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MASHED POTATOES. VOTE!
Kalwejt
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« Reply #225 on: May 29, 2016, 04:59:46 PM »

I think it's cool that you're giving much more prominent role to politicians that were rarely or never present in our what-if scenarios. I honestly can't recall any timeline where Linwood Holton or Gordon Humphrey reached the top.

Btw, Holton's been always an interesting figure to me, a pre-Goldwater Southern Republican who was highly sceptical of former Democrats crossing the party line.
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« Reply #226 on: May 29, 2016, 10:21:56 PM »

I think it's cool that you're giving much more prominent role to politicians that were rarely or never present in our what-if scenarios. I honestly can't recall any timeline where Linwood Holton or Gordon Humphrey reached the top.

Btw, Holton's been always an interesting figure to me, a pre-Goldwater Southern Republican who was highly sceptical of former Democrats crossing the party line.

Holton was very much Dallasfan's suggestion. If I could redo it, George Bush would be the obvious choice. Tongue (It was my responsibility to give him a character beyond that which was on Wikipedia) Nevertheless, Gordon Humphrey was all mine! Thank you!
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Oldiesfreak1854
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« Reply #227 on: May 30, 2016, 06:37:53 AM »

Btw, Holton's been always an interesting figure to me, a pre-Goldwater Southern Republican who was highly sceptical of former Democrats crossing the party line.
Very few Democrats actually did that.  See Robert Byrd, Fritz Hollings, Orval Faubus, Lester Maddox, George Wallace, Bull Connor, and a host of others who never switched to the GOP.
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« Reply #228 on: May 30, 2016, 11:29:57 AM »

October 29th, 1998
Television

Media Whore: Hello, and welcome to our counterpoint segment. Now, in the last few days, the Hart administration has been working overtime to formulate an effective response to the August 7th attacks. We've brought on Jefferson Dent, who served twice as Secretary of State under three Presidents, as well as being a Senator from Alabama. For the Republicans in Senator Dave MacKenzie of Vermont, who is notable most recently for his authorship of the Secure Surveillance Act.
MacKenzie: First off, thanks for having us both on. While I did not have the privilege of serving alongside the former Secretary of State very long, I have little doubt as to his talents as a legislator or his knowledge on foreign policy.
Dent: Uh, the same. *Smirk*
MacKenzie: Secondly, I'd like to say that the prayers of all here and of my family back in Vermont are with the victims of those horrible attacks. That said, now is the time for resolve. It is incumbent on the United States government to secure the lives and safety of our citizens.
Dent: If, uh, we've slid right into discussing the Secure Surveillance Act, I can guarantee you that a surrender to fear is not going to strengthen the resolve of the United States.
MacKenzie: Um, if the former Secretary of State will allow me to expound upon my point for a moment-
Dent: Excuse me, Senator MacKenzie, but the point that you and every loud-mouthed legislator has been trying to make since early August has been more than made and more than expounded upon! The fact that the President has been so willing to radically expand the surveillance state in this reflexive fashion is the absolute abdication of civil liberty in this country. I'm glad that President Hart has selected myself and a few other key diplomats to begin making overtures to the Arab States in order to bring this battle non-disruptively directly to our enemies, but the administration actions at home are incredibly, incredibly concerning.
MacKenzie: Hold on for a second, Dent! If there's any lesson we can learn from the 8/7 attacks, it is that our enemies could be anywhere, and we may be powerless to help them! But- we shouldn't be surprised that the man who engineered our surrender in Iraq is trying to do the same at home!
Dent: Are you attempting to discuss, in-depth, our withdrawal from the needless conflict in Iraq that wasted billions of American dollars and hundreds of American lives?
MacKenzie: I want to take this moment to express solidarity with former Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney. He's been absolutely correct that our decision to appease Middle Eastern extremists and tin-pot dictators prompted the perception in that region that we are weak and vulnerable.
Dent: This is exactly the short-sighted, single-faceted thinking that the Republicans have been promoting since the end of the Cold War as a fix-all solution to dilemmas of national security. If this is the type of dialogue that the current Chair of the Senate Republican Caucus is willing to engage in, I see no more reason to be here.

Dent rips off his microphone and walks away from the camera.
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LLR
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« Reply #229 on: May 30, 2016, 05:52:58 PM »

I love your nicknames for people,

"Nameless Sh*thead friend"
"Media whore"

Priceless.
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« Reply #230 on: May 30, 2016, 09:25:22 PM »

December 4th, 1998

Pundit Moron: Now, we're about to connect with Professor, uh, Rick Hudson from Wayne State University.

The television screen splits to reveal Dick Hudson, legs crossed, puffing a pipe in his office.

