Unfortunate Son

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

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[FEMA Camp Administrator]

The Full Cabinet of Robert F. Kennedy
President Kennedy's cabinet was designed to both unite his party and to draw support from liberal and moderate Republicans, the way Nixon had intended during his term to foster support for the GOP in the South. Among those that were on Kennedy's list to join the cabinet that didn't make the cut was Leon Panetta, a former moderate Republican who'd worked in Robert Finch's HEW Department and tried to enforce Civil Rights laws before Panetta's eventual resignation. However, due to Panetta's youth, he was passed over. However, Kennedy did include two moderate to liberal Republicans. For Secretary of the Interior, Oregon Governor Tom McCall was chosen thanks to his implementation of land-use planning in his state. For Secretary of Commerce, former automobile company executive and Nixon's HUD Secretary George Romney was chosen, partly to spite the outgoing President.
Secretary of State: Abraham Ribicoff (D-CT)
Secretary of the Treasury: Russell B. Long (D-LA)
Secretary of Defense: Roger Goodell (R-NY)
Attorney General: Nicholas Katzenbach (D-NJ)
Secretary of the Interior: Tom McCall (R-OR)
Secretary of Agriculture: Ralph Yarborough (D-TX)
Secretary of Commerce: George Romney (R-MI)
Secretary of Labor: Cesar E. Chavez (D-CA)
Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare: Robert Sargent Shriver (D-MD)
Secretary of Housing and Urban Development: Shirley Chischolm (D-NY)
Secretary of Transportation: Kevin White (D-MA)

National Security Adviser: Robert O'Sullivan (D-MA)

The 1972 Senate Elections

Kennedy, despite his "illegitimate" victory, was nonetheless granted a few coattails coming into office. The Democrats were already in control of both houses of Congress. However, they were able to strengthen their grip as the party picked up four Senate seats and a few House seats, padding the seat for the incoming Democratic President.

Democrats: 56 (+4)
Republicans: 43 (-4)
Independents: 1

The Democrats, despite seeing Southern moderates and liberals such as Nick Galifianakis go down to defeat, had made gains in the North, Mid-West, and West while managing to hold off attempts by Republicans in states such as Virginia. Republicans, however, were hanging on and several prominent members of their Senate delegations: Charles Percy, Robert Griffin, Mark Hatfield, John Tower, and Howard Baker, had won re-election easily.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

The First Term of Robert F. Kennedy, Part One

The First 100 Days
In what would mark one of the most dramatic foreign policy triumphs so early in a term, American involvement in the Vietnam War would officially end on March 1st, 1973. This was thanks in large part to Secretary of State Ribicoff, Adviser O'Sullivan, "Special Envoy" Senator George McGovern, and Kennedy's own personal presence at the Paris peace conferences. Despite this apparent dovishness, the President would nonetheless keep a strong correspondence with former National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger.

Upon entering office, the nation's economic situation became so much more clear to Kennedy and his team. While Nixon had managed to maintain an outward apperance of economic normalcy, it had been a series of smoke and mirrors. A liberal monetary policy combined with high spending and a raised debt ceiling had created the illusion of a strong and robust economic turnaround following troubles early in Nixon's term. This would be a difficult situation to deal with and involve many unpopular moves on the part of those in power. Kennedy, deciding to wait and attempt to battle more immediate domestic and economic problems including a temporary slump and social issues.

And All the Rest
Kennedy would later begrudgingly refer to his first year as one where he was beset on all sides by opposition. In his attempt to show himself as a President with a dynamic and strong domestic policy in comparison with the four years of Nixon, he put forward a blatantly liberal set of proposals before Congress. Numbered among them were an economic "stimulus package" to battle the current slump, modest tax increases on the middle and upper classes, new environmental legislation, the pardoning of a number of illegal immigrants, a guest worker program, and greater national funding for education. These were meant to showcase a new direction in domestic policy and to give him good liberal credentials so as to hold off the left come the time he would have to tighten monetary policy. While his stimulus package and the tax increases would pass, other goals would not find themselves as lucky. Thanks to Republican campaign tactics and unrest from the labor portion of the Democratic wing, many of his socially liberal proposals would be left by the wayside of have to wait for more favorable years. He was, however, able to correct many of the schemes that had gone on during the Nixon administration concerning desegregation of schools and busing. However, these policies would face opposition even in Northern industrial cities like Boston, New York, and Detroit where white middle and working class parents were uncomfortable with these new social policies. Following an assassination attempt on Vice President Brewer in July, new gun control legislation--including a ban on handguns--was put forward only to be struck down by a good majority of the House and Senate. After these strategic and political mistakes in his first year, the President would have to hold off on such goals until he could gain greater favorability with Congress.

