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« Reply #200 on: April 04, 2016, 03:35:08 PM »
« edited: May 24, 2016, 07:02:01 PM by Cathcon »

Liberalism & Realities in the 1990's Pt. III, or Tsongas the King: A Greek Tragedy

President Paul Tsongas was hospitalized in May of 1994 due to the strong and virile remission of his non-Hodgkins lymphoma. The battle that put him there was, ironically, the arduous and ultimately failed battle over the November 1993 "Tsongascare" plan. Proposed as a "free market alternative" to various, more costly single-payer plans that liberal Democrats had been agitating over, it had been been produced not from Health & Human Services, but from the Commerce Department, by Secretary Mitt Romney. It involved, among other things, the expansion of Medicaid and Medicare, but was noted mostly for its individual mandate that every citizen purchase healthcare or otherwise have it provided for them. It was a step-too-centrist for both sides of Congress, and members of Congress that Tsongas had previously been able to count on backed out and the bill became political poison. Nevertheless, the President was determined to deliver, and suffered the slings and arrows of outrageous fortune. Among these was the resignation of Commerce Secretary Mitt Romney. Romney, whose political affiliation had been fluid for over a decade, had previously refused to publicly identify with any party upon his entry into public life. Nevertheless, the Republican incumbent John Silber was anathema to Massachusetts' progressives as well as its business community; the former university president's term had gone with about the same amount of smoothness as his time as a higher education administrator. With Democrats seeking someone to push past the dark days of Dukakis, in-state Democrats were begging the centrist to run. Assessing his options: affiliation with a nationally unpopular healthcare plan and an easy shot at a state's governorship, Romney made the "best choice for my family", moving back to the Boston area and registering with the Democrats.

Paul Tsongas would be able to smile on one political success in 1994, however, as Secretary of Sate Jefferson Dent--in many ways isolated to handling Middle Eastern affairs--negotiated the United States' withdrawal from Iraq. For the past year-and-a-half, Dent had put his every skill in the realm of statecraft to use to almost directly oversee Iraqi reconstruction. Given Dent's by-and-large lack of family ties, he had been free to commit his time to this task, and his friendships in the international community, built up since his days as a young freshman on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee served him well in bringing other nations to trust the United States as they hadn't under Holton. (Make no mistake, George Bush was as well also trusted, and Tsongas' NATO policies were hardly welcomed internationally, but Holton's uni-lateral incursion had poisoned his administration with allies and adversaries alike in a way that even Tsongas hadn't) Organizing a significant private and public international pool to fund reconstruction in exchange for petroleum-based reimbursement, Iraqi infrastructure was in the process of being rebuilt and a large crew of Arab immigrants from Europe and the States had been employed in translator positions in order to help with training of the new Iraqi government and communication with the citizenry. Dent had been careful to focus specific attention on de-radicalization, vying for World Bank funding for investment in Iraq in ways that would yield employment and not be anathema to the Islamic citizenry. By June 1994, American withdrawal had been negotiated and replaced by a U.N. peacekeeping force.


While President Tsongas could smile on this as one of his administration's crowning achievements, there was little else he could find solace in, as his cancer was advancing at an accelerated rate. Physicians attributed this to his high-activity presidency, particularly following his first year in office and coinciding with his worsening relationship with Congress. Following consultation with First Lady Nikki Tsongas, several doctors, and his priest, the President would have an important choice to make. On July 1st, 1994, Paul Efthemios Tsongas, 42nd President of the United States of America, would become the second President to resign the office, citing rapid advancement of his non-Hodgkins lymphoma.


Gary Hart, who had served in the Kennedy White House, as a United States Senator, and as Vice President, would take the Oath of Office that same day and become 43rd President of the United States of America. He promised a dynamic continuation of the Tsongas policies. "A year and a half ago, I stood next to Paul as he took the Oath of Office. I don't know how many can feel the debt of honor as it hits them, placing their hand upon the Bible. What America has had the chance for these past months is an administration that spent every waking moment working for the sake of Americans of every stripe and shade, an administration that ran cleanly, and an administration that was effective. Paul Tsongas has aspired to and lived up to that Oath of Office every second of his Presidency. Our thoughts and prayers lie with Paul and his family. In his name, we move forward."
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« Reply #201 on: April 04, 2016, 03:43:46 PM »

lol this is great! I can't imagine President Hart being a success, though.
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« Reply #202 on: April 04, 2016, 03:49:04 PM »

lol this is great! I can't imagine President Hart being a success, though.

Thank you! And we'll just have to see how the nation does under President Hart. Have you been following?
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« Reply #203 on: April 05, 2016, 02:06:58 PM »

Putting the Hart Back in America

While many of the former President's admirers were saddened by his departure, there was none more happy on July 1st than Gary Hart. Lead White House Counsel, the United States Senate, the Vice Presidency, none of them had been enough. He had taken the "bucket of warm piss" post only following two failed attempts to win the nomination. "The Democrats don't nominate losers", he had grimaced in the run-up to the 1992 primaries. And he was right, with a very wide and much fresher moderate Democratic bench appearing in 1991, there was little opening for Hart, who had twice pursued the nomination. He had little idea who to thank for his good fortune, for Tsongas' bout of seemingly terminal illness. He had struggled to contain a smile at his first cabinet meeting.

"You know, you can only seek one more term after this, don't you?" his Chief of Staff had asked. "That's more than I was ever given in the past, and more than enough time to pass my agenda." He knew his presidency would be limited to, at maximum, six-and-a-half years. Nevertheless, it was a longer run than Tsongas, than Holton, than Brewer, than Nixon, than Johnson. He had time, more than he needed, in all likelihood. The selection of Vice President would be very important for Hart. He was seeking to make history and to secure a portion of the electorate that he knew he would have a hard time appealing to. With some strategists making note of the post-Dent Democratic demise in the South, as well as declining appreciation of the Democrats among African-Americans, it seemed the politically appropriate choice was clear--especially given that Colin Powell had declined multiple offers for the office. Lawrence Douglas Wilder, the second African-American Governor of Virginia and the first African-American Governor of any state since Reconstruction, a tough-on-crime moderate with appeal to rural whites and a strong stance on civil rights, and a man who left the office of Governor in 1994 and thus had a free schedule, was at first reluctant to accept. Nevertheless, with the chance to make history, to prolong his political career, and to secure a decent salary for the next few years, Wilder at last signed on. He was confirmed on September 16th, 1994.

Above: Former Governor Lawrence Douglas Wilder (Democrat-Virginia) was confirmed as the 45th Vice President of the United States of America on September 16th, 1994. His race, home state, political stances, and experience made him an ideal candidate for the job, shoring up many of President Hart's weaknesses. During his tenure, his major areas of focus would be urban engagement as well as forming a strong relationship with the ANC governments in South Africa.

With economic issues being pushed to the backburner after 1993, Hart's primary push would be in social and environmental issues. Before the beginning of the 1996 primary season, the new President had signed into law, with Democratic majorities, the Prenatal Health Act,--which included paid leave for pregnancy, grater federal funding for birth control and abortion, and sex education in public schools; the Federal Emissions Contract Act of 1995--affecting vehicles, manufacturing, and resource exploitation; and implementing greater federal civil service guidelines regarding same-sex discrimination. The President also tossed a bone to labor unions and activists concerned about wealth inequality by signing off on an increase in the corporate tax rate.

Nevertheless, Hart, like his predecessor was no boiler-plate progressive. While he used the power of the White House to endorse liberal cultural and social goals, he was determined not to lose his moderate base, nor to alienate himself too much from the electorate. After all, re-election had to be considered. Countering the claims that the President was a left-wing nutjob born solely of the counter-cultural instincts that had birth the second Kennedy Presidency, Hart committed the White House to a balanced budget by FY 2000. The architects of the White House Deficit Reduction Blueprint would be drawn up by OMB Director Leon Panetta and Special Chair of the White House Council on Fiscal Responsibility Erskine Bowles. Among the first legislation pushed by the new President was the legalization of E-Commerce and of the electronic signature, to take advantage of the burgeoning Internet. As well, he signed off on what would be titled the Personal Responsibility and Financial Conservation Act of 1996--Welfare Reform. Meanwhile, Ambassador to the People's Republic of China Jon Huntsman, Jr. was looking to reverse the vague protectionism of the Dole and Tsongas administrations in favor of "a Trans-Pacific zone of economic cooperation". Tariffs were already being quietly lowered behind closed doors.