Hudson: Oh, um, uh, hello, glad to be here.
PM: For those of you unfamiliar, Dr. Hudson has served in the administration of the retiring Governor Christian Mattingly and has, eh, written extensively on issues of public policy from crime prevention, to anti-poverty programs to, well, uh, fittingly, counter-terrorism.
Hudson: Yeah, uh, that about sums it up.
PM: Specifically, you did extensive research and strategy work for the 1990 Mattingly gubernatorial campaign, and then drafted several of his initial policy initiatives. At least, per your curricula vitae...
Hudson: Uh, yes, that seems probably correct, yes.
PM: Well, Professor, we're glad that you agreed to this interview. You former boss, Governor Mattingly, has been discussed by some as a potential presidential contender.
Hudson: I, yeah, I'd heard about that, yes.
PM: Well, naturally, we who are in the business of political speculation are, of course, looking for any potential information out there on this, er, issue.
Hudson: [puffs pipe; the office's smoke thickens as Hudson allows the Pundit Moron to continue]
PM: Er... Governor Mattingly's snap decision about a year ago to not run for a third term has been curious. Can you offer any explanation on that?
Hudson: Honestly, Pundit Moron, I have to admit, I'm a bit disappointed that you hadn't asked me about my academic work. Especially given the context of the August 7th terrorist attacks.
PM: I mean, I'm sure we could have you on on another day, this, however... eh, is a segment specifically dedicated to electoral, as opposed to policy, discussion.
Hudson: *Smirk* *Pipe puff* In, uh, any case, all I can tell you is what Chris has told his close friends and family. Why did he opt for retirement? Why does anyone? I have no doubt he could have easily cruised to re-election had he opted for a third term. Nevertheless, his family is at an important turning point. His eldest son is graduating this June, he's been working sixteen hours a day since, from what I can tell, the mid-70's.
PM: Interesting... Can you tell us anything about rumors that he may set his sights on the presidency?
Hudson: Heh. Uh, well, as you know, Chris is a very ambitious person. He rose to the top ranks of his industry within a few years. Michigan was one of the fastest-improving states up through the mid-1990's. Nevertheless, I feel the reasons that Christian chose to retire from the Governorship are the reasons why he has yet to announce. If I hear any more, I can assure you that I will not betray the Governor's confidence.
PM: Uh, well, I'm sure Governor Mattingly is glad to have such a great friend-
Hudson: Trust me, he is. *Smirk* *Pipe puff*
PM: Well, uh, since we have a few minutes left and we are still discussing 2000 speculation, and you are in academia... In the academic community, how familiar are you with Dr. Scott Westman, a professor at Montana?
Hudson: *Smirk* Yes, I'm familiar with the former Senator and 1980 Libertarian Vice Presidential nominee.
PM: While Westman's political credentials are oft-discussed, can you offer us any insight as to his academic reputation? His most recent publication was a few years ago, Class, Conflict, & Tammany Hall. Have you gotten around to reading it?
Hudson: *Smirk* Yes, I read it in, I wanna say, a week. Fantastic work. But, for those of us familiar with his CV, there's a reason he chooses to publish in book form rather than article. He has a tremendous tendency to introduce language that would never be accepted in journals.
PM: And, uh, as someone who, per our information, was responsible for the much, well, rather unjustly ignored 1992 Republican Postmortem, do you have any opinions as to what a Westman candidacy might yield?
Hudson: From everything I've read by and about the man, he's an incredibly intelligent man, and I can tell you that we in the community of observers would be more than welcome to the prospect of his entry into the race. In all honesty, possibly one of the most entertaining figures in modern politics. In terms of possible electoral strength? Doomed. As a character, he's great, but unless the GOP put up someone incredibly useless, he'd be crucified. The Democrats will need someone far more... disingenuous if they hope to retain the White House, or even to secure their historical legacy.
PM: Oh, uh, thank you. Well, whaddayaknow? That's all the time we have. Thanks, Dr. Hudson!
Hudson: Thank y-
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« Reply #231 on: May 31, 2016, 07:22:49 PM »

Willard Milton

Moderate. Progressive. Pragmatic. Conservative. Liberal.

Mitt Romney, since his political career had begun, had been, as one might describe President Hart, "politically hard to label". In the 1980's, as he would later clarify, the son of George W. Romney had been an "independent", and, during President Holton's single term in office, a member of a Republican administration. Nevertheless, he had contributed to the Tsongas campaign and served in his cabinet. Following the Siren's song of the Massachusetts Democratic Party, he agreed to re-register, in order to be the champion to take down conservative Boogey Man Governor John Silber in 1994.

List of Governors of Massachusetts
64. Francis W. Sargent (Republican) January 22nd, 1969-January 2nd, 1975
65. Michael Dukakis (Democrat) January 2nd, 1975-January 4th, 1979
66. Edward J. King (Republican) January 4th, 1979-January 4th, 1983
67. Michael Dukakis (Democrat) January 4th, 1983-January 3rd, 1991
68. John Silber (Republican) January 3rd, 1991-January 5th, 1995
69. Willard "Mitt" Romney (Democrat) January 5th, 1995-Present

Having officially become a Democrat in October 1993, and being ruled as having maintained sufficient ties to the state, Romney began to launch a dynamic campaign against Silber. The former President of Boston College harbored an unorthodox and idiosyncratic ideology and, due to this and other things, had presided over a rocky term. Romney, with experience in Washington under two parties' administrations and an extensive business background portrayed himself as prepared to address the Bay State's fiscal issues. Meanwhile, despite a socially liberal platform that the majority of the state seemed to support, Romney's stable family life and heavy involvement with his church--combined with his status as a businessman and a "jobs creator"--uniquely positioned him to appeal to Republicans and even conservatives in the state. 1994 would be a landslide.

Romney's record as Governor, while overly successful and popular, was hard to pigeonhole as "liberal" or "conservative". In terms of homosexual rights, transportation, hate crime laws, and the environment, Romney's term had been notably progressive. Moreover, he had made significant pushes for an increase in the presence of technology in education, including his successful initiative to provide every Massachusetts schoolchild a laptop. Perhaps the greatest success of Romney's first term would be the passage of "Romneycare", a plan that mirrored that which he had pushed at the federal level in 1993 including new regulations on the healthcare industry and a "universal mandate" to purchase insurance. He had also positioned himself in a populist light in closing corporate tax loopholes as a "tax-free" means of closing Mass' large deficit. On abortion, while the Governor supported "safe and legal" abortion, he was notably silent on the issue outside of necessary campaign statements, and left-wing activists would decry his preference for fee-raising as opposed to taxation as a form of "regressive class warfare".

Above: Democratic Governor Mitt Romney (left), pictured with Massachusetts First Lady Ann Romney (right), would easily win re-election in 1998 despite a nationwide backlash against his party. His status as a popular governor with an inoffensive and moderate record would position him well in the light of 2000 presidential speculation despite hailing from a reliably Democratic state.

Soaring to a comfortable and easy re-election in 1998 (though hardly as sweeping as his race against Silber), some were already beginning to look at the former Republican as a potential 2000 contender. With Hart's emerging image problems and the need for the party to appear "family friendly" again, the squeaky-clean Governor from the same state John F. Kennedy and Paul Tsongas--perhaps the only two well-regarded Democratic ex-Presidents since FDR--looked more and more like the hero they needed. A Romney candidacy would also re-affirm many of the party's accomplishments since 1992, as well as its failed efforts. There was very little concern that "Mitt" would push back against any of President Hart's agenda. There was concern among the party's left, however, that Romney lacked any real connection to labor or class issues, and that he would fail to champion many of the social justice issues that Hart administration had so explicitly valued.
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« Reply #232 on: May 31, 2016, 08:17:48 PM »

Golden Girls
Nation Review, 1999

The growth of the much-made-of "gender gap" since the 1970's prompted, among liberal Democrats, the perceived need to elevate a woman to the Presidency. This goal often took place and priority over the search for a President with the necessary qualifications for the post. Perhaps the first, and most blatant, attempt at this was the nomination by Marx disciple Christopher Garrett of Congresswoman Patricia Schroeder in 1984 for the Vice Presidency. Schroeder, despite by then having amassed twelve years in the United States House of Representatives, showed herself to not only be unprepared for the national spotlight, but also far, far, far to the left of what America needed or wanted. Much like Garrett himself.