1973 Senate Changes and Elections
Thanks to vacancies made by various Kennedy nominations, a few seats would change parties. In New York, Nelson Rockefeller appointed Perry B. Duryea, a Republican, to fill Kennedy's seat. Connecticut held a special election to fill the vacant space left by Ribicoff and Republican Governor Thomas J. Meskill won it handily. Louisiana would be the only one of the three that would stay intact for the Democrats as John J. McKeithen was appointed to fill Russell Long's seat. This would leave the Senate still in Democratic hands 55-44-1. In the Virginia gubernatorial race, meanwhile, former Navy Secretary John Warner won a comfortable election. However, in New Jersey, conservative Republican Charles Sandman lost 64-34 to Brendan T. Byrne. The New York City Mayoral Race would also be interesting to watch as Congressman Barry M. Farber was able to win a plurality on a Republican/Conservative ticket.

President Kennedy ended the year with talks with both Democrats and Republicans concerning the possibility of a free trade agreement with Canada and Mexico.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

December 25th, 1973
On Christmas day, Mattingly relaxes in his parents' garage drinking a beer. His younger brother Bill comes out.
Bill: Had to get away from the family Chris?
Chris: It's all bullsh#t, man.
Christian Mattingly drags oon his cigarette.
Chris: Company profits are down this quarter. Again. Now you hear this crap? RFK's gonna push through some free trade bullsh#t.
Bill: What's with that?
Chris: I guess part of his whole "New Democratic" thing. He's doing it in the name of international cooperation. What that means for guys like you and me is that companies can more easily set up factories in other countries and still sell their stuff in America.
Bill: So basically he's screwing us over.
Chris: Hell yeah. Not like there's a majority that'll stop it either. Lots of Republicans are on board, and a bunch'a rural Democrats will probably vote for it too.
Bill: Damn...
Chris: Yeah so, for what we know, we could be out of a job come six months' time. Time to look for a backup. Thinking about going to school.
Bill: Well we'll see. Hang in there.
Bill heads back into the house as Christian, sitting with feet on the car hood, continues his drinking and smoking.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

The Loyal Opposition

With a clear lack of a mandate and without even having taken first place in the popular vote, Republicans were determined to see the "new popular liberal President" go down in flames. Even former moderates who had at points opposed Nixon vehemently seemed to harden. House Minority Leader Gerald R. Ford, who despite a moderate, pro-civil rights record for years, had begun turning to the right in the late 60's and now was one of the bulwarks against Kennedy's agenda. Meanwhile, the GOP's conservatives were springing to the forefront of the party. Senators like Bob Dole, Jim Buckley, Paul Laxalt, and John Tower comprised a very vocal section of the party. As well, conservative Democrats were actively working to distance themselves from RFK. Senator Frank Church of Idaho, a liberal, joined several Republicans, Southerners, and his fellow rural Democrats in voting against the President's anti-gun legislation which in the end was supported only by urban Northerners. As 1973 ended and 1974 began, some eyes were already looking past the mid-terms and towards 1976. Folks such as Reagan, Dole, and even Ford, were being discussed as potential front-runners. Among the party's liberals meanwhile, Nelson Rockefeller planned on this term as New York's Governor being his last. While he was definitely considering a run in '76, it would be his last and chances of success were slim. Even his own state's GOP was turning against him as seen by recent election results.