As the 1996 primary season began to take shape, commentators were prone to remark "You could either call Hart the most liberal President in history, or the most conservative one." Hart preferred this inability to be labeled; an incoherent image of the White House--progressive, idealistic, bold, pragmatic, liberal, moderate, even conservative--only boosted Hart's chances in his mind. With his Republican opponents unsure of what to attack him on, the strategy seemed to be working.
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« Reply #204 on: April 05, 2016, 02:10:37 PM »

List of Presidents of the United States of America
37. Richard Milhous Nixon (Republican-New York) January 20th, 1969-January 20th, 1973
38. Robert Francis Kennedy (Democrat-New York) January 20th, 1973-October 9th, 1978
39. Albert Preston Brewer (Democrat-Alabama) October 9th, 1978-January 20th, 1981
40. Robert Joseph Dole (Republican-Kansas) January 20th, 1981-January 20th, 1989
41. Abner Linwood Holton, Jr. (Republican-Virginia) January 20th, 1989-January 20th, 1993
42. Paul Efthemios Tsongas (Democrat-Massachusetts) January 20th, 1993-July 1st, 1994
43. Gary Warren Hart (Democrat-Colrado) July 1st, 1994-Present

List of Vice Presidents of the United States of America
39. Spiro Theodore Agnew (Republican-Maryland) January 20th, 1969-January 20th, 1973
40. Albert Preston Brewer (Democrat-Alabama) January 20th, 1973-October 9th, 1978
Vacant: October 9th, 1978-January 8th, 1979
41. Daniel Ken Inouye (Democrat-Hawaii) January 8th, 1979-January 20th, 1981
42. Abner Linwood Holton, Jr. (Republican-Virginia) January 20th, 1981-January 20th, 1989
43. Gordon John Humphrey (Republican-New Hampshire) January 20th, 1989-January 20th, 1993

44. Gary Warren Hart (Democrat-Colorado) January 20th, 1993-July 1st, 1994
Vacant: July 1st, 1994-September 16th, 1994
45. Lawrence Douglas Wilder (Democrat-Virginia) September 16th, 1994-Present
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« Reply #205 on: May 01, 2016, 05:59:55 PM »

Imperial Liberalism

President Hart, a seasoned political operator, was more than aware that one of the greatest threats to Democrats in the general election was the perception of weakness, both against crime domestically, and against foes abroad. The President, determined not to meet the fates of “squishy” Garrett or his own overly-intellectual Secretary of State Dent, made sure, in the runup to the 1996 election, to emphasize his own credentials on national security and crime-fighting. Incidents in Waco, Texas and Ruby Ridge, Idaho, despite their formal statuses as operational disasters, were used to form a narrative of a tough President who took on “right-wing militants”. Similarly, Hart was sure to put a resolute public relations spin on actions taken in Eastern Europe by NATO and US operations against “Islamic terrorists” in the Middle East.

Nevertheless, while suburbanites and upscale voters felt secure with Hart in the driver’s seat, those on the marginal ends of society were left to feel more and more prosecuted. Both black communities, feeling under assault by municipal law enforcement, and far-right whites that were uncomfortable with a large, liberal federal government telling them what guns to buy and how to educate their children, were hostile to the political establishment. New standards for homeschooling--that, to some, effectively criminalized it--would form an important bullet in right-wing talking points.
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« Reply #206 on: May 01, 2016, 07:48:16 PM »

The 1996 Democratic Primaries

Despite President Hart's general popularity, there were a number of discontents in the Democratic camp. Those less-than-enthusiastic over "leftism-gone-Hollywood" or "Democrats as the business party" ran a litany of candidates at the state-level. This largely consisted of write-in campaigns or the recruitment of down-and-out or non-politicians. The name of consumer activist Ralph Nader--who eventually officially announced in mid-February after months of being pestered--was put on a number of state caucus and primary ballots. In Minnesota, Eugene McCarthy was the anti-establishment standard bearer, and in more conservative states, non-partisan businessman Ross Perot experienced a groundswell of support, and in the South, some attempted to nominate Jefferson Dent.


President Gary Warren Hart of Colorado
Others: Ross Perot (ID, MT, ND, OH, OK); Jefferson Dent (AL); Ralph Nader (ME); Eugene McCarthy (MN); Bernard "Bernie" Sanders (VT)

Despite activist victories in low-turnout primaries and caucuses, President Hart and Vice President Wilder were renominated without incident. Jefferson Dent rolled his eyes as he was forced to hand over delegates to the incumbent for a candidacy he had far from consented to.

Tricky Dicky Screwdriver - The 1996 Republican Primaries

The Republican primaries were a far less unifying. The Republican party's right wing would long attribute the following events to a drawn-out conspiracy by business and establishment party members. With Republicans looking to bump-off President Hart and render him another failed Democratic President--the rejections of Lyndon Johnson and Bobby Kennedy in recent decades had tasted far too sweet--a number of candidates chose to enter the fray. From the left-wing of the Republican Senate caucus and a 1988 contender hailed H. John Heinz III. Despite a pro-choice and liberal voting record, Heinz struck a moderate tone, highlighting his role in drafting economic legislation of the 1980's and casting himself as the sensible, middle-of-the-road candidate, attempting to draw parallels between himself and Eisenhower, Nixon, and Dole. He also claimed a populist mantle, emphasizing President Hart's "sheer abandonment of a national industrial policy." He was endorsed by business magnate H. Ross Perot. Nevertheless, Heinz was not alone in the "rebranded moderates" field. California Governor Pete Wilson, a pro-choice business Republican, would emphasize not only his fiscal reforms of the Golden State, but his strident opposition to illegal immigration.

With Patrick J. Buchanan having quit the Republican party to launch a second third-party campaign, the populist right still within the party would need a new champion. Former Democrat Tim Penny, a fiscal conservative, anti-globalist, and tough-on-crime pro-lifer, would be that champion. Having opted to change parties in response to his party's embrace of social liberalism and free trade, Penny had shortly thereafter decided to seek a promotion: The Presidency. Lamar Alexander, who had served as Governor of Tennessee from 1975 to 1983, and as Linwood Holton's HHS Secretary following Liddy Dole's resignation, would also launch a populist campaign based on "getting money out of politics" and opposition to "D.C. liberalism". Other candidates included publisher Steve Forbes and his flat tax plan and Senator Dan Quayle of Indiana.

Candidates who opted to sit out the election included Governor Jeb Bush of Florida, former Secretary of Defense Cheney, and former National Security Adviser Kirkpatrick--in general, those associated with Holton were choosing to step aside for the duration of the election; Governor Christian Mattingly, Senator David MacKenzie, Businessman Ross Perot, and former Congressman Ron Paul.

Where the "conspiracy" claims emerged as in the run-up to New Hampshire. With Wilson scoring relatively highly in West Coast and New England polls, East Coast and DC funding quickly changed streams, being united behind the California Governor. Easily winning Hawaii against Heinz and Alaska against Forbes and Penny, Wilson had the moderate momentum, writing off Iowa to score an easy victory in New Hampshire. Meanwhile, the Iowa Caucuses had become a far different animal, saturated with conservative activists and the "Jesus crowd". In such an environment, Penny used his next-door advantage and voting record to narrowly eek out victory against Alexander and Quayle. Despite taking fifth in New Hampshire, he placed second in South Carolina, solidifying his presence in the race. Meanwhile, Alexander, the candidate of Dixie, would take the Palmetto State, effectively creating a three-way race between Wilson, Penny, and Alexander. Quayle, who had attempted to paint himself as the conservative candidate, and Forbes, who had failed to cobble together an effective anti-tax coalition, were pushed out. They endorsed Alexander and Wilson, respectively. Meanwhile, Heinz' second-place finish in New Hampshire came to very little, and he dropped out without endorsement.

To many, it was "beyond absurd" that Wilson was among the three finalists for the nomination. This was effectively ignoring the fact of Lin Holton's primary victories in 1988 and 1992. Wilson's significant fundraising advantage pushed him well beyond New Hampshire, as he overpowered his rivals in the North-East and the West Coast. As well, his campaign executed competent victories in Florida and Illinois, giving him the national coalition that Alexander and Penny--splitting the conservative vote--lacked. What was most notable was Wilson's surge to the right, as he showcased an "impressive" anti-illegal immigration record. Critics mocked the moderate's choice of a "strongman" image. He also was more than proud to tote out California's economic record, and cited the approval of conservative institutions including the Heritage Foundation. Despite Wilson's lead in primary delegates and the popular vote, both Penny and Alexander opted to stay in throughout the primaries, denying Wilson a majority prior tot he convention. 

Demographically, things broke along fairly regional lines, with the tightest races held in the Upper South and industrial Mid-West. Wilson was denied crucial majorities in New England and North-Eastern States thanks to Penny's support from blue collar and "South Boston" voters. In states that were once solidly liberal votes in Republican primary contests such as Rhode Island and Massachusetts, Penny took second place thanks to Democratic converts--the "Ed King/John Silber" voter. Regional boundaries were often drastic, with different candidates in a three-way race taking majorities in neighboring states. Penny took the Interior West and Mid-West, Wilson the North-East, South-West, and Pacific, and Alexander in the South.