Schroeder would return to the House, and even twice examine her chances at the nomination; first in 1988, then in 1992. She would find herself crowded out by more experienced (and, through pure happenstance, male) statesmen who had the added benefit of a lack of association with a failed and far left Democratic ticket. The former time, she would quickly crumple under the weight of fellow Coloradon Hart and enthusiastically join his campaign. Nevertheless, she has retained significant and disproportionate respect among Beltway feminists. He political career was saved two years ago with her emergency appointment to the position of Secretary of Health, Education, & Welfare. It is the consensus theory that the Hart administration, having tired of shilling for gay rights, intended to instead focus on pandering to ~50% of the population--perhaps politically more wise.

Now, with Democrats inevitably searching for a nominee to lead them into the new millennium, and with the prospect of an African-American President in the form of current second-in-command Doug Wilder, some in the party would prefer instead that a woman take the lead. To quote the ever-abrasive Gloria Steinem, "Black men were given the vote a half-century before women of any race were allowed to mark a ballot". Shades of the abortive Schroeder runs, and the media disasters that they were, abound.

Nevertheless, dear Pat may not be the Democrats' preferred champion. While she, undoubtedly with an eye, once more, at higher office, will likely run, and she will, undoubtedly, garner significant support from her own shadowy corners of the far left, Patricia Schroeder likely lacks the substance to sustain a months-long national campaign. Her controversial comments regarding abortion and women's rights stemming back to her initial entry into fame, combined with a lack of real stature, will serve as a perpetual hamper. Nevertheless, the Democrats have a far better-polished pink paper tiger ready for 2000.

Geraldine Ferraro has oft-been discussed as a potential nominee. Her rise to fame would be precipitated by the selection of Schroeder, as many national Democrats scrambled for a competent-seeming alternative. Ferraro's record is a shade to the right of Schroeder, having run early on as a tough-on-crime, pro-capital punishment, "small-c 'conservative'". Despite her liberal boiler-plate stances on abortion and other issues, Ferraro has maintained an eternally tough outward demeanor, owing to her keen political instincts and the typical concerns that obstruct female candidates. She has carried this veneer to the cabinet, both as Attorney General and now as Secretary of State.

Left: Congresswoman Patricia Schroeder. Right: Congresswoman Geraldine Ferraro. Both women are pictured in their halcyon 1970's/1980's careers. Now, as they serve alongside each other in President Hart's cabinet, both will no doubt be tapped for the Presidency. The possibility of either presents problems for voters interested in a balanced budget, traditional values, a strong national defense, and anti-corruption measures.

Make no mistake, however. Ferraro, despite having cobbled together an appreciable narrative as a "fighting female DA from 1970's New York City!" has never been a candidate for middle America. As her tenure in the House progressed, she shifted noticeably to the left, becoming more the generic liberal Democrat her original career had been dependent on her not being. And, while as the nation's Attorney General and Secretary of State, she has maintained very muscular rhetoric in the face of criminal and terrorist foes alike, her on-paper record lies a bit to the left. What goes unexamined are her attempts to strengthen America's ties to allies of questionable loyalty, to weaken the nation's relationship with Israel, and to go dangerously soft on the very "super predators" she has denounced in public. Her time as the nation's most powerful prosecutor was spent targeting American companies, especially in the fuel and tobacco industries. When it came to drug dealers and urban violent crime, she told state and city legal arms to "take care of yourselves. There are tremendous resources available to you beyond the federal government." The Federal Bureau of Investigation is only one division of the nation's extensive law enforcement apparatus that saw dangerous cuts during the first part of Ferraro's tenure in the cabinet. And as for what anti-corruption measures she did pursue, there were a number of Democratic campaign contributors with cases brought against them that seemed to see their cases simply disappear...

When it comes to personal corruption, meanwhile, her husband--potentially the first "First Gentleman" in our once-proud history--John Anthony Zacarro, has been named in a litany of New York City real estate investigations, including bribery, illegal financing, and tax evasion. Ferraro's position as Attorney General has allowed these allegations to as well face a seeming existential crisis and flee from court dockets. For a woman who has seemingly been primed to seek the nomination through heading the nation's law enforcement and diplomacy, she has an absurd amount of skeletons in her closet. A Ferraro presidency would be a dangerous continuance of the legacy of incompetence, weakness, and corruption that President Hart will be leaving the nation on January 20th, 2001.

Instead, if the nation truly does want a female President, the Republican Party does have an alternative. Elizabeth "Liddy" Dole has not only already spent eight years as close to the Presidency as one can imagine, but has served in Washington D.C. since the 1960's and as a cabinet Secretary under President Holton. While it may trouble some to see a last name return to the White House--the most recent example resulted in the resignation of a President and the spoiling of what might have been a dynasty--trust that Liddy is no Robert Kennedy. She has not only the experience, but the demeanor and the class necessary to lead the nation. Since entering the Senate, she has compiled a solidly conservative record and has opposed President Hart's disastrous direction for the country. Her philanthropic endeavors, including leading the Red Cross, alone make her a standout possibility for the Presidency, and the nation would be lucky to have her, as opposed to the sorry crew of tokens the Democrats seem to be dredging up.
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« Reply #233 on: June 02, 2016, 04:05:51 AM »

I have been reading this from beginning to end whilst at work with great enjoyment! Look forward to seeing it progressing :-)
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« Reply #234 on: June 02, 2016, 10:00:42 PM »
« Edited: June 03, 2016, 06:29:08 PM by Apocrypha »

So is Mattingly to have the same relationship with Bryan as Reagan did with Ron?
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« Reply #235 on: June 03, 2016, 01:46:06 PM »

Mitt Romney as a Democrat? Ugh.
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« Reply #236 on: June 11, 2016, 10:11:52 PM »

Looking forward to the next update!
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« Reply #237 on: June 12, 2016, 09:22:14 AM »

Atari Democracy Pt. III

Gary Hart would be the first Democratic President to be left to deal with both a Republican Senate Majority and a Republican Speaker of the House since Harry S. Truman. The Republicans, having the advantage for the first time in a half-century, were prepared to “flay” the Coloradan “as need be”. Ted Stevens, retiring from the position of Senate Majority Whip, left open an important leadership position. In an ideological clash, two relatively new Senators squared off, with Bob Smith of New Hampshire narrowly beating out the more moderate David MacKenzie of Vermont, despite the latter’s longer Senate tenure and stature as a former Chair of the Senate Republican Caucus.