As for the defeated ticket of Nixon and Agnew, as well as their contemporaries, things were interesting. With 1976 being wide open, former Vice President Agnew was obviously concentrated on separating himself from the loss of 1972 and instead burnishing his conservative credentials and his "Silent Majority" persona. However, the sixties were by then well over and with the Vietnam War over and corruption investigations going on, Agnew wasn't looking in good shape for the next election. Meanwhile, for the former President, Nixon had not taken the loss well. Sulking at his home in San Clemente, California, Nixon cursed the day he'd first met Jack Kennedy in 1947 and all that had come of it. Viewing all he'd done as a disgrace, he took solace in reading about John Adams. Like him, a former Vice President now come to the Presidency, he faced defeat at the hands of a former friend (or in this case the brother of a former friend) and was forced into early retirement. Even the Presidents they had served under, Washington and Eisenhower, had vague similarities: military pasts, being principles in successful American wars and adored by the public, moderation, and iconic farewell addresses. In attempting to field a man that could potentially unseat Bobby Kennedy in 1976, he turned not to Agnew, whom he had grown to despise, but instead to John Connally. A former Democrat who had served as Secretary of the Navy and Governor of Texas, Connally was Nixon's Treasury Secretary and had only recently become a Republican. Former National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger would later remark that Connally had been the only cabinet member that Nixon did not insult behind his back. With skills as an orator and a tough politician, the probability of having a large Texas war chest at his disposal, a large amount of executive experience, and the personal support of Nixon himself, it was obvious to the former President that Connally could be a very large presence in what was bound to be a crowded primary field. As well, Nixon knew that while Connally projected a very conservative image that would be good for getting through a primary, he had displayed moderation both as a Governor and as a Treasury Secretary, and Nixon valued such wisdom, seeing him as one who could both win and then govern.

[#CriminalizeSobriety]

Interested in whether Spiro Agnew can cultivate his past reputation as a "law and order" candidate into some political success and bridge the gap between moderates (of course, he himself was a supporter of Rockefeller) and some conservatives.

Despite his reelection defeat, I think Nixon would still have some clout as a kingmaker within the Republican Party, being the only living Republican president.

Also, what has George McGovern been up to? If he loses reelection in 1974 he could be a good candidate for Secretary of Agriculture.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Interested in whether Spiro Agnew can cultivate his past reputation as a "law and order" candidate into some political success and bridge the gap between moderates (of course, he himself was a supporter of Rockefeller) and some conservatives.

The nomination's up in the air as of now, though Agnew's definitely looking at it with jealous eyes. He'll likely be doing what Nixon did to keep himself relevant during the wilderness years.

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Given he's the only living Republican president, and that he actually won a plurality of the popular vote in 1972, there are many disgruntled Republicans who would respect what "The Old Man"'s wishes were.

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Haven't considered how Kennedy's presidency will effect the 1974 mid-terms yet. It'll all depend on his ability to deal with the next year or so, and his final decision in regards to monetary policy. However, if he were to be defeated, he'd definitely be considered for a cabinet spot, and outside of Agriculture he could be looking at a foreign policy post.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

"What in all of Hell do you mean 'Democrats won't support free trade'? Lower tariffs has been a stable of this party for countless generations... No, don't give me that crap, and don't listen to the so-called Democrats like Humphrey either! ... Well find the votes, even if you have to cross the aisle to those damned WASP's!"

-National Security Adviser Robert O'Sullivan in a phone conversation with Chief of Staff Kenny O'Donnell, 1975

1974

The crowning achievement of the Kennedy administration in 1974 would be taking steps toward the securing of a free trade agreement with Canada, lowered tariffs on Japan, and even establishing a trade deal with China. The first faltering step of the year would however be having to count Mexico out of any attempts at creating a North American free trade agreement. With is current President, Mexico was in no mood to give American businesses any more of a foothold in their country. However, Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, after some coaxing and certain concessions, was persuaded to sign on and in March talks began. Meanwhile, talks were opened up with Japan to lower the tariffs. The most controversial movement on trade were Kennedy's three visits to China over the course of the year to discuss opening up Chinese markets to American goods and vice-versa. While an unpopular move to many, it was intended mainly as an extension of Nixon's tri-lateral diplomacy and to strengthen ties with China and against Russia. Those of course would tie into continuing SALT negotiations.