Blue - Governor Peter B. "Pete" Wilson of California
Green - Former Secretary of Education Lamar Alexander of Tennessee
Red - Congressman Timothy "Tim" Penny of Minnesota

Going into the convention, the Wilson team was working overtime. Their candidate had captured nearly every large state, minus Texas. With that state's delegation, Wilson would have been the nominee. Identifying Alexander as the more pliable of the candidates--Penny was "A Mid-West nutjob, addled by subsidized corn and evangelical Christianity"; Alexander had governed a state and worked in the three most recent Republican administrations--Team Wilson was prepared to offer him anything. Alexander, seeking not to abandon his conservative base, insisted that a right-to-life plank be re-introduced to the Republican platform (it had quietly disappeared in 1988 and 1992) and, naturally, that he be named Vice President. Seeing it as preferable to a Penny-Alexander alliance--"a party taken over by unelectable holy-rollers and coal miners"--Wilson's advisers urged him to take the offer.

Above: The nomination of Governor Pete Wilson by the Republicans would be met with more than mere opposition. While, in the aftermath of Roe v. Wade, at least one Presidential nominee, Linwood Holton, had been nominated, he had the legitimacy of being an incumbent Vice President nad had been more than willing to "play ball", at least in 1988. Wilson's first "rapprochement" with the Republicans' right was in the run-up to the convention. The fact that his gubernatorial record and multiple statewide campaigns had helped him acquire more than enough of a public record on abortion and other issues proved more than some could handle. His choice of Lamar Alexander for Vice President gave him the nomination, but not the spiritual support of the party. While primary opponent Tim Penny opted not to walk out of the convention, he had little incentive not to help Wilson's adversaries in the general election

Mere days before the convention, Wilson and Alexander announced their decision. Seeing Wilson nominated on the first ballot, Tim Penny opted to make the "politic" choice of not walking out of the convention. Nevertheless, there was nothing to be gained by seeing a pro-choice rival win. Patrick J. Buchanan received an important call.
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« Reply #207 on: May 01, 2016, 09:40:47 PM »

Interview with Governor Christian Mattingly, MPR, March 16th, 1996

Reporter Slob: We're here with Governor Christian Mattingly, the day before St. Patrick's and with less than half a week to go before Michigan's March 19th Republican primary. Governor?
Mattingly: First off, thanks, I'm glad to be here. In case I don't run into you tomorrow, happy St. Patrick's Day.
RS: Thanks, and the same to you. Do you have any plans for the day?
Mattingly: Probably a run, 9:00 AM mass, then it's off to Corktown.
RS: You haven't developed a reputation as being particularly athletic or health-obsessed.
Mattingly: Well, I don't do marathons, but after I quit smoking, I found it useful to acquire a second vice.
RS: When, exactly, did you quit?
Mattingly: I would've quit sooner, but I put a lot of pressure on myself for much of the past decade. Probably when I got back from Washington DC. They don't talk about it a lot, but that town is lousy with alcoholism and all other forms of... abuse. Coming back from that city was quite the breath of fresh air.
RS: Talking about DC brings us 'round to what a lot of people are wondering-
Mattingly: Oh, really?
RS: Yes, with three days to go before the primary, this is the second contested Republican primary in a row with you as Governor where you've refused to publicly endorse. In fact, during your, admittedly short, political life, there's very little close to a record of your presidential votes.
Mattingly: *Smirk, Scoff* Well, I have to admit, it's partly out of self-interest. I'm very hesitant about voting in elections where I'm not on the ballot.
RS: *Smirk*
Mattingly: In all seriousness, though, I don't feel the urge to interject myself into contentious debates. The voters that do their research, or that have seen how I've campaigned in 1990 and '94, they know my values. That said, I still like to keep my votes private. We've all had votes we've regretted, and I just have distaste for saying to others "Vote my way!" when it's probably very likely that something awful comes out about any of these candidates at any time. I'll vote the way I decide to vote, but that isn't a command to the state's Republicans--I don't own their votes and I'm not asking for them.
RS: You said that the voters know your values... What are they?
Mattingly: It's, uh, it's pretty simple. I oppose the legalization of abortion that happened nationwide in the 1970's; I stand against the free trade deals brokered by both parties over the past twenty years; I favor a strong military and benefits for our veterans; I'm nevertheless cautious about using our military in situations that might be less-than-winnable; I stand by cops and firefighters and workers and business owners.
RS: By the sound of it, it seems like you'd favor a populist campaign. Did you vote for Buchanan four years ago?
Mattingly: *Smirk* No comment.
RS: Well, if you won't answer that, would you be willing to talk about what you think the best option is for the Republican party's future?
Mattingly: Of course! I think the years since the New Deal have been demonstrative of the direction that wins us elections. Eisenhower and Dole ran national campaigns and championed a Republicanism--a conservatism, even--that was for the common man. I mean, there were labor endorsements in both their re-election campaigns. They were also smart enough to reject nonsense that involved the diffusion of our national industrial base to other countries. Republicans, ranging from the liberal Prescott Bush to the conservative Barry Goldwater were smart enough to oppose Democratic free trade proposals in the 1960's. Where we have lost, especially most recently, is where we betrayed our commitment to the nation-state, and to our nation's middle class, in favor of wonky, new age ideas that eroded our national interest. Lin Holton, he's a great American, sure, but beyond MBA interns and Georgetown theorists, he didn't have a natural constituency.
RS: So, you want to focus on blue collar workers?
Mattingly: Absolutely. And it's nowhere near an original strategy.
RS: Do you think your policies as Governor reflect this?
Mattingly: I've had to buck both conservative and liberal orthodoxy to get things done in Lansing. But the reason I can actually talk to you, right now, about going to Corktown for St. Patrick's, is because of steps my administration has taken. They called us barbaric for defending lives and property through "vicious" gang squad tactics. And they called us bleeding hearts for investing in our inner city education and employment systems. There are a lot of pundits that like to talk about focusing on the "white working class"; I've tried to shift focus to the working class in general.
RS: But what about outside of just Detroit?
Mattingly: My administration has promoted programs to support Michigan's farmers, Michigan's infrastructure, and Michigan's businesses. Blanchard began putting us in the right direction, and since my election, we as a state have been leading the nation in a number of categories.
RS: How does this relate to your social policies?
Mattingly: From a philosophical standpoint, if we want a government that defends the rights of all, and not just a few, this applies to the unborn as much as the poor and the marginalized. If we're talking about it as a political direction, well, some things you take a stance on regardless of whether they win you votes. Nevertheless, I do believe the party needs to reintroduce a right-to-life plank to stand not only with those unborn that die every year, but also the millions of faithful. To vocally distance the party, as some would hope to do, from the anti-abortion movement would be political suicide. The types who are adamant about abortion rights have already found their party, and the nomination of a pro-choice Republican isn't going to provide any long-term, stable advantage. I apply the same logic when it comes to the drug-obsessees and people seeking to redefine marriage.
RS: Well, thank you for your time, Governor Mattingly. It looks like this segment has its limits.
Mattingly: *Smiles* Anytime. Remember to vote on Tuesday and don't forget to celebrate this weekend!
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« Reply #208 on: May 02, 2016, 10:49:13 AM »

1992 United States Senate Elections

Democrats: 53 (-1)
Republicans: 46 (+1)
Independents: 1

Notable Races:
Alabama: Senator Jefferson Dent wins Re-Election. Selected for Secretary of State shortly thereafter, he would be replaced by a token Democrat from 1993 until a 1994 special election.
Alaska: Easily beating Mike Gravel, Congressman Don Young (R) ascended to the Senate.
Colorado: With Senator Hart opting not to run for re-election, Ben Nighthorse Campbell was elected following a tough primary with former Governor Dick Lamm and Congresswoman Patricia Schroeder.
Indiana: Senator Dan Quayle, a prominent social conservative in the Senate, is easily re-elected.
North Carolina: Former First Lady of the United States Elizabeth "Liddy" Dole, who had resigned from her position in the Holton cabinet in 1991, was easily elected over the Democratic incumbent.
North Dakota: Deficit hawk Kent Conrad (D) is easily re-elected.
Oregon: Following allegations of sexual misconduct and assault, liberal Republican Bob Packwood was ousted by the fiscally moderate Les Aucoin (D).
Wisconsin: Liberal Russ Feingold (D) is elected to replace a Republican.
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« Reply #209 on: May 02, 2016, 11:43:09 AM »

1994 United States Senate Elections
Despite Tsongas' popularity, the Democrats were over-inflated and 1994 was not well-situated for them. If not for key gains against vulnerable incumbents, they might have lost control of the chamber.

Democrats: 51 (-2)
Republicans: 50 (+2)

Notable Races
Alabama: In a special election for Jefferson Dent's old seat, Governor Jim Folsom, Jr. was elected.
Connecticut: Senator Lowell Weicker was elected with the endorsement of the Democratic state party. His rival in state politics, Joe Lieberman, would be re-elected Governor with significant cross-over votes from Republicans. Many contemplated that he might switch parties with Weicker's decision to join the Democrats. Shortly after voting, Weicker would officially join the Democrats in order to solidify the party and gain favor for committee appointments.
Maine: First Lady of Maine Olympia Snowe is elected to the Senate as a moderate and protectionist. Her political career had taken a hit in 1978 with her primary loss to Thaddeus O'Connor. Nevertheless, she had soldiered on, returning to the state legislature and serving as the State's Attorney General and an active and popular First Lady to Governor
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« Reply #210 on: May 02, 2016, 02:52:35 PM »

The Neoliberal Consensus - The 1996 United States Presidential Election

Pete Wilson might, in another world, have been well-situated to win back the White House for the GOP. The moderate Governor of one of the most populous states in the union--and a swing state--that could brag fiscal responsibility and a commitment to tough-on-crime policies. Nevertheless, he had failed to secure a majority of the primary vote and had won the nomination only with significant concessions to those to his right. Meanwhile, the very people he would need as his base were in the process of rebellion.

