they are an oasis of democracy in an arid region of authoritarianism.  This treaty reassures our ally that we will stand by them, especially with the development that Iran, a nation that is as friendly to Israel as a cotton farmer is to a boll weevil, is now a nuclear nation.  This is not a radical treaty; it does not break new ground in any significant way.  But it is sending a message to our friends and the enemies of our friends.

And so, I urge speedy ratification.
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« Reply #3 on: June 14, 2012, 09:51:58 pm »
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When can we get a vote on this?
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Senator Meiji (D-NC)
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« Reply #4 on: June 14, 2012, 09:53:26 pm »
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Debate expires like 11 AM on the 15th (tomorrow).
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LastVoter
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« Reply #5 on: June 15, 2012, 01:04:45 am »
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There is no way I can support this.
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President William McKinley
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« Reply #6 on: June 15, 2012, 02:42:50 am »
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Strongly support of course...
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Senator Meiji (D-NC)
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« Reply #7 on: June 15, 2012, 07:28:50 am »
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There is no way I can support this.

Please expand. Anything we can do to make it more palatable?
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Sheriff Buford TX Justice
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« Reply #8 on: June 15, 2012, 08:22:26 am »
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No debate from me on this, I'll be supporting this.
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My parents are pretty good about smelling a rat. 
Let me put this as clear as I can (saying this to myself, as well, so I can see it): I WILL get a job with CADD and I WILL keep the job.
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« Reply #9 on: June 15, 2012, 12:27:08 pm »
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When I see "sending a message" I automatically think "moving us closer to war."  I will not support any legislation that heightens the possibility of war with Iran, and I am not sure how I will vote on this legislation.
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Senator Meiji (D-NC)
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« Reply #10 on: June 15, 2012, 12:51:50 pm »
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When I see "sending a message" I automatically think "moving us closer to war."  I will not support any legislation that heightens the possibility of war with Iran, and I am not sure how I will vote on this legislation.

Heightens the possibility of war? It will do the opposite. Through the ratification of this treaty, we will be saying to Israel, "We've got your back and support you." This show of support should provide some sort of sense of security to them, reassuring them and thus making them less likely to attack Iran.
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« Reply #11 on: June 15, 2012, 01:09:09 pm »
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When I see "sending a message" I automatically think "moving us closer to war."  I will not support any legislation that heightens the possibility of war with Iran, and I am not sure how I will vote on this legislation.

Heightens the possibility of war? It will do the opposite. Through the ratification of this treaty, we will be saying to Israel, "We've got your back and support you." This show of support should provide some sort of sense of security to them, reassuring them and thus making them less likely to attack Iran.

But would Iran not see this as a way of preparing for war, and thus increase the chances that Iran would attack?
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Senator Meiji (D-NC)
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« Reply #12 on: June 15, 2012, 01:14:19 pm »
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When I see "sending a message" I automatically think "moving us closer to war."  I will not support any legislation that heightens the possibility of war with Iran, and I am not sure how I will vote on this legislation.

Heightens the possibility of war? It will do the opposite. Through the ratification of this treaty, we will be saying to Israel, "We've got your back and support you." This show of support should provide some sort of sense of security to them, reassuring them and thus making them less likely to attack Iran.

But would Iran not see this as a way of preparing for war, and thus increase the chances that Iran would attack?

Given that Iranian policymakers have considered Atlasia and Israel in a de facto alliance already, it would likely make little difference in their opinion.
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Emperor Scott
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« Reply #13 on: June 15, 2012, 04:55:10 pm »
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When I see "sending a message" I automatically think "moving us closer to war."  I will not support any legislation that heightens the possibility of war with Iran, and I am not sure how I will vote on this legislation.

Heightens the possibility of war? It will do the opposite. Through the ratification of this treaty, we will be saying to Israel, "We've got your back and support you." This show of support should provide some sort of sense of security to them, reassuring them and thus making them less likely to attack Iran.

But would Iran not see this as a way of preparing for war, and thus increase the chances that Iran would attack?

Given that Iranian policymakers have considered Atlasia and Israel in a de facto alliance already, it would likely make little difference in their opinion.

Very well, then.
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Senator Meiji (D-NC)
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« Reply #14 on: June 15, 2012, 04:59:06 pm »
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When I see "sending a message" I automatically think "moving us closer to war."  I will not support any legislation that heightens the possibility of war with Iran, and I am not sure how I will vote on this legislation.