On issues aside from trade, a guest worker program would be passed and implemented, a number of environmental and healthcare bills, all minor, would as well be signed into law by President Kennedy. Economically, millions of dollars would be appropriated to assist in the rebuilding of urban areas across the country, including the improvement of infrastructure and homes. However, little that directly grappled with the declining economy was brought forward, much less voted on and made real. Kennedy, already looking to the future, was worried about what type of president he would be.

By the end of the year, tariffs with Japan had been lowered, negotiations with Canada were going smoothly if not quickly. However, several in Congress were uneasy about greater economic involvement in Red China. All of this would have a significant effect on the mid-terms in which Democrats, especially those in industrial areas, would have a hard time winning re-election. In Indiana, Senator Birch Bayh would go down to defeat due to both economic and trade issues, and also controversial anti-gun legislation in 1973. This would prove a pivotal issue in other Senate races as George McGovern found himself losing his seat as well. In Iowa, Democratic candidate John Culver would as well meet in defeat. Nevertheless, there would be a few bright spots. In Colorado, former White House Counsel Gary Hart would win a 53% victory over incumbent Peter H. Dominick. Meanwhile, in Vermont Patrick Leahy would see triumph in an extremely close election. The most watched Senate election would happen in New York, however, and it would not be the one that Jacob Javits won handily. With a special election occurring to fill the last two years of the Senate term Kennedy had left, incumbent Republican Perry B. Duryea found himself without a leg to stand on as former Ambassador to the United Nations James L. Buckley of the Conservatives attacked his right flank while the Democratic nominee took his left. With the Liberal party endorsing the Democrat, in a surprise, Duryea had little base of support and ended up taking third while Buckley became the first Conservative party member to enter the Senate, albeit for a two year term.


Democrats: 52 (-2)
Republicans: 46 (+1)
Independents: 1
Conservatives: 1 (+1)

1974 proved a good year for the Conservative Party of New York. Not only would they win a Senate seat, but something much closer to home as well. With Governor Nelson Rockefeller retiring, a power vacuum opened up in state politics. The seat for Governor would be completely open for the first time since 1954. Given this, a pluthera of candidates jumped into the fray. However, only one person could emerge the winner. Peter J. Brennan, a union president with ties to the Nixon administration and most well known for the hard hat riots in 1970, announced in early 1974 that he would be renouncing his membership in the Democratic party and running for Governor as an Independent. At his press conference, he cited lack of concern for labor issues among the Democrats and a continued straying from the center. While much confusion was caused in the media and in both parties, a speech by former President Nixon at a banquet in favor of Brennan welcomed him into the Republican ranks and thanks to New York's fusion laws put him on their primary ballot. With conservatives fearing a "Rockefeller Republican", Brennan was given a narrow majority in the primary. In the general election, former New York City Mayor John Lindsay, a former Republican who had run for both the Democratic and Republican nominations, was the Liberal Party candidate. Despite an abysmal record as Mayor, he still had a media-driven following and was able to use support among select urban groups to split the vote enough to give Brennan a close victory.

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New York's 50th Governor

While Kennedy was discouraged by the results, he nonetheless vowed to continue. Maybe without the presence of some Democrats, the remainder might be coaxed--along with a few moderate Republicans--into coming together to support free trade with Canada. Negotiations were rapping up and he would need all the support he could get. Humphrey and his ilk had been nothing but roadblocks to success on the issue. Over the course of the lame duck period, he began a series of meetings with several Republicans including Connecticut's two Senators, Lowell Weicker and Thomas J. Meskill, and George H.W. Bush over the passage of the Canadian-American Free Trade Pact. Newly inaugurated Congressman William J. Clinton of Arkansas, meanwhile, became part of a coalition of moderate Democrats in the House that would support its passage.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Congressman Scott Westman

The tall, lanky, and strangely handsome red-haired freshman Congressman from Montana's first district placed his hand on the Holy Bible and took the Oath of Office, becoming the first of his family to saunter into the political ring since his grandfather, William Westman, who looked on admiring from the guest seats. Scott's red hair matched his fiery temper. A self-described "far left liberal", Westman had made his name earlier in the decade as an opinionated peace protester. By 1974 however, his occupation was that of high school history teacher. However, public service found him like it found William Westman and Al Smith before him. Encouraged by Robert F. Kennedy's 1972 election, Westman was determined to become part of a breed of "New Democrats". Ironically, his vision for this would involve hearkening back to older Democratic traditions.