Despite Republican intentions to “stick the knife in and twiiiiiiiist”, there was also the important business of government to take care of, especially in the wake of possibly the most significant terrorist attack on US soil in the nation’s history. During the lame duck session of Congress, the recommendations of the 8/7 Commission had shed light on the apparent inability of the nation’s foreign policy, law enforcement, and national security apparatus to coordinate. The National Security Agency, the Justice Department and the FBI, the Central Intelligence Agency, and so on had failed to connect the dots between a thousand different data points. As such, the Homeland Security Act, passed in the first days of the new Congress, passed with seemingly unanimous support.

While former Defense Secretary Larry Pressler was a popular choice to be the first Secretary of  Homeland Security, he turned down the opportunity, not wishing to lead the department. Instead, former New York City Mayor Richard Ravitch was selected, owing to his administrative experience in both the public and the private sector, his experience with urban issues, and the apparent success of his law enforcement policies in NYC. His successor, the near-celebrity post-8/7 Rudy Giuliani gave his very public support to the choice of Ravitch, and he was easily confirmed.

In terms of actual policy responses, Al Qaida’s overseas assets would be frozen with the cooperation of a number of countries. Former Secretary of State George H.W. Bush, with his connections to the Arab world and his extensive diplomatic experience, would be selected as a special envoy to the Gulf States in order to attain their cooperation. Ground troops would be sent into Iraq to “stabilize” the region, with significant US money being put towards the retraining and strengthening of Iraqi security forces. Nevertheless, the President would resist the urge to invade Afghanistan, where Al Qaeda had operated with a free hand, instead wrangling the permission to place troops in Pakistan, attempting to “surround and restrict the Taliban regime”. This exposed the President to accusations of foreign policy weakness.

Outside of national security, meanwhile, President Hart’s domestic agenda stalled in Congress, with only one piece of major legislation passing in the second half of his term: the repeal of Glass-Steagall. The President’s plans to allow gays to openly serve in the military fell flat, leaving in place the Tsongas-era “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell”. The 1999 Firearms & Explosives Surveillance & Control Act, pushed by a coalition of moderate Republicans and liberal Democrats, would as well meet with stiff resistance, despite the President’s attempts to frame the issue in a homeland security light.

While the President would seek to bolster the “celebrity” persona he had cultivated in his first term by throwing the weight of his office behind liberal causes celebre and philanthropic endeavors to offset his political unpopularity, such efforts would not yield much success. Despite his ability to occasionally rally the center in support of his foreign and economic policies, the right had little interest in working with him and the left, which he had managed to cajole in years past due to support for similar social causes, was tired of tolerating the “neoliberal war President”. Massive protests at the 2000 meeting of the World Trade Organization would showcase that the nation’s “progressives” had long worn out their tolerance of the free trading “post-industrial” globalist. They wanted real change. “By 1999, it seemed my administration was politically over, and I had nearly two years left in office.” As such, much of President Hart’s last year in office would be reliant on executive orders. His decision to pardon millions of illegal immigrants, notably hispanics, would make him known by some on the far-right as the “second amnesty president” after Linwood Holton, who had done the same in 1989. The President would be happy to see the 2000 Presidential election steal the spotlight from him while he prepared to cap his legacy. Much to his chagrin, however, the majority of candidate rhetoric, and the results, would be cast as a direct referendum on his administration.
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« Reply #238 on: June 16, 2016, 08:25:12 PM »