Patrick J. Buchanan might have been the "heir apparent" to the Republican nomination in 1996. He nevertheless had grown tired of working within the Republican party. Following a wide fundraising and polling lead by the entrance of Pete Wilson, Buchanan had formally withdrawn from any Republican nominating contest and chosen to pursue instead the U.S. Taxpayer's Party nomination. With Wilson's nomination, the former speechwriter was beginning to attract a following equivalent to his 1992 run. In standing as a significant third choice between two neoliberal candidates, the Old Right conservative had begun to attract some support from the left, as well, including activists Lenora Fulani and Brian Moore. For voters looking for a candidate opposed to free trade and foreign intervention who would defend homeschooling and religious groups, Buchanan's brand was gaining significant ground.

The death knell, however, for the Wilson campaign was the attempt to "shore up" the party's deficit hawks while appealing to moderates by proposing "agrireform". In a campaign plank authored by former Nevada State Senator and veteran of the D'Israeli campaigns Areus Ho'kee, the candidate denounced the "billions pumped towards agribusiness, creating market distortions and comprising some of the real corporate welfare that our government is guilty of." The move backfired in the West, where Wilson should have been strong, with Democrats running ads featuring images of devastated family farms, while pundits discussed the "severe price surges" that would happen under the Wilson plan.

While the Republican vote appeared to be splitting and surrogates were savaging the Republican ticket, President Hart worked to appear above-the-fray. It would be the work of Vice President Wilder to rally record African-American turnout against "the candidate of entitlement-slashing and three-strikes laws" in states like Virginia, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Missouri, and Florida. Meanwhile, ads would be run across the fruited plain portraying Wilson as "wishy-washy" on abortion and a host of other social issues from "independent" political action committees. Of great effect were Lamar Alexander's own quotes about Wilson's record made during the primary campaign.

With Vice President Wilder focused on the South and the inner-cities, Hart concentrated on an area he was far more familiar with. Hoping to achieve sweeping victory, special emphasis was placed on the traditionally Republican Interior West as well as the electoral vote-rich West Coast. Appearing in campaign commercials and speaking engagements framed by mountains, fields, and the Pacific Ocean, the Democratic incumbent made a serious play for the area.

Above: Despite the President's cosmopolitan political orientation, Gary Hart adopted a rugged persona to help seize his home region in his ambitious bid for a landslide re-election.

With Hart having crafted in image as a centrist progressive in contrast to the "heartless" Wilson and the "small" Buchanan, the President and the Democrats made easy work of their opponents.


President Gary Warren Hart (Democrat-Colorado)/Vice President Lawrence Douglas Wilder (Democrat-Virginia) 384 electoral votes, 49.1% of the popular vote
Governor Peter Barton Wilson (Republican-California)/Former Secretary of Health & Human Services Andrew Lamar Alexander, Jr. (Republican-Tennessee) 154 electoral votes, 43.5% of the popular vote
Former White House Communications Director Patrick Joseph Buchanan (Taxpayer's-Virginia)/Economic Pat Choate (Taxpayer's-Oklahoma) 0 electoral votes, 7.3% of the popular vote
Others: 1.0% of the popular vote
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« Reply #211 on: May 02, 2016, 08:56:19 PM »

Really enjoying this TL. Great update!
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« Reply #212 on: May 02, 2016, 09:34:04 PM »
« Edited: May 02, 2016, 09:36:23 PM by Cathcon »

An Ode to Richard Nixon
Joan Hoff, May 1994


On April 22nd, 1994, Richard M. Nixon, 37th President of the United States of America, passed away from cerebral edema caused by a blood clot. While former President Dole, one of his proteges and perhaps his most popular successor, declared that the latter half of the 20th Century will be remembered as the "Age of Nixon", the late President has received little examination since leaving office. Despite his activity in Republican presidential politics and as a diplomat, actual discussion of the Nixon legacy and what his presidency was has been remained buried. This is in all likelihood due to having been sandwiched between John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson on one side, and Robert F. Kennedy and Bob Dole on the other. While he serves as a transitional president between the last liberal triumphs of the New Deal Era and the final liberal failures and conservative resurgence, many have accepted that he was merely a failed executive who got his comeuppance and retreated into the shadows.

However, an examination of the four years Nixon spent at the head of the world's most powerful country say a lot about both him and the nation. The pedestrian assumptions about the Nixon presidency were that he was a conservative out of his time, booted from office for failure to end the Vietnam War. What remains far from discussion is the litany of liberal legislation pushed for and signed by Nixon, as well as the numerous steps taken by his administration toward de-escalating both Vietnam and the Cold War. Moreover, had Nixon responded to conservative pressures on school desegregation, he might have won the day, as conservative vote-splitting in the South arguably cost him Alabama, Arkansas, Tennessee, and Kentucky. With Bobby Kennedy having taken the credit for a number of liberal initiatives pushed for by the Nixon administration, the Republican President's liberal legacy has been overshadowed.

Nevertheless, it was the second Kennedy administration that began the deregulatory spiral we are now in. In a world where Democratic politicians compete to unveil new plans for "entitlement reform" and for the money of Wall Street donors, one wonders what might the state of American liberalism be had Robert F. Kennedy not tainted its name in the 1970's. While the 38th President held a solid environmental record, he had little concern for regulation of the finance industry and records show that, had 1976 not been an election year, he would have been inclined to attach a hefty price tag onto the federal government's decision to bail out New York City. He replaced a "conservative" that had supported not only the EPA and detente, but the legalization of abortion, the ERA, the expansion of food stamps, the end of the draft, affirmative action, and a guaranteed minimum income.

After Nixon came a parade of the right; not only the first "New Democrat" Kennedy, but the conservative Southerner Brewer, herald of the right Dole, and so on. Holton, ironically, seems to be the last of the type of Republicans of the Nixon era--progressive, pragmatic, and principled. The current crew of apparent neo-confederates and business interests obsessed with gutting the welfare state that make up the current Republican Party looks no better. Had Richard Nixon been re-elected, it is interesting to speculate as to how the parties might have changed. A second-term Nixon, bereft of as intense pressure from his right-flank, might have come out in full support for the Equal Rights Amendment, have ended Vietnam just on time, and have successfully passed universal healthcare, twenty years before the current battle being waged. There is little doubt that the power of Goldwater's faction would have been greatly reduced, and the reactionary surge of 1980 staved off. Liberal projects supported by the second Kennedy administration would likely still have been pursued, and perhaps with more vigor--a man such as Nixon not afraid of appearing "too far left". The moderation of Nixon's Republicans in the nineteen-seventies might have been followed by a full-blooded liberal resurgence under a more fitting champion than Bobby Kennedy in the 1980's. Now, in 1994, a moderate Republican party, likely led by Lowell Weicker, John Anderson, or H. John Heinz--all of whom came to prominence around the acme of Nixon's type of Republicanism--might be in charge.
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« Reply #213 on: May 02, 2016, 09:36:41 PM »

Really enjoying this TL. Great update!

Thanks! I appreciate the comment.
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« Reply #214 on: May 06, 2016, 10:17:43 AM »
« Edited: May 28, 2016, 11:12:41 PM by Cathcon »

1996 Senate Elections
With the Hart administration in the South being tied with social liberalism, a number of incumbent Democrats in the South were imperiled. A number of key races in Dixie put the Senate in the control of Majority Leader Thad Cochran and Majority Whip Ted Stevens.


Republicans: 51 (+2)
Democrats: 49 (-2)

Notable Races
Alabama: Jeff Sessions (R) beats a Dent-backed liberal Democrat.
Louisiana: Mary Landrieu, a moderate Democrat, marks the Democrats' only gain in the South.
North Carolina: Former First Lady Elizabeth "Liddy" Dole defeats incumbent Harvey Gantt (D). Dole's victory was complicated by high black turnout due to Vice President Wilder.
Tennessee: Retired actor Fred Thompson beats incumbent Democrat Al Gore, who had become tied with the Gore administration's agenda.
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« Reply #215 on: May 06, 2016, 06:21:59 PM »

Friends to Power
Adding Republicans to the Big Tent

Anti-war? Pro-choice? A supporter of universal healthcare and an increased minimum wage? A Republican? Not for long. "I don't think I've moved, I think the party has moved. I feel like a man without a party..." Larry Pressler, who himself had lost the Republican nomination for President in 1988 to then-Vice President Linwood Holton, had since been feeling more and more alienated from his caucus. The decision of the pro-choice and largely liberal Holton to tack to the right in the general election, hammering Dent on not only crime, but on abortion and taxes, had alienated Pressler who, though at the time maintaining a center-right voting record, was uncomfortable with the conservative resurgence in his party. The Republican-backed authorization of force in Iraq in 1991 had created a permanent rift between Pressler and his party's establishment. "I voted for Tsongas in 1992 for fiscally conservative reasons," Pressler, having already left the Senate, stated in a 1993 interview. "I am also adamantly opposed to military adventurism, something that the Holton administration had appeared quite intrigued by."