In his memoirs, written in the early 2000's, Westman recalled that "The old New Deal Coalition was fading. Nixon's victory in 1968 had smashed it and 1972 began the forging of a New Democratic Coalition. This was not one based on blue collar populism and economic nationalism, but instead one based on the principles of peace, civil liberties, and freedom. Kennedy had changed everything, at least so we thought in 1972. Therefore, I made it my job to represent this new group in my own state of Montana. I received discouragement from my own teacher's union, the local Democratic party, and the national establishment. However, after beating Baucus, those same forces now pretended to rally for my cause. Thanks to my unique political positioning, I was able to win many moderate Republicans."

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Scott Westman, ca. 1980's

Well known in his area for his radical anti-war past and his rather "free" personal life, his presence had nonetheless sent a few shock waves through the Establishment. During the campaign he voiced support for the Canadian-American Free Trade Pact (though he desired a much wider bill) and followed through in political support, making speeches against the so-called "economic nationalism" of many of the nation's legislators. Despite serving only one term, he would be coaxed by the President, who Westman developed an admiration of, to consider running for Senate in 1976. While it would later be revealed that Kennedy considered Westman a wild card, it was true that he also appreciated his vocal and open style, something that the President had long abandoned in favor of a political persona. During his first year in the House, Westman would also be-friend Arkansas' freshman Congressman Bill Clinton. The two agreed on a few economic and social issues and were even rumored to be partaking in lewd activities with female staffers and a number of drugs. Such rumors would plague both of their campaigns in 1976, but they'd have a damn good time doing them.

Congressman Bill Clinton (D-AR-3) with his wife Hillary, campaigning in his home district

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

"In the buildup to the 1996 campaign, Dick Hudson, Mattingly's longtime adviser and campaign manager, began recommending the biographies of what he considered were the great Republican statesman that the Governor was the successor of. Not only Lincoln, but Grant, McKinley--Mattingly took a great interest in him--Roosevelt, and Eisenhower. These were men who had led the Republicans not just in policy, but in electoral victory, throughout the history of the party. Hudson had long held an interest in politics and elections, as evidence by his profession, and had a keen eye for history. Therefore, while Mattingly's conversion to conservative Republicanism had been one of circumstance--rising social and foreign policy liberalism, economic decline under RFK--it became his credo. As the early 2000's commenced, Mattingly came to see himself as one in a long tradition of midwestern Republicans that came from humble origins to defend and preserve the union. Though not a highly educated man in any formal definition, he nonetheless began to see things as an epic battle, waged between those that would protect the country and those that would have it torn apart. I would not go so far as to say he was a tool of Hudson. Hudson only sought a maintainable Republican majority. Instead, he was an intelligent man, shaped by circumstances and forced to respond in very harsh terms."

-Rick Perlstein in Star Spangled Eyes

May 6th, 1975
Mattingly, leaning back in a recliner in his small house that he shares with two other automotive workers, sips a cool one (or four) while smoking, watches the news.
News Lady: ...And with the final vote of the House, a close one, the Canadian-American Free Trade Pact has passed and President Kennedy is expected to sign it into law. Following lowered tariffs with Japan last year and talks with China, this is the latest victory for the President on the issue of free trade.
Mattingly: [muttering, in the midst of his swig] Well there goes the whole damn country, again.
News Lady: Among the bill's supporters was Congressman Scott Westman, who we had the chance to interview.
Second News Lady: Mr. Westman, you've been a strong proponent of this and other free trade legislation since you're election. Do you view this bill as an important step for the country?
Westman: Absolutely. Free trade has long been in the Democratic tradition, and the opposition that came from the labor branch of the party was startling. I'm glad the President has decided to work for this, and that the country has gotten behind it. I can only hope we continue this in the future. Seeya back at the apartment.
Second News Lady: Oh, haha-
News Lady: Thanks, Diane, for the interview.
[Mattingly, as he sees the interview take place, notices the shocking red hair of the freshman Congressman, his style of speaking, and so on.]
Mattingly: [Inside his head] Hmmm.... I remember this guy from somewhere... [flashback to September 28th, 1968] Oh snap! It's that bastard from the Montana peace riots!