March 1999

Television Slob: ...Thank you! And now, we are on the air with Chris Mattingly. He is the former Governor of Michigan, served in President Bob Dole’s cabinet, and founded Huron Automotive. Governor, how are you today?
Mattingly: Fine, Chet. Uh, just uh glad to be here, y’know?
TS: Yes we do! Now, Governor, while you tried to keep a low profile while in office despite much media attention, since you stepped stepped down, you’ve made yourself known as an outspoken critic of President Hart.
Mattingly: Yes. I found it inappropriate to offer my undesired commentary on national issues while tasked with running the greatest state in the country, but I now have the freedom to speak my mind.
TS: Notably, however, you don’t seem to discuss President Hart’s foreign policy much, is that correct?
Mattingly: Absolutely. While, based on what I know, I would be running things differently with respect to the Arab world, I do not have the privilege of seeing or hearing classified CIA briefings. What the Hart domestic legacy has left is more than enough to fill several volumes’ worth of criticism. I have little desire to, at the same time, undermine our commander-in-chief’s credibility s a military and diplomatic executive abroad.
TS: Uh-huh. And, that said, you have claimed that the Hart administration has “sold out” American hegemony, yes?
Mattingly: It is hardly isolated to the President, or even to this President, but yes.
TS: When taken out of partisan context, many Republicans have supported the President’s reforms! Before the 8/7 attacks, the nation was on-track to a balanced budget, and Hart had received high marks from many world leaders.
Mattingly: All of that is practically irrelevant. From what I’ve seen, as a state executive, a cabinet member, and as someone who has been heavily involved in American industry for nearly a quarter century, I can tell you this: After the Cold War, the main mindset in Washington--and I observed this--was that we had, yes, won. Now, blessed with prosperity and--so it seemed--obviously, wisdom, we sought to spread the many blessings of our great country to the world abroad. The way we chose to do it was through the global diffusion of American industry. Factories were shut down and shipped to the Third World, with Republicans lauding how “pro-business” this was while Democrats told us we were strengthening our international ties and helping bring many a nation into modernity. Meanwhile, a Republican administration bolstered foreign aid, sending more and more federal money out of the country. I don’t think this was malicious, I think that was an act of incredible arrogance on the part of US policy-makers in both parties. The Hart administration has exemplified this trend and I think that this type of leadership needs to be brought to heel by the American people.
TS: *Heh* Governor Mattingly, are you running for President?
Mattingly: If I was, I’d have like to’ve been told!
TS: You’ve, well, you’ve also criticized the President’s social policies.
Mattingly: Uh… Is that a question?
TS: Well, eh, what is it you have to say about them?
Mattingly: In terms of having any commitment to maintenance of the American way of life, the last ten or so years have represented almost a complete abandonment by Presidents from both parties. Pro-abortion justices appointed left and right, and that’s just the start! Gary Hart has acted like the office of President ought to be used to put a significant amount of weight behind fringe social causes, making his presence at gay pride parades something of a novelty. His HEW Secretary, the radically anti-family Pat Schroeder, has shown a near-religious fervor in trying to use the power of the federal government to ram a left-wing social agenda down the throats of the American people.
TS: You’ve repeatedly attempted to lay the blame for what you refer to as America’s social and economic decay at the feet of both parties, and you often do say having isolated it to specific time periods. Within that time, the only Republican President has been Linwood Holton. Are you willing to call out your fellow Republican, does this pertain as well to Bob Dole, and do you see either of them as blameworthy as the current President?
Mattingly: Bob Dole is an American hero, and I was proud to serve in his cabinet. During his eight years, we laid the groundwork for demolishing the Soviet Union while bringing back a flagging American economy. I’m afraid that, since then, we’ve seen a crisis of leadership in America. Holton and Hart have had policies largely the same- socially liberal, economically globalist. Holton at least had a commitment to dealing with America’s urban and crime issues; the current occupier of the Oval Office seems to think that appearing with Jesse Jackson and handing out needles fills that space. Yet, Holton bears a considerable amount of blame for having chosen to have America “punt” in the first down after the Cold War.
TS: What about Paul Tsongas? You don’t seem to have any criticism for him here.
Mattingly: Paul Tsongas was perhaps one of the best the Democrats could have put forward, and I won’t shy away from saying that. It should be no surprise that someone from as liberal as Massachusetts had a commitment to some ridiculous “gay bill of rights”. Yet, he represented a class of statesman I don’t know if we’ll ever see again. During his short time he tried to undo the anti-American economic trend-lines while consolidating American strength at home. It’s honestly a shame he was rendered unfit to serve. Had he not been cursed with cancer, America, I think, would be a much safer and more prosperous place today.
TS: ...And it looks like we’re about to hit a commercial break, thank you Chris!
Mattingly: No problem, Chet!
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« Reply #239 on: June 16, 2016, 09:16:26 PM »

Michigan's First
Vanity Fair, 1997

While it is unsurprising that, out of Michigan’s first family, the Governor, Christian Mattingly, would be in the spotlight the most. What is surprising, however, is the seeming utter absence of a Michigan First Lady. Catherine Diane “Kate” Mattingly (nee McNamara) has had very little written about her and, as far as we can tell, seems to prefer to keep it that way. She stands most directly in contrast to Helen Wallbank Milliken, the wife of Michigan’s last Republican Governor. Helen, now perhaps identified as one of the most outspoken critics of the male Mattingly’s administration, was nevertheless in her time a well-known and recognized presence in Michigan, notable for her involvement in a number of social causes. Most publicized was her decision to protest her own party’s convention, held in Detroit, in favor of pro-ERA language, which had been nixed by the platform committee, in 1980. Kate, as she prefers to be called, would likely not be recognized beyond family, friends, a few key political operatives, and Michigan legislators.

Nevertheless, the following is what is publicly available about her. Born February 2nd, 1955 in Royal Oak, Michigan to Michael and Brianna McNamara, the second and only girl of four children. It is assumed by those around her that her having been surrounded by boys gave her a demeanor that made it easy for her to form strong relationships in male-dominated businesses while also making her more intimidating when need be. It was probably also this unique charm that caused the Governor to fall for her many years later. She was enrolled at Shrine of the Little Flower High School, where her parents were also regular mass attendees. While her and Christian were both the children of Detroit’s postwar economic expansion, living in white suburbs, her parents were from a distinctly more well-off background, with Michael McNamara being an engineer for Chrysler. She graduated in 1973 near the top of her class. Opting not to marry her high school sweetheart, she chose to attend Wayne State University, graduating in 3 ½ years magna cum laude with a bachelors of science in engineering. With encouragement from her parents who were more than surprised to have their daugher be one of the a growing group of women engineers, she went to work for General Motors in January of 1977--before her 22nd birthday. She married Christian Mattingly, then a below-water executive of a small and growing automotive company, on January 16th, 1981. They had met at a 1979 Christmas party and began dating shortly thereafter.

What often goes undiscussed among the Governor’s socially conservative supporters is that their first child, Bryan Patrick Mattingly, was born on August 18th, 1981--noticeably less than nine months into their marriage. After that, Kate’s engineering career would be put on hold, as she became a homemaker and the hard-working wife of a workaholic--and possibly alcoholic--cigarette-chugging owner of one of the fastest-growing companies in the Mid-West. The only work she did would be for her husband's company, at many points unpaid, both as an engineer and as an informal manager and consultant. This, however, did not stop the Mattingly clan from growing, as Catherine “Cat” Elizabeth Mattingly was birthed on June 3rd, 1983, and the twins--the black-haired, older Matthew Ford Mattingly and the blonde, younger Michael James Mattingly--on October 2nd, 1985. The Mattingly children have, like their parents, consistently attended private Catholic high schools. Given changing residence, this has included De Lasalle and University of Detroit Jesuit for the boys and Regine for Cat.

It would only be after Christian Mattingly’s inauguration as Governor that Kate seemed to catch a break. Despite what can be ascertained as only unwavering support of and love for her husband, both personally and politically, she opted to dodge the spotlight of being a prominent First Lady for the state of Michigan. In one of her few interviews in 1991, she stated bluntly that “Michigan needs only one Governor at a time, and there are a million philanthropists more equipped to deal with the state’s pressing social problems at this time. In the meantime, I have a family to look after and I wish my husband the best of luck.” Nevertheless, it would be in 1991 that she began attending Michigan State University part-time, pursuing a masters of science in electrical engineering. Shortly after graduating in 1994, she received her MBA in 1995 and now works as an upper-level research project manager at one of the Detroit area’s largest engineering firms.