Above: Secretary of Defense Larry Pressler, explaining in a 1993 interview, as to why he had opted to work for a Democratic President. He cited a wide range of reasons including a host of social issues, but with primary emphasis on the "military adventurism" entertained by Republican President Holton. Pressler would alter permanently abandon the Party and became associated with the Democrats. Towards the end of the 20th Century, he counted among his friends a number of anti-war left-wing activists and politicians and was considered by the liberal media a "moderate statesman".

Pressler, though uncomfortable with the Hart administration's first-term foreign policy, agreed to stay on as Defense Secretary until after the 1996 election. Nevertheless, he opted to step down in December, 1996, forcing Hart to choose a new Department head. By then, however, Pressler, had formally left the Republican Party. "The rhetoric Pete Wilson, as much as I respect him in his governing ability, chose to employ in the election has shown that the party is firmly entrenched in the interests of a far-right minority. I am not interested in playing politics with that sort of people." Pressler was replaced by a fellow political independent, General Colin Powell. 

There were a number of other former Republicans who had slowly begun gravitating toward the Democrats since the Robert F. Kennedy administration. George Romney, Tom McCall, and Roger Goodell had all taken cabinet spots for the 38th President. Lowell Weicker, who had served as a Republican legislator as far back as the 1960's, was perhaps the most prominent example, being booted by his own party in 1982 in a Buckley Brothers-backed coup with George Bush's brother at its helm. In 1988, he had sought re-entry to the Senate as a progressive-backed independent, caucusing with the Democrats. By 1995, he had officially joined the Party of Jackson.

Among a generation of younger aspiring politicians were a few rare birds. Mitt Romney, himself the son of Republican George Romney, had, by 1994, become a Democrat. Intending it to only be brief, he wandered away from business and forayed into federal politics as a staffer and adviser to President Holton. He stepped down in 1991 to support fellow Bay Stater Paul Tsongas, aligning as an independent. He would not only go on to serve as Tsongas' Commerce Secretary, but was formally drafted by the Massachusetts Democrats to defeat Republican Governor John Silber in 1994. Jon Huntsman, Jr., though far younger, was a political classmate of Romney's, serving as well in the Holton administration as chief architect of the President's ambitious Federal Economic Convergence Act. In 1989, he had been identified as one of Time's "30 under 30", and profiled as "the chief architect of globalization". With his extensive business experience in the Orient, the Republican was appointed first as Ambassador to Singapore in 1992, and then Ambassador to China in 1995. It was under him that exploration of a wide-spanning trade pact between the United States and the East began, something he would work for years on. Being far removed from domestic politics, Huntsman was still identified as a Republican, even as he moved into being a chief foreign policy player in the Democratic Hart administration.

Nevertheless, the Democrats were not the only party gaining members. In 1986, former Democrat Robert P. Casey had defeated liberal Democratic Governor Larry Watson in Pennsylvania as a Republican. Former Attorney General Rudolph W. Giuliani, hard at work in running for New York City's Mayoralty in 1997, was himself an ex-Democrat. And Connecticut Governor Joe Lieberman, alienated from a state party that had instead embraced his former opponent Lowell Weicker, was being intensely courted by the CT GOP. "Blue dog" conservative mid-western representatives such as Tim Penny, Colin Peterson, and Glenn Poshard had either already switched parties or were being forced to heavily consider it as the Democrats under Hart had branded themselves in a way that was significantly alienated from their views and their constituents.
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« Reply #216 on: May 06, 2016, 09:02:08 PM »

Atari Democracy Pt. I

Having secured re-election, the President was determined not to let “an infantile, unpracticed” Republican majority get in the way of his agenda. Republicans had not held the upper hand in either house since 1987, and, aside from their leadership, since then a number of their seats had changed hands. Meanwhile, they still had yet to take the House--not since the 1950’s--and that would, in Hart’s eyes, hopefully, prevent them from being of any particular danger. Nevertheless, he would work hard to pass remaining healthcare legislation, including the Kennedy-Hatch State Children’s Health Insurance Program.


Following that, his biggest task would be to assemble a second-term cabinet. Secretary of State Jefferson Dent had decided to retire back to Mobile. He viewed his job as by-and-large complete, he was dissatisfied working for Hart, and recent Democratic losses in Alabama had prompted him to believe he was needed back home. As well, Pressler, opposed to Hart’s liberal use of force overseas, left two large openings in his cabinet.

Secretary of State: Geraldine Ferraro (Democrat-New York)
Secretary of the Treasury: Leon Panetta (Democrat-California)
Secretary of Defense: Colin L. Powell (Independent-New York)
Attorney General: Albert Gore, Jr. (Democrat-Tennessee)
Secretary of the Interior: Floyd K. Haskell (Democrat-Colorado
Secretary of Agriculture: Harvey Gantt (Democrat-North Carolina)
Secretary of Commerce: Michael Bloomberg (Democrat-New York)
Secretary of Labor: Lawrence Watson (Democrat-Pennsylvania)
Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare: Patricia Schroeder (Democrat-Colorado)
Secretary of Housing and Urban Development: Andrew Cuomo (Democrat-New York)
Secretary of Transportation: Henry Cisneros (Democrat-Texas)
Secretary of Environment & Energy: William “Bill” Richardson, III (Democrat-New Mexico)

National Security Adviser: Zbigniew Brzezinski (Democrat-New York)
Director of the Office of Management & Budget: Erskine Bowles (Democrat-North Carolina


Cabinet shifts reflected, to an extent, changes in priorities. Notable was the decision to replace Mark Roosevelt, who had worked diligently in the name of gay rights to initiate changes in labor, health, and civil service regulations and services with Patricia Schroeder. This indicated a prioritization of gender disparities in wages and participation over “fringier” civil rights issues. However, the most controversial decision would be the promotion of Attorney General Geraldine Ferraro to State. While she had served on the Foreign Relations Committee during her last three terms in the House, critics largely derided the appointment as tokenism and the appointment of a loyal administration member to a coveted spot. While Hart was indeed proud to appoint the first female Secretary of State, and Ferraro was a reliably loyal cabinet participant, Hart also wanted a Secretary who wasn’t afraid to be “tough”. In a rather candid cabinet conversation, the President admitted “The post-Cold War world is far more dangerous than we’ve let ourselves believe.” This was also the reason for his appointment of the ancient paleoliberal Zbigniew Brzezinski to his old post of National Security Adviser. Ferraro had honed a reputation as Attorney General for her toughness against domestic radicals, terrorists, and organized crime. Hart intended for her to turn this attitude towards America’s enemies.

Above: The choice of Geraldine Ferraro for Secretary of State would reflect not only the political motivations of President Hart--the goal of appointing the first female Secretary of State--but also the President's bleak vision for the globe as the 21st Century came 'round. The President desired someone who could project toughness and knew how to back it up, and his Attorney General, who had been known as "tough-on-crime" since her days as a District Attorney in New York City in the 1970's, seemed just the type.

Chief among Hart’s domestic push coming in 1997 would be legislation to restrict the sale and purchase of tobacco, and implementing an energy and environmental agenda reflective of growing concerns about climate change. To do this, the departments of Justice, Interior, Commerce, H.E.W., and Environment & Energy would be utilized to draft and then enforce a bevy of new regulations aimed at automobile manufacturers, coal companies, tobacco producers, and petroleum firms. Nevertheless, with a Republican Senate, things suddenly became much harder for Hart than they had been in the last four-and-a-half years. All of the firms that the Hart administration’s legislation targeted pitted their funding and their lobbyists against the President and the Democrats in Congress. This opposition, which defined 1997 for the President, would be but a taste of what was to come.
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« Reply #217 on: May 07, 2016, 11:35:14 AM »

Another great update. I like the idea of Ferraro being Secretary of State.
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« Reply #218 on: May 08, 2016, 05:42:18 PM »

Manufactured Aristocracy
New Republic, 1997

As the Grand Old Party goes soul-searching for yet another champion to--potentially disastrously fail to--lead the party in the first Presidential election of the 21st Century, one name has repeatedly cropped up among wannabe Beltway pundits. Christian Mattingly appears an ideal candidate to rally the masses in favor of some blue collar populist conservatism. Despite the Governor's decision to adopt a populist persona whenever election time comes 'round in the Wolverine State, this could hardly be by choice. While he hails from middle class origins in postwar industrial suburbia, and seems to proudly hearken back to this time, his has always been a journey to escape that very Hellscape of mediocrity and anonymity. Moreover, his short memoirs, released in 1989, reveal a seemingly preternatural urge to rise above his surroundings. 1950's proletararianism is never to be his destiny, if he had any say.