[Oldiesfreak1854]

You realize that Agnew was very pro-civil rights, don't you?

[MASHED POTATOES. VOTE!]

You realize that Agnew was very pro-civil rights, don't you?

Please, don't start it here.

[Oldiesfreak1854]

When Agnew ran for governor of Maryland in 1966, he defeated segregationist Democrat George Mahoney, whose slogan was "Your home is your castle: protect it."  This was intended to express opposition to fair housing laws.  Agnew won largely because of crossover support from pro-civil rights Democrats.  As governor, Agnew signed Maryland's first open housing law and repealed the ban on interracial marriage.  He was pro-law and order and po-civil rights at the same time.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

I'm sorry, where in mythread does it state something regarding Agnew and Civil Rights? I can best address complaints when I know what they're about.

[Oldiesfreak1854]

I'm sorry, where in mythread does it state something regarding Agnew and Civil Rights? I can best address complaints when I know what they're about.

Somebody mentioned something about Agnew and law and order.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

I'm sorry, where in mythread does it state something regarding Agnew and Civil Rights? I can best address complaints when I know what they're about.

Somebody mentioned something about Agnew and law and order.

You may be thinking of myself or dallasfan. Both of us are aware of the synopsis of his 1966 gubernatorial campaign. I don't think I did, and can't recall dallas saying, anything related to Agnew and opposition to civil rights.

[#CriminalizeSobriety]

I'm sorry, where in mythread does it state something regarding Agnew and Civil Rights? I can best address complaints when I know what they're about.

Somebody mentioned something about Agnew and law and order.

Yes - that Agnew criticized some civil rights protestors for "rabble rousing." (I'm paraphrashing here, but if need be I can drive over to the library and check the Nixon book out again for some citation.)

Being for "law and order," an outright segregationist does not make, even during the 60's when the phrase had certain connotations. And as you yourself stated,

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So, what's the problem?

[Oldiesfreak1854]

I'm sorry, where in mythread does it state something regarding Agnew and Civil Rights? I can best address complaints when I know what they're about.

Somebody mentioned something about Agnew and law and order.

Yes - that Agnew criticized some civil rights protestors for "rabble rousing." (I'm paraphrashing here, but if need be I can drive over to the library and check the Nixon book out again for some citation.)

Being for "law and order," an outright segregationist does not make, even during the 60's when the phrase had certain connotations. And as you yourself stated,

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So, what's the problem?

Nothing.  Thank you for a much-needed breath of fresh air Dallasfan!

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

So Mr. Oldies, what are your thoughts on the state of America, and the attitudes of our friend Christian Mattingly, at this point in history?

[Oldiesfreak1854]

So Mr. Oldies, what are your thoughts on the state of America, and the attitudes of our friend Christian Mattingly, at this point in history?

I think they could use some work.  As for Mattingly, I think he's a decent politician, although a little too rough around the edges for my liking.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Mattingly, 1975

With the beginning of a recession in 1975 and the lowering of tariffs, Mattingly suddenly found himself laid off from his position at Ford. Reduced to hanging out in his garage, feet up, watching television and drinking, he eventually took advantage of his new lot in life and took the path many laid off auto-workers found themselves in. He began repairing cars during the day and collecting checks from Ford every few weeks. And, like many, he ended up making more money while not working. At that time, Mattingly began putting aside a lot of money and taking night classes at the local community college.