Heightens the possibility of war? It will do the opposite. Through the ratification of this treaty, we will be saying to Israel, "We've got your back and support you." This show of support should provide some sort of sense of security to them, reassuring them and thus making them less likely to attack Iran.

But would Iran not see this as a way of preparing for war, and thus increase the chances that Iran would attack?

Given that Iranian policymakers have considered Atlasia and Israel in a de facto alliance already, it would likely make little difference in their opinion.

Very well, then.

They call us (Atlasia) the Great Satan; they call Israel "the Little Satan". Pretty safe to say it won't affect their (negative) opinion.
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Senator North Carolina Yankee
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« Reply #15 on: June 15, 2012, 05:23:36 pm »
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Vote will begin 24 hours after everyone stops talking or 24 hours after a UC request has been entered to waive cloture requirements or after a cloture vote has been held. All this is predicated on the 72 hour minimum debate time expiring or a UC request to waive that has been entered and 24 hours to object has been given. Same as every bill, but since someone asked. Tongue
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Carlos Danger
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« Reply #16 on: June 16, 2012, 04:54:32 pm »
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Motion to table.
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Carlos Danger
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« Reply #17 on: June 16, 2012, 06:07:47 pm »
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Frankly, given that shortly after Atlasia sold Israel a load of F-16s, the Chinese Air Force started flying a new plane... (as acknowledged by an Atlasian military report: "United States technology has been acquired through Israel in the form of the Lavi [Israeli domestic variant of the F-16] fighter and possibly SAM technology").





That and its repeated spying, theft of sensitive technology including WMD technology, and other illegal activities in the US. (1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12) - and that is only a partial list of the incidents we know about!

This GAO report from 1996 provides an interesting look into "Country A's" [Israel's] spying activities in Atlasia.  This more recent article is a nice summary if you don't want to click on all the above links.  Of particular interest is the paragraph about Israeli sales of US intelligence to hostile foreign governments:

Quote
The focus on U.S. military secrets is not limited to information needed for the defense of Israel, as was argued when Pollard was arrested. Some of the information he stole was of such value that many high-ranking intelligence officers believe the Soviet Union agreed to the release of tens of thousands of Russian Jews for resettlement in Israel in exchange. In early 1996, the Office of Naval Investigations concluded that Israel had transferred sensitive military technology to China. In 2000, the Israeli government attempted to sell China the sophisticated Phalcon early warning aircraft, which was based on U.S.-licensed technology. A 2005 FBI report noted that the thefts eroded U.S. military advantage, enabling foreign powers to obtain hugely expensive technologies that had taken years to develop.

Israel has fooled us once, twice, dozens of times.  Shame on us if we decide to deepen our sharing of military technology and military intelligence with a country that has proven, time after time, broken promise after broken promise, that it absolutely cannot be trusted with either.  Shame on us too if we decide to "improve our alliance" with a country that conducts itself in a manner more befitting of our enemy than our ally (as the GAO report says, "the government of Country A conducts the most aggressive espionage operation against the United States of any U.S. ally").
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Senator North Carolina Yankee
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« Reply #18 on: June 17, 2012, 07:28:32 pm »
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The motion needs to be seconded by another sitting Senator.
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« Reply #19 on: June 18, 2012, 01:21:55 am »
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I second the motion to table.
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Senator North Carolina Yankee
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« Reply #20 on: June 20, 2012, 05:13:00 pm »
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A motion to table has been entered and has been seconded by another Senator.


Senators, a 48 hour vote is now open on the question of whether or not to table the underlying treaty, please vote Aye, Nay, or Abstain. Passage shall require 2/3rds of those voting to vote in the affirmative, excluding abstentions.


Normally I would post the text of the relevant OSPR section but we have seen it enough and I don't have the OSPR link handy on this back/hip/arm/leg killer machine.
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Mideast Assemblyman Ben
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« Reply #21 on: June 20, 2012, 05:27:28 pm »
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NAY!!!!
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« Reply #22 on: June 20, 2012, 06:07:04 pm »
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Nay- I don't see why this would be one to table folks... clearly Senators have an opinion one way or another- it will pass or fail quickly I believe (and I hope pass)
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« Reply #23 on: June 20, 2012, 07:31:21 pm »
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Nay.  I am still not sure how I will vote on this bill and I would like to see much more debate.
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Carlos Danger
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« Reply #24 on: June 20, 2012, 10:49:44 pm »
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Aye.
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