Despite the Governor’s conservatism--which, one might assume, at least, could be ascribed to Kate Mattingly as well--the First Lady offers an alternative view of what a wife, or even a First Lady, should be. Despite dodging the traditional role of cheerleader-to-the-Governor and endorser of grand social causes, Kate has remained deeply committed not only to her family, but to her career. She shows that, even with the national media attempting to peer in at every moment, a woman can thrive and foster in a way that her husband perhaps never imagined. What significant insights can be yielded from this remain to be seen, but, should the Governor attempt to make the leap to the national stage, her manner of conducting herself will certainly be a notable shift from political wives of the past. 
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« Reply #240 on: June 17, 2016, 11:08:35 PM »

Sounds like Hart has been diminished to being the titular leader of his party, outside of non-partisan issues like national defense. This doesn't bode well for a dovish party trying to retain the White House in the wake of a national tragedy.

More humorously, there are some interesting similarities in here and our own contemporary politics. In real life, Donald Trump captured the Republican nomination after fear-mongering about free trade and immigration, while Romney (last election's Republican nominee) is #NeverTrump. ITTL, Mattingly has gone on the record condemning globalism, and Romney is an actual Democrat!

Last note, and devoid of substance: I'm imagining that Kate Mattingly would take on the role of First Lady similar to the way Laura Bush did.
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« Reply #241 on: June 18, 2016, 11:20:56 AM »

The Race for the White House 2000

Despite several calls for him to enter the race, on January 8th, 1999, Vice President Douglas Wilder of Virginia would officially recuse himself of running for his boss’ position.

Promising to “beat out the big money in politics” and “restore a much-needed sense of dignity and commonsense to the White House”, Senator David MacKenzie of Vermont became the first prominent Republican to seek the Presidency in the upcoming 2000 election on February 18th, 1999. The day after, arch-conservative and regional rival Senate Majority Whip Robert Smith rose up to oppose the moderate Senator.

Congressman John Kasich, Chairman of the House Budget Committee, announced his candidacy for President on March 2nd, 1999.

Resigning from the cabinet a week before, former Health, Education, & Welfare Secretary Patricia Schroeder became one of the first major Democrats to run for President, announcing on International Women’s Day, March 5th, 1999. Schroeder was the first female nominee for Vice President of the United States in 1984 and had twice before attempted to seek the Democratic Presidential nomination.

On March 9th, 1999, Lamar Alexander, the 1996 GOP Vice Presidential nominee, former Tennessee Governor, and member of multiple Presidential administrations, launched his second campaign for the Republican nomination for the Presidency. Despite a background as an insider, Alexander would again frame himself as an outsider. Having been the runner-up four years previous, and having helped bring in the South for Pete Wilson, many saw him as making a strong case for the nomination.

Becoming the first former First Lady to herself seek the White House, North Carolina Senator Elizabeth “Liddy” Dole launched her bid for the Presidency on March 10th, 1999. Outside of her husband’s White House and the Senate, Dole had served as a cabinet secretary for Linwood Holton and as President of the American Red Cross. Pundits warned that “Democrats had better watch out, Liddy Dole has prepared to ignite a Republican powerhouse!” Nevertheless, many on the left began to perceive her as “one of the most dangerous women in the country.”

On March 30th, 1999, a day after his birthday, former Defense Secretary Larry Pressler officially declined to pursue the nomination of either party, having been hounded by a combination of moderate Republicans, centrists, “Third Way” Democrats, and progressive seeking an inoffensive alternative to the Hart administration and the race’s frontrunnners. He stated that he hoped whoever either party nominated would be “dedicated to peace abroad and sane progress at home.”

On April 14th, 1999, Senator James Danforth “Dan” Quayle, Indiana’s junior Senator, decided to enter Presidential politics. The favorite of social conservatives, Quayle had pushed himself towards national prominence with his attempt to impeach President Hart over his extra-marital affairs. Quayle had previously curried the favor of the Religious Right by giving (sometimes unsolicited) speeches about single motherhood and the state of public education.

Speaking in a field in front of a long-abandoned anthracite mine in Iowa, former Senator Scott Westman of Montana entered the Presidential field on international socialist holiday May 1st, 1999. This choice of date would not go unnoticed by pundits. Promising to “radically restructure the economy in favor of the American worker”, Westman would draw fire from those to his right or, as he called it, “all the right places”. “Since 1969, every single American President has taken it upon themselves to scale back the gains of the New Deal and the Great Society. As we prepare to enter a new millennium, the people of this nation have a tremendous opportunity to ensure that what millions of men and women died for in strikes and on battlefields is not lost forever to the whims of plutocrats and neoliberal managerialists.”

In Portsmouth, New Hampshire, Massachusetts Governor Willard “Mitt” Romney announced his campaign for President on May 14th, 1999. Promising a “new American century” “based on the principles of tolerance and perseverance that have brought us this far”, Romney was hailed as a “post-political” candidate who could unite the country behind his agenda of “pragmatic progressivism”.

Deciding to cast his campaign in an anti-war light, Senator Lowell Weicker of Connecticut would seek the Presidency for the second time, joining the field right after Memorial Day on June 1st, 1999. Weicker had previously sought the 1980 Republican nomination. Nevertheless, rejoining the Senate in 1989 as an independent, Weicker had officially stepped into the Democratic fold in 1995.
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« Reply #242 on: June 18, 2016, 11:25:03 AM »

The Race for the White House 2000

On June 16th, 1999, Secretary of State Geraldine Ferraro announced her campaign for President of the United States. In her announcement speech, she declared that “The United States had made vast and immeasurable progress over the past seven years. Nevertheless, the type of leadership we now require is that which can defend this progress, both from obstructionists at home and adversaries abroad.” Ferraro’s campaign would be reliant on projecting the image of a tough-on-crime, tough-on-terror liberal who would defend both the welfare state and civil rights while beating back criminals, terrorists, and “reactionary Republicans”. The first, and most obvious, criticism of the Secretary’s campaign would be that she could not possibly campaign for President while serving ably at her job.