As 1976 approached, naturally, he began to discuss politics with his former co-workers, friends, and his house-mates. "After this?" he remarked, tossing a wrench over his shoulder, "I'll be damned if I think about supporting him." Not that Mattingly was unhappy with the money he was pulling in, but he saw a number of other people, both colleagues and those that had been below him, leaving their jobs. Mattingly for his part had been able to survive thanks to incredibly low prices on his repairs and the amount of time he invested in his work, allowing him a greater rate of productivity. "No, no I don't f#ckin' sleep. Sleep's for f****ts", he was remarked as saying. While okay in present company, comments such as that would later be made known, endangering his electoral prospects in some cases. Continuing, this work ethic would become a hallmark of his later business career.

Known for his personality, productivity, and prices ("The three P's of business, motherf#cker"), Mattingly began looking to expand, even advertising and bringing on one of his housemates, also unemployed, as a partner of sorts. At one point, he did waffle on his position on Bobby Kennedy. "I'll be damned, but it seems that this economy's working out for me!" Nevertheless, he looked eagerly forward to 1976, a year where it was speculated Michigan's own Gerald R. Ford might be a candidate. As well, New York Governor Peter J. Brennan was a personal favorite of Mattingly's. "Seems like my kinda guy", he stated, not caring about the fact that he knew little of Brennan's record as governor, having heard of him during the Hard Hat Riots in 1970.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

The 1976 Republican Primaries

   At around the same time that Mattingly was preparing for another Christmas celebration at his parents’ residence and preparing once again to spend his time smoking and drinking beer in the garage—this time making sure their car was in order, candidates were preparing to barnstorm in Iowa. Shaking hands, speaking in barns, and canvassing across the state were Governor Daniel J. Evans of Washington, former Treasury Secretary John B. Connally of Texas, former Vice President Spiro T. Agnew of Maryland, and others. The candidate gaining a surprising following was Senator Beauregard Disraeli of Wyoming. A firebrand libertarian with questionable religious affiliations, Disraeli’s anti-tax, anti-government rhetoric was connecting with a number of voters, surprisingly even blue collar ones. “The government has seen fit to establish itself as the ultimate power in this nation, a coercive and destructive force that has established a near-feudal empire based on the ideas of property taxes, monopolies on infrastructure, and a thuggish enforcement office known as the Internal Revenue Service.” He as well would call for an end on “The bi-partisan ‘War on Drugs’ that the fascists in Washington have seen fit to saddle us with.”

   With Ford out of the running—in fact retiring from elected politics that year—the moderates of the party had felt trapped between the Texan Connally, the rabble rousing Disraeli, the populist, allegedly corrupt, and floundering Agnew, and the—by any measure—liberal Evans, it seemed like they would in fact turn to the Washington Governor. However, the low key campaign of Senator Thomas J. Meskill of Connecticut was able to gain favor in New England.
   Come the Iowa Caucuses, while Connally worked to build a coalition of evangelicals and business, Agnew found himself losing ground as allegations of corruption while Governor of Maryland came forward, and Disraeli alienated several undecideds even while getting strong youth support, Governor Evans was able to escape with a narrow plurality and claim victory in Iowa. With that, Connally, Disraeli, and the rest of the gang moved onto New Hampshire where Meskill, who had been quietly laying groundwork, was able to come up with victory. However, it was closer than expected thanks to hard work by both Connally and Disraeli.

   Connally, again failing to claim victory, retreated to Florida where a large amount of financial support was coming from. Working hard to gain the votes of Cubans, Southerners, conservatives, and business, Connally won with just barely over 40% of the vote a week after Meskill and Evans had upped their delegate counts, stopping their momentum, at least in the South, cold. By the end of March, the race was still a tossup. However, it seemed that Meskill might soon have to drop out, winning nothing outside of New England. Connally, for his part, had managed to win big in the delegate rich Florida and had also claimed victory in Kansas, showing support outside the South. Evans was displaying the most versatility, gaining support from liberals and moderates in the Mid-West and in the past almost beating out Meskill in Vermont.