While Mattingly's political style is dependent upon his romanticization of the mediocre and the humble,  if he had any real inclination toward this way of life, he would have taken to it long ago. A young man with a manufacturing job backed up by the power of the U.A.W. would not have volunteered so readily to head into battle and possible death. Whether thanatos or a longshot at the glory that would have otherwise eluded him, Mattingly turned down personal comfort and security. Instead of opting to re-enter the U.A.W. workforce, the future Governor turned away from organized labor within a few years of his return to Ford. What he chose was instead, again, lower-paying, but with a much easier to reach ceiling. He would not have to become Ford's CEO in order to own Constantine Auto Repair, and it was an industry that, in general, possessed far fewer barriers to entry. He soon abandoned that venture, however. For someone born into the family of an automotive laborer, it should be small surprise that he aimed to dominate that industry which employed his father. At a time when it seemed American dominance in that field was in grave jeopardy, Mattingly waxed Hegelian--Now, however, he destroys this alien negative moment, posts himself as a negative in the permanent order of things, and thereby becomes for himself, someone existing on his own account.

As if, on necessary impulse, Mattingly transitioned into the public sector. His making the rounds of Republican fundraisers paved the way for his appointment to Commerce Secretary, establishing the necessary political momentum to seek Governorship of the very state he was born. It will likely not be enough. If his profile serves well, he will seek the Presidency.

Any observer of how the Governor dresses at the Washington galas he may be occasionally glimpsed at--or, more often the banquets at the Renaissance Center and in Lansing he is wont to attend--will say just as much. He is a man forever on the run from his past. Was it a dead father, passed far too early, that left him with the message that he must never die as his ancestors did? Was it the knowledge that his family might have had easy wealth if they had chosen to stay within the realm of organized crime? Or was it lifelong inculcation of the American Dream? The reason is of little import. The pinstriped, be-vested, pocketwatch-wearing young money patrician is a distinctly American phenomenon. The son of grease and of bolts and a U.A.W. membership--symbolic of the types that would have been rejected in D.C. and even in the business and country club community--has taken up the leadership of both. He even became a Republican!

Nevertheless, he will never be one of them. Arch-conservative he may be, he will never fit the mold of what Republican leadership must look like. Whether an old money Connecticut liberal or a Heritage Foundation far-rightist, he hardly resembles the nominee of the Grand Old Party. They may support him as a candidate, but he will never be one of them. And, perhaps like Nixon, they know that, and they will never let him hold onto power the way a man of his competence might deserve. This is, of course, assuming that there even is an opening for him. For all anyone here might know, Gary Hart may prove the greatest President of the last half-century, and a Democratic nominee will be easily whisked into office. Or, the GOP's evangelicals, or moderates, or libertarians might at last regain the edge by 2000. Nevertheless, should all this prove wrong and the Republicans find themselves nominating a man forever on the run from a past mired in humility, they may be saddled with a leader out-of-control. There are only so many reflective watches or pomades a man can buy before he acknowledges that he is still the drunk Irish son of a drunk Irish son, and that he is no moneyed Eastern elite with the world handed to him.
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« Reply #219 on: May 24, 2016, 07:55:41 PM »

The Crass & The Corrupt

Ohio.

December, 1996.

"It's been too long, John!" The Michigan Governor smiled, as he picked up Boehner's pack of Marlboro Reds from the pack the nicotine dependent had left on the table. "Yes it has. Not since, what was it, 1988?" "Not since, yeah, Commerce Secretary. Haven't really needed to talk to you f#cks in Congress in a f#cking while." "I'm gonna be honest, Mattingly, I really haven't missed your presence. Congress has got along just fine without you pissing all over every sub-committee meeting." "Can't help that I notice you're all corrupt f#cks." It was Congressman John Boehner's Ohio Christmas Party mere weeks after the 1996 election.

Mattingly liked Boehner. Yeah, he was a pussy, and his presence for Merlot over a good, cold beer was un-nerving at best. Nevertheless, he was more than comfortable with addicts; he'd been one for years. Plus, more than enough legislators in both parties had bored him half to death. Boehner at least loved a good drink or fifteen after work and an all-American smoke. Mostly, however, Mattingly liked that Boehner was predictable. Corrupt, malleable, reliable. There were, in general, two types of politicians who made the news: the wingnuts that derailed whatever they touched by whining about its purity, and "moderate" "mavericks" that whored themselves for attention by complaining about compromise and understanding. Boehner was neither of these, and neither were the majority members of either party, Mattingly believed. Legislators that liked money and liquor were the types that the Governor had used to pass significant legislation in Michigan, and this was the "silent majority" he wanted on his side as he looked towards Washington, DC.

"John, please tell me something. We--as in, the party--always knew Wilson would lose, didn't we?" "F#ck if I know, Mattingly. I hear enough donor chit-chat though. God knows how many they poured into his primary campaign before the year'd even begun." "My theory, and I know you don't care about this, as long as the money keeps coming in-" "Hey!" "-is that almost anyone could've lost. The guys that cut your paychecks instead needed to maintain control of the party. Surprised they didn't send up Lamar as a sacrificial lamb though. Save their Golden Boy for 2000." "Makes enough sense. What the f#ck of it?" "First off, hand me another cigarette." "Jesus, Mattingly, I thought you quit." "I did, but your cheap booze got me drunk, and the drive for that buzz never goes away. As I'm sure you know." "Oh, I know. Here, you cocksucking bum." Mattingly lit his second cigarette. "Boehner, what I'm wondering is who they have next. Who do the Beltway f#cks want to put up four years from now to ruin the party? I'm curious as to whether they want someone dynamic enough to win or stupid enough to control." "Chris, I honestly don't know if you have any idea how the nomination process works. Do you know how many guys in the Upper Chamber are looking at the presidency?" "Oh yeah, I can imagine every newbie cockf#ck sees themselves approaching the Presidency. But, and you know this, there's a donor primary."

Boehner shrugged off his fellow Mid-Westerner's speculation. "I don't really know what you're talking about... None of this really answers my question. Why the heck're you here?" "Hell of an election, John... We've got the Senate. Almost the House! Hopefully the President is someone who knows how to work with you guys." "With your disdain for the legislature, I'm surprised you care about this." "My advice for dealing with Hart? Stick your majority in him and squeeze..." "Again, why the f#ck you care!?" "I was being jocular. You wanna know why I'm here? I want to see how the House--how your caucus--would deal with someone like me in charge. Gary Hart's got limited staying power and the Democrats are too inept to put up a worthy successor. The Republicans? F#ck, the field needs me." "Chris, we're four years out..." "Listen, if the f#cks in the Senate, or some other Governor, or even one of you guys, manages to put together the type of campaign that can unite Middle America and can produce a competent administration on January 20th, 2001, I'll have no interest in running. Since 1988, we haven't had competent party leadership." "F#ck you. Grab another drink. My secretary will call yours--I wanna see you on the golf course in Florida after New Year's."
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« Reply #220 on: May 24, 2016, 10:09:24 PM »

Mayors of New York City

103. John V. Lindsay (Republican/Democrat-Liberal) January 1st, 1966-December 31st, 1973
104. Barry Farber (Republican-Conservative) January 1st, 1974-December 31st, 1977
105. Mario Cuomo (Democrat-Liberal) January 1st, 1978-December 31st, 1981
106. John LeBoutillier (Republican-Conservative) January 1st, 1982-December 31st, 1989
107. Richard Ravitch (Democrat-Liberal) January 1st, 1990-December 31st, 1997

Mayor John Lindsay would be considered a disaster. Such was his administration disgraced and, in consequence, his coalition shattered, that a joint Republican-Conservative ticket would manage to weasel its way into a plurality in the incredibly hectic 1973 mayoral election. Farber, however, was a poor fit for the city, taking drastic measures to curb the city's oncoming "debt timebomb". The need for the federal government to bail NYC out--despite the Mayor's protests--would doom an administration that never seemed to get started. Nevertheless, the city would not treat his successor lightly, either. The ramifications of the last eight years were being felt as Mario Cuomo united the Democrats and the Liberals for the first time, winning a majority in the two-way 1977 election. Dealing with skyrocketing crime rates, citizen flight, white and middle class outrage over public housing projects, and seeming failure to readjust the city's finances, Cuomo would be the second "Democratic Liberal" to be felled by a Republican/Conservative coalition. John LeBoutillier, a son of privilege, was hardly an experienced NYC politico. He had instead risen to political prominence as a chief fundraiser for George McGovern's 1974 ouster. Elected to Congress in 1978 and re-elected in 1980 in a Queens district, LeBoutillier honed a (rather ironic) populist, anti-crime message, choosing to emphasize cultural over economic issues. While the Mayor would have a rocky relationship with the City's immigrant communities, his introduction of new police powers and tactics would prove popular even as the the crime rate continued its rise.