Promising to “bring America’s enemies to heel”, former Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney of Wyoming stepped into the fray to seek the Presidency on July 1st, 1999. His entry was applauded by other former Holton cabinet members and those described as being in the “neoconservative” movement. Former National Security Adviser and 1992 Republican Vice Presidential nominee Jeanne Kirkpatrick would appear on television later that day to endorse the Secretary. In a battle of contrasts, Congressman Thaddeus O’Connor[/color], known for his libertarian stances and opposition to overseas intervention, would announce one day after Independence Day, July 5th. O’Connor would receive lauds from Reason, as well as a number of Internet publications.

July 14th, 1999 would mark the end of the Kasich campaign as the Congressman opted to drop out. While some attributed this to his polling numbers, other also noted that sharing the responsibilities of chairing the House Budget Committee and running for President might have proven too much for the time being. He would endorse Elizabeth Dole for the nomination. On that same day, former Governor Dick Lamm became the second Coloradon to jump into the race on the Democratic side. A self-identified “progressive conservative”, Lamm’s heterodox political style would make him one among many unconventional candidates in the race.

In the August 14th, 1999 Ames, Iowa Straw Poll, Senator Dan Quayle underperformed, taking second place to Elizabeth Dole with Lamar Alexander taking a very distant third. Quayle had been spending the last four months practically living in Iowa, and many had expected his supposed grassroots evangelical support to deliver him a strong first place finish.

Former Senator William J. “Bill” Bradley announced his campaign for President on September 8th, 1999. The former basketball star’s Senate record, while nominally progressive, nevertheless showed signs of fiscal conservatism and support for low taxes. Despite this, he attempted to cast himself as a left-wing alternative to the race’s frontrunners.

Choosing to survey the emerging field before officially announcing, former Governor Christian Mattingly of Michigan would launch his own campaign for President on September 27th, 1999. “Surrender. That is perhaps the word that has most marked President Hart’s disastrous administration. As much as the strange and ungangly crew of Democrats that have stepped forward to continue his legacy will claim otherwise, the United States has failed on key metrics more than ever under him.” 

Dismayed at the lack of support for the President during a foreign policy crisis and personally deriding Geraldine Ferraro’s candidacy as “a scandal-ridden tinderbox”, Senator Joseph “Bob” Kerrey would heed the calling of donors to enter the Democratic field. This would mark his second run for the nomination and his second time standing as a candidate against the grain in supporting--to an extent--incumbent administration foreign policy. “It seems that today’s political discourse is split mainly into two camps, comprised of those who would seek to withdraw us from the world entirely and to lay down our arms in the Middle East, and those that would have us flatten entire regions of the globe in bomb shrapnel. As someone who has not only served in war, but has served as Chair of the Senate Armed Services Committee and led the commission to investigate the terrorist attacks last year, this is more than appalling. That is why we need strong, seasoned leadership that can combine both the first-hand experience of war and extensive knowledge of defense policy.” Kerrey, like eight years prior, would be hailed by some Beltway DLC-ers as a potential “Democratic Bob Dole”--a wounded veteran to reach out to America’s heartland and reclaim it for the party.

On October 25th, 1999, former White House Communications Director Patrick J. Buchanan declined a third run for the Presidency. “At this point in our nation’s history, either our leaders will come to terms with the disastrous effects of Third World-meddling, rampant illegal immigration, trade liberalization, and abortion on-demand, or they won’t.” Buchanan also indicated some support for the candidacies of Scott Westman and Christian Mattingly, though declined to endorse. He had previously pursued the Republican nomination and twice run as a third party candidate. On October 28th, 1999, Senator Bob Smith dropped out of the race for the Republican nomination due to low polling, even in his home state of New Hampshire, endorsing Governor Mattingly.

“Pat Buchanan can take his approval and go straight to Hell”, stated former Senator Scott Westman on October 30th, 1999.

On November 8th, 1999 amid much speculation, Defense Secretary Colin L. Powell was forced to put down speculation as he steadfastly maintained that he did not plan on running for President. Powell in the past worked for both Republican and Democratic administrations and had not been identified with a party.

In another dropout, former Senator Bill Bradley would leave the Democratic campaign after admitting himself to a hospital for a previously undisclosed irregular heart on December 10th, 1999. David MacKenzie, who had planned a bi-partisan anti-”soft monday” event with him scheduled for a week later, would comment that Bradley was a “true public servant”.
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« Reply #243 on: June 18, 2016, 11:34:12 AM »

Sorry if the last two posts gave anyone seizures. Tongue More detail as to the particulars of the candidates will be forthcoming; I desired not to have to post too much detail for every announcement date while also letting people know which candidates would be present so they didn't emerge out of the blue. In the past, I may have summarized elections a bit too much--outside of, perhaps, 1980--and I want to give this the requisite detail.

Sounds like Hart has been diminished to being the titular leader of his party, outside of non-partisan issues like national defense. This doesn't bode well for a dovish party trying to retain the White House in the wake of a national tragedy.

More humorously, there are some interesting similarities in here and our own contemporary politics. In real life, Donald Trump captured the Republican nomination after fear-mongering about free trade and immigration, while Romney (last election's Republican nominee) is #NeverTrump. ITTL, Mattingly has gone on the record condemning globalism, and Romney is an actual Democrat!

Last note, and devoid of substance: I'm imagining that Kate Mattingly would take on the role of First Lady similar to the way Laura Bush did.

Democrats in the general election will be saddled with the uncomfortable fact of having to square the circle of defending Hart's policies while also addressing public dissatisfaction--from both hawks and doves--with both Hart's foreign policy and how terrorist attacks were allowed to happen in the first place. Some candidates on both sides are seeking to actively de-politicize it--Mattingly, Romney, Kerrey (the first two due to lack of foreign policy depth, the third due to his sense of patriotism)--while others are using the possibility of war in the Middle East as a wedge issue (the majority of candidates on both sides; Dole & Cheney, Westman & Weicker). Ferraro's strategy is to tout the last eight years as a rousing success and see where it gets her. By a number of metrics, Hart has been a "successful President", it just so happens that one security breach threw his entire legacy into a tailspin and unearthed a lot of resentment from factions previously kept quiet.