   After Meskill lost both the New York and Wisconsin primaries—one  being large, richa in delegates, North-Eastern and his type of state to win in, and the other being crucial to showing he could achieve victory outside of New England—he dropped out, making a half-hearted endorsement to Evans. This had the opportunity to put all the moderate and liberal support behind Evans and deliver him wins even in relatively conservative states. That was when the White House stepped in. Kennedy, long paranoid of growing right-wing attacks and what he appraised as his slim grasp on power—both he and his brother had come into office on thin victories and in RFK’s case losing the popular vote—had bothered to compile massive opposition files on all his opponents. Only a week and a half before the Pennsylvania primary, evidence was released associating top Evans campaign aide Ted Bundy with the disappearances of a number of women he’d been in relationships with. National Security Adviser Robert O’Sullivan would later be attributed to being in charge of a number of “plumbers” operations such as these.

   In the media fallout and subsequent arrest of Bundy, Connally sprang ahead in the polls, narrowly winning Pennsylvania. Disraeli’s campaign was also revived, taking ten to twenty percent in Western primaries that Connally won by good margins. Meanwhile, Evans found his support disintegrating beneath his feet. With Connally re-focusing his campaign and bringing to light his pragmatic record combined with his extensive experience, he was moving rapidly. Evans’ last stand came on May 25th when he failed to win anything but Oregon. While he would go on to win Rhode Island in one of the final round of primaries, he officially dropped out after the 25th, leaving Disraeli the only opposition to Connally. Connally following that became the presumptive nominee.

   Mattingly, for his part, did participate in the Michigan Republican Primary due to its status as an open primary and, after a bit of nail biting, the reluctant Democrat decided to support a former Democrat and voted for John Connally. In an interview, he would state that “Sure, I wasn’t enthusiastic about Connally, but the only opposition to Kennedy were some write-ins and a few random names. And hey, Evans had made some very good foreign policy points and you can look at his record regarding Vietnamese refugees. However, Connally no doubt had those similar positions along with significant experience and a campaign that appealed to me.” It was true that, in the final days of his campaign, Evans had tried to run to the right of Connally on foreign policy, bringing up his support for refugees from the defeated South Vietnam as well as the Nixon administration’s defense cuts. It was surprising how quickly he’d attempted to turn Connally’s experience as well as his support among hawks against him, saying “The last time Connally worked under a President, that President supervised the betrayal of America’s foreign policy interests, including the SALT treaty and an agreement—approved by the current President—that sold out our ally South Vietnam.” However, it was not enough and all Evans could do was hope for a Vice Presidential pick.

Red - Former Secretary of the Treasury John B. Connally of Texas
Blue - Governor Daniel J. Evans of Washington
Green - Senator Thomas J. Meskill of Connecticut
Yellow - Senator Beauregard Disraeli of Wyoming

   Among the top contenders for the Vice Presidency were Senator Bob Dole of Kansas—a favorite of the conservatives and Mid-Western delegates and a personal recommendation by Nixon, House Minority Leader Ford, Senator Thomas Meskill, Governor Ronald Reagan—a proud Connally supporter who had to put his presidential ambitions on hold due to an assassination attempt on him in 1975, and, unsurprisingly, Governor Peter J. Brennan.  However, at the convention, all hints were put out that it would be Meskill due to his experience and of course the geographical and ideological factors. However, Connally, focusing on Nixon’s strategy of choosing an “attack dog” running mate and in an attempt to focus on working class voters and “cloth coat Republicanism”, chose Dole.

The Republican Ticket, 1976

[Oldiesfreak1854]

Who's Beauregard Disraeli?  Is he from another version of Americana?  And did you create the map of Jefferson Dent's Senate election in 1968?

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Who's Beauregard Disraeli?  Is he from another version of Americana?  And did you create the map of Jefferson Dent's Senate election in 1968?

Beauregard Disraeli hails originally from Americana I in which he was a two-term Libertarian president in the 80's, avowed Satanist, and former Wyoming Senator who, according to the first post, had run in 1972 and '76 as well.

And no, I believe Dallas produced that for Kal in another thread (I think Americana 3, though I'm not sure).

[MASHED POTATOES. VOTE!]

And no, I believe Dallas produced that for Kal in another thread (I think Americana 3, though I'm not sure).

Yep.