New York City Democrats would be forced to learn the lessons of their national-level counterparts three years early. Opting against nominating "squishy liberals", Richard Ravitch, a Democrat who had worked for officeholders from both parties at the national, statewide, and city levels, would be nominated. Liberals begrudgingly towed the Democratic line for Ravitch, but most of the grumbling came from the "activist left". Ravitch's record was appraised as that of a "union buster", among other things. Nevertheless, the outsider was what the city wanted as the right again ate itself seeking a successor to LeBoutillier. Ravitch continued the escalation of police powers while also supplementing it with anti-poverty policies. Liberal Party officials, however, were seeking a change. Since the demise of the Lindsay regime, the Liberals had undergone a demographic change, as anti-Democrat ex-Republicans were paired with left-wing activists who had tired of a perceived rightward shift in the Democratic Party. Thus, community organizers and environmentalists were seated alongside "Rockefeller Republicans", and a chaotic nominating process in 1997 resulted in a by-and-large three-way race to succeed Ravitch.

Above: Rudy Giuliani, a former Democrat who had served in the Dole Justice Department and as Linwood Holton's Attorney General, was the Republican and Conservative nominee for Mayor of New York City in 1997. In the midst of left-wing vote splitting, Giuliani crafted a tough-on-crime and moderate message, seemingly in the spirit of "Rockefeller Republicans" of old to win New York's center and right. Nevertheless, his image was not that of a WASPy son of privilege and scion of "good government", but instead that of a Brooklyn "tough guy" who made the Republican Party that of white men from the "streets".

Rudolph W. Giuliani, former United States Attorney General, was well-poised to seek the Mayoralty. A former Democrat, his time as Attorney General had made his tough-on-crime reputation, while his return to New York City was marked by the forging of ties with moderates in all camps. Combining anti-crime and pro-police rhetoric with moderate stances on social and fiscal issues--and a large campaign budget--Giuliani cruised to victory over opponents to his right in the Republican primary while benefiting from vote-splitting in the Conservative primary. Right-to-Life, nevertheless, refused their endorsement. The Liberal primary was emblematic of the party's identity crisis, as older party members supported Giuliani, there was a small "Draft Ravitch" attempt, and the newer "activist" crowd and Jewish voters nominated Carol Bellamy. The Democrats, meanwhile, facing a minority revolt, nominated the Reverend Al Sharpton. With the center lacking a home among both Democrats and Liberals, Giuliani forged a coalition to achieve a near-majority, and victory.

What was unique to the Giuliani campaign, compared to previous moderate campaigns in the Northeast, was the populist "tough guy" Brooklyn image Giuliani used to moderate effect. Previously, the campaigns of the likes of Linwood Holton, Prescott Bush, Jr., Nelson Rockefeller, Charles Goodell, Arlen Specter, and so on had relied on an amount of middle class "sensibility" and "good government". Giuliani instead combined the rhetoric of successful conservative campaigns and the politics of moderate and liberal administrators. He had relied significantly on New York City's white ethnic community in ways that, while not unique, were relatively new to moderate Republican campaigns.
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« Reply #221 on: May 28, 2016, 04:23:56 PM »

Atari Democracy Pt. II

Historians would describe a President Hart who, having shored up his domestic support between 1994 and 1996, looked outward on a world rife with danger. The collapse of the Middle East Peace Process after 1993 and the stirrings of a Second Intifada, chaos ex-Communist states, and the destabilization of the “American” regime in Iraq were combining to create what the President described as “A sub-continental, Eurasian terrorism hotspot spanning from Eastern Europe to the Near East and North Africa that will be the crux of America’s national security problems into the next century.”

In Iraq, the democratic, pro-American regime that the Holton administration had installed and attempted to defend had been weak and poorly accepted by the Iraqi people. Nevertheless, with the help of NATO and United Nations forces, it had successfully fended off attacks from fundamentalist and Marxist insurgents. Nevertheless, the rise of Al-Qaida in the Middle East as well as its proximity to Islamist regimes such as Iran had made “America’s newest ally in that region” a hotbed of terrorist activity.

The first steps the administration took in 1997 to “secure our citizenry and territory into the 2010’s” included petitioning NATO and even the European Union to begin admitting post-Soviet states. Hart’s intention was to produce standards for new governments to abide by while also producing incentives for them to Westernize. Most importantly, these countries would now have the legitimacy and backing of international organizations with strong militaries and powerful economies to prop them up. Nevertheless, bringing less well-established governments with poor records of human rights along and turning them into true “liberal democracies” would not be easy.

The second part of what the President styled the “Hart Doctrine” would be coraling the federal law enforcement, national security, intelligence, and foreign policy apparatus into aiding in the fight against terrorism. From State and the DoD to the CIA, the FBI and the ATF, white papers were circulated through several departments and independent agencies about the importance of focusing increasingly on terrorism. Nevertheless, issues of a far more prurient nature would take center stage, derailing what President Hart had come to view as his major focus and legacy.

The publication, in June of 1997, of a series of expose articles on the President’s personal life would draw major attention from the Republican opposition. After the fall of Robert F. Kennedy two decades earlier, many liberals in the press were surprised at what power the media had demonstrated in contributing to the resignation of a President. Some media institutions had been so intimidated by their felling of a liberal icon that a “hands off” approach was taken. It would be noted that, had the tough investigative attitude of the 1970’s media been taken in the 1980’s, Hart’s affairs would have been caught far sooner. A string of affairs and semi-affairs, largely over-sensationalized, stemming from the mid-to-late 1980’s and beginning with his since-understated reputation as a womanizer and a fling with model Donna Rice, would come to dominate the airwaves. This, in a term that the President had hoped to devote to foreign policy and domestic progress. The Senate sessions in which social conservative Dan Quayle led the investigation to see if Hart’s affairs had violated the Constitution would go down as particularly dark and unproductive in Advanced Placement US History books. Nevertheless, they had the desired effect of placing the President’s moral legitimacy under intense scrutiny.

Left: Future President Gary Hart with then-model Donna Rice in 1987. Evidence of Hart and his mistresses being unearthed and re-publicized in the late 1990's would mar the Chief Executive's second term. Right: Senator Dan Quayle of Indiana would raise his national profile in attempting to aggressively pursue President Hart legally using the platform of the United States Senate.

On August 7th, 1998, explosives were detonated at American embassies across the Middle East and North Africa--Iraq, Nairobi, Kenya and Tanzania. However, the most significant attack was the explosion of an unmarked van in Times Square in New York City. Mayor Rudy Giuliani was quick to respond, with his actions in the days to follow winning their own headlines. However, unsatisfactory responses at embassies during and immediately after the explosions would spur investigations against Secretary of State Ferraro’s department. In the aftermath of what would become known as "the August 7th, 1998 attacks" or, more simply, "8/7", America would come before the United Nations and NATO requesting cooperation in battling Al Qaida through freezing its international assets, arresting identifiable members, securing their own countries, and pressuring, if not toppling, regimes that supported or otherwise tolerated the terrorist group.

Domestic action would include the creation of the August 7th Commission, chaired by Senator Joseph R. "Bob" Kerrey and former Secretary of Defense Larry Pressler. The Commission's objective was to evaluate the security failures that had occurred prior to August. This included not only the physical security failures of that day, but investigative an analytical problems, as well as the overall policies that had spurred the motivations of Al-Qaida and other Islamist groups. The Commission's summary findings would show that the President's decision to refocus America on terrorism had been either too late, or ineffectual as organizational culture of governmental agencies such as the CIA were still primed to Cold War frequencies and had chosen to, in the interim, target organized crime, among other things.

In a mid-term season, the attacks, despite their tragic nature, would have ordinarily benefited the President's party. Nevertheless, by October, attention had shifted from the rallying around the administration and Hart's valiant post-8/7 counter-terrorism efforts to evaluating how such security breaches had occurred in the first place. The publication of the Commission's findings became fodder for Republican insurgents in Democratic states. The post-attack stock market crash, aided in many ways by the collapse of Internet-based futures would only be fuel to the fire of what pundits were starting to call the "Democratic freefall" as October 1998 came to a close.
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« Reply #222 on: May 28, 2016, 11:33:40 PM »
« Edited: March 31, 2018, 09:51:51 AM by Cath »

1998 United States Senate Elections
Given the combination of factors--economic unrest, national security breach, Presidential scandal, and the six-year curse--Democrats held up surprisingly well relative to how many predicted. Nevertheless, the Republican majority in the Senate was further solidified while the GOP took the House of Representatives for the first time since the 1950's.