I'm sure there are 2016 parallels, but there were currents of this sort of stuff as early as real life 2000--those upset on both the right and the left over globalization, Bush's decision to campaign against a world policing policy, Fukuyamaist arrogance, etc. That said, 2016 has served as a fantastic inspiration! Smiley

Lastly, right now the First Lady is Oletha "Lee" Ludwig, not Mrs. Mattingly, nor the wives of any other candidates.
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« Reply #244 on: June 26, 2016, 01:35:49 PM »

The Race for the White House 2000

As it so happened, the Republican and Democratic fields would feature rough parity in the amount of candidates by the time the Iowa Caucuses drew nigh. While several other prominent Republicans had been itching to enter the field, a corps of major candidates bearing the banner of "movement conservatism"--the immediate frontrunner Liddy Dole, social conservative darling Dan Quayle, and "national security candidate" Dick Cheney--soaked up donor funding even before they announced their campaigns. Meanwhile, what little there was of a moderate to liberal establishment in the East rallied early around rising star David MacKenzie. Those that had pushed Wilson toward the finish line four years earlier discouraged the entry of other potential moderate standard bearers--Ridge, Specter, and Heinz of Pennsylvania, New Hampshire's Judd Gregg, former Governor Benson Rockefeller of New York, and Congressman Newt Gingrich of Georgia--in order to push the nominally middle-of-the-road MacKenzie forward. What few counted on were three candidates dubbed rather whimsically as "the outsiders". Christian Matttingly, Lamar Alexander, and Thaddeus O'Connor were hardly new to politics, and all had flirted if not outright sought the Oval Office before--O'Connor himself having been on Holton's shortlist in 1988--but they had never been the choices of the people at the mythologized "top" for the position of President. And, while the media enjoyed crafting "establishment" vs. "anti-establishment" narratives, the latter lacked some of the uncritical positive portrayal of the former.

The Democratic field, by contrast, was surprisingly large, given that an incumbent Secretary of State with much establishment backing appeared to be leading it. The decision, however, of Vice President Wilder--a man popular with people at all ends of the party--had inspired the ambitions of a motley crew to challenge Ferraro for the Presidency. Jefferson Dent, the twice Senator, twice Secretary of State now seemingly resigned to disgruntled retirement in Mobile, Alabama, cynically noted that, but for perhaps one candidate, all the potential nominees were strikingly "post-New Deal", having chosen to champion the urbane, centrist neoliberalism of Bobby Kennedy and Gary Hart as opposed to the populism and grandiose visions of Franklin Roosevelt or Lyndon Johnson. Instead, the principle opposition to Ferraro and, by proxy, to the incumbent President Hart, was made on two grounds: competence and foreign policy. The majority of the candidates at best opted for a "measured" approach to terrorism; aside from Ferraro, only Bob Kerrey opted to stand adamantly behind the White House. Meanwhile, the market crashes that had succeeded the 8/7 attacks, as well as the perception of US economic losses abroad, was met by most candidates with a pledge to double-down on issues such as education reform, deficit reduction, and "competence over ideology". While these candidates varied between the calm--some said "robotic"--Romney and the wiley Lamm, theirs was a difference of demeanor and style, not substance. Scott Westman was different. Having surged violently to the left on economics since his brief time spent with the Libertarian Party, and at the same time having reversed his previously libertine stance on abortion, the former Montana Senator was running a campaign that bore many labels--communitarian, Marxist, Christian Democratic, socialist, populist, etc. What was clear was that he represented a definite break from "business as usual" in Washington D.C., vowing to "not only reverse the trends of the past thirty years, but to set us on an entirely new path, grounded in the principles of equality and security."
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« Reply #245 on: June 26, 2016, 09:25:08 PM »

The Race for the White House 2000


Geraldine Anne Ferraro
United States Secretary of State 1997-2000
United States Attorney General 1993-1997
Chairwoman of the House Committee on the Judiciary 1989-1993
Chairwoman of the House Democratic Caucus 1985-1989
Secretary of the House Democratic Caucus 1981-1985
Member of the U.S. House of Representatives from NY-9 1979-1993
Assistant District Attorney for Queens County, NY 1974-1978

Since entering the national stage, Ferraro had honed her reputation as a "tough on crime, tough on terror, small 'c' conservative liberal". In the year 2000, the first female U.S. Attorney General and Secretary of State was looking for what many in the secretary's inner-circle considered the next logical step. Nevertheless, the "crusading DA from Queens" was far from a spotless candidate--such might be expected for an Italian form New York. Her husband, John Zaccaro, had long been implicated in shady land and legal dealings, some of which had conveniently faded. Meanwhile, those on the progressive left were quick to point out a less-than-left legislative record when it came to a number of crime, defense, and welfare issues. Her intense association with the Hart administration had opened her up to a massive amount of machine and establishment funding, and her polls were through the roof with African-Americans and in cities. Nevertheless, for a Democratic base less than satisfied with Gary Hart, she was anathema, and with the first two major races in the nomination contest being in white, rural, pro-gun states, "Madame Secretary" was facing an uphill battle. Ferraro was choosing to campaign on her experience, her support for abortion and other generic liberal causes, her resolve on crime issues, what some cynically referred to as "incrementalism", opening up a "new trade frontier in the Pacific", and her purported ability to combat terror at home and abroad.
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« Reply #246 on: June 28, 2016, 09:09:13 AM »

Seems like Ferraro might face a tough fight for the nomination. Is there a favored alternative?
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« Reply #247 on: June 28, 2016, 05:08:31 PM »

Seems like Ferraro might face a tough fight for the nomination. Is there a favored alternative?

There are a few... Roll Eyes I'll be profiling the candidates one-by-one; haven't had a lot of energy for updating though since I've got an honors thesis to work on when I'm not at work and, thus, my mind is elsewhere.
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« Reply #248 on: June 30, 2016, 09:48:22 PM »

The Race for the White House 2000


Andrew Lamar Alexander, Jr. (Republican-Tennessee)
Secretary of Health, Education, & Welfare 1992-1993
United States Ambassador to Japan 1985-1988
44th Governor of Tennessee 1975-1983

The 1996 nominee for Vice President, a veteran of the last three Republican Presidencies and a former two-term Governor of Tennessee--the youngest in the state's history--Andrew Lamar Alexander, who opted to go by his middle name, instead chose once again to cast himself as a populist campaigner. Despite his extensive political background, Alexander had been largely ignored by the media and the establishment, as money and attention pooled around "chosen" candidates like Liddy Dole and Dave MacKenzie. Despite a moderate record