Republicans: 56 (+5)
Democrats: 44: (-5)

Alabama: Senator Jim Folsom, Jr. scrapes to narrow re-election thanks to the help of the Dent machine.
Connecticut: Joe Lieberman, the formerly Democratic Governor, jumps ship to run as a Republican-nominated moderate candidate, discontent with the liberal direction of the national party, and taking issue with the "Democratic failure on issues of homeland security."
Illinois: Congressman Peter Fitzgerald dispatches with Democratic incumbent Carol Mosely Braun
Indiana: "Movement conservative" and rising star Dan Quayle cruises to another easy re-election.
North Carolina: In the one Democratic gain of the night, attorney John Edwards' populist campaign beats out Republican incumbent Lauch Faircloth.
Ohio: Governor and longtime presence in Ohio politics George Voinovich enters the Senate.
Oregon: Democratic incumbent Ron Wyden manages to survive a nationwide swing toward the Republicans.
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« Reply #223 on: May 29, 2016, 04:49:40 PM »

February 1999

Bryan Mattingly was a strange choice to be the eldest child in his home. Lacking his father's large build and beset with a lack of self confidence, he made easy prey in a private, Catholic high school like University of Detroit Jesuit, as he had made easy prey in other schools before. Despite Bryan's hatred for his schooling, his parents absolutely refused to transfer him. "I'd hope that you'd be aware of the opportunities that you will have that neither myself, nor your mother, ever had!" The importance and expense of his education mattered little to Bryan as he gritted his teeth to survive lacrosse hazing his freshman year--a sport he would never touch after 1995.

A recluse, introverted loner who had eschewed organized sports and despised the school's social hierarchy, it was unsurprising that Bryan became a smoker, a drug user, and, by senior year, was guilty of routine absenteeism. The school, feeling blessed to have the Governor send his offspring there, was willing to occasionally give Bryan, who had shown himself to be a more than capable student and a high scorer--when he opted to attend--a free pass. Nevertheless, Mattingly wanted nothing of the sort, and the two had routinely sparred--both verbally and sometimes physically. "Do you know how hard both your mother and I worked to be at the point where we can afford to send not only you, but your brothers and your sister to private schools!?"

Christian Mattingly, for the record, was more than disappointed to receive calls from the school over Bryan's nonattendance, the discovery of cigarettes in his locker, and so on. Bryan's decision to associate with the degenerate elements of the school's social structure, and the accompanying augmentation of his appearance, dress, and school uniform were unwelcome in the Mattingly household. Their eldest son's determination to major in philosophy and literature upon graduation in the spring of 1999 was also a bit disconcerting. Retiring from the Governorship on January 1st, 1999--Mattingly had foregone a third term for a litany of reasons, Bryan being one of them--Christian began to live full time away from Lansing and decided to settle accounts with a son he'd never really gotten along with.

PA: Bryan Mattingly, please come to the principal's office.
Bryan: F#cking great...
Nameless Sh#thead Friend: Good luck. *smirk*

Bryan wiped his nose and snorted as he trudged down the hall to the administrator's office. "I want a smoke" ran through his mind. As he passed his locker, he opened it and shoved his pack into his back pocket.

Secretary: Bryan, your father is here to pick you up. Please grab whatever you need from your locker.
Bryan: F#cking great...
Secretary: Hey!

Within fifteen minutes, Bryan had climbed into the passenger seat of his father's Huron Automotive Chippewa Pickup. The former Governor would never apologize to anyone for having shamelessly stolen the names of Native American tribes for automobile series.

Bryan: So what the f#ck is this about?
Mattingly: Jesus, do you ever not hate everything around you?
Bryan: [glare]
Mattingly: Listen, Bryan, you're a senior this year. By September, you won't be living in this house.
Bryan: *Sigh* Thank God...
Mattingly: What is this about you? The reason I'm picking you up today, early, is so I can drive you home without your siblings. You're my oldest son, the first kid I ended up raising. Your mother will pick up the others. Before you leave, before you're gone forever at some God-forsaken liberal arts college in New England, I'd like to try to understand you, just for a second.
Bryan: A bit late for that...

Mattingly pulls over outside a liquor store.

Mattingly: Budweiser okay?
Bryan: Uh, what?
Mattingly: Shut the f#ck up, I know you're a drunk.
Bryan: Uh, Budweiser's fine.

Seeing his dad re-enter the truck a few minutes later, Bryan scoffs.

Bryan: Only a six pack!?
Mattingly: Jesus...

A few minutes later, the truck pulls over in a parking lot on the Detroit River. Through the snow, one can make out Belle Isle. The lot is run down and borders some of the city's canals. The pair disembark, and Mattingly sits atop a picnic table and cracks open the first bottle of the six pack.

Mattingly: Smokes, let's go.
Bryan: Huh?
Mattingly: You think you're not my son? Let's have 'em.

Bryan takes out the crumpled pack of Marlboro Reds. Mattingly lights one and tosses the pack back to his son.

Mattingly: Go ahead, you pussy, light one. Have a beer.

Bryan follows his orders.

Mattingly: Y'know, Brye, I used to wonder if you were ever my son. Your mother and I didn’t know where’d you gotten this. You used to be such a happy child. But, you remind me of your Uncle Pete too much. He was a lot like you. I guess there’s a certain melancholy that runs in our veins. I’d buried mine long ago, but he couldn’t. He excelled at school, on paper one of the smartest people I’ve ever met.
Bryan: Uh… Where’s this going?
Mattingly: Quiet. Drink. He ended up at Berkley in the 1970’s. Got a degree in, what, Asian studies? And a masters in, I wanna say, sociology. He was working for the State Department when he took his life in, uh, San Francisco in 1980. Year before you were born. Some thought he was a gay.
Bryan: What!?
Mattingly: The point is that I don’t want you to end up like him. You go off, to some f#cking obscure school and you’ll study what you want. I mean, philosophy was interesting, but it’s not a career. You’ll find yourself in a rabbit’s hole. What are you supposed to be doing in four years?
Bryan: F#ck if I know!
Mattingly: Listen… You’ve been angry all your life. You’re not unique in that. I spent most of my young adulthood fighting; and if I wasn’t going up against competitors, it was against myself. I wrenched myself through several harrowing years of battling my own physical limits in order to get our family to the point it is now. But you… You’ve turned it into something else entirely. Rebellion, drugs, in some cases property defacement? And you’ve quit  half the sh#t we’ve put before you. Remember lacrosse? Hell, remember chess club, for God’s sake!
Bryan: F#ck you, old man! You left me to die in that school! Don’t think that this little pep talk is going to change a damned thing. Do you remember how many times I asked you to let me not go there? Just because you trained yourself to be a domineering bully to battle your own bullies doesn’t mean you needed to make me do that!

Mattingly’s fist shakes as he resists sending 215 pounds of force across his first-born’s insolent face.

Mattingly: You sent that kid to the hospital! Do you know how much I had to battle school administration to let you stay in UDJ after that!?
Bryan: F#ck that, you think they would expel “the Governor’s son”!? And of course, you keep saying it was about me and my future! Keep telling yourself that you, the successful businessman, the rugged individualist, the f#cking head of the state of Michigan would ever tolerate a son in a public school. The reason you forced me into sports was so you didn’t have “that loser” as your offspring. Well guess what, it happened! I wasn’t made for this- this- this life you built for me. If you stopped trying to live vicariously through your kids, then maybe you’d understand that the lifestyle you wanted to lay claim to isn’t for everyone!
Mattingly: Jesus, you are Peter all over again… You know the words he was spouting as he prepared to off himself? That he wasn’t supposed to be on this Earth! And if you don’t get yourself together, you’ll end up another angry young man who decided he belonged underneath the Golden Gate Bridge instead of above-ground! And do you know how much that wrenched everyone around him the first time it happened!? God, if anyone ever hears about your little “attempt” from last year…
Bryan: There it is again! Oh no, not the Governor’s son, not the son of the future President, even having been suicidal! Oh, we wouldn’t want to have news get out about the “failed father”, nooooo, we could never let that happen! The biggest blackmark on your precious legacy!

Mattingly sighed. Taking on a 150-lb. runt, let alone one that was his son, would prove nothing. After several more similar exchanges, both were too angry and too tired to consider hitting each other. And the beer and cigarettes had both run out.

Mattingly: Listen, Bryan… [picks up empty cigarette pack] Listen f#cking good. You know you’re dead outside our house without some precious trust fund to put  you through any of those God-forsaken schools you want out East. We’re hardly low-income enough either to get you some FASFA. Quit this sh#t [tosses him the crumpled packet] pass your classes for the last semester, and we can get you some time out of here. Deal
Bryan: Whatever you say, old man.
Mattingly: Now get in the car. Your mother’s waiting for us; dinner’s probably cold by now.

*   *   *

"I... I didn't think I would ever understand my father. Throughout my youth, all he represented to me was whatever adolescent conception of fascism I had at the time. He was authority; demanding, oppressive, and somehow omnipresent. It- it wasn't until I had the chance to really evaluate his upbringing on my own, and from speaking to some of his siblings, that I gained an appreciation of the forces that shaped him and made him... No, of course not. I would never vote for him. That said, I think a fairer assessment ought to be made of his time in office."
-Interview with writer and artist Bryan Mattingly, 2020's
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« Reply #224 on: May 29, 2016, 04:52:03 PM »

I've got to re-read this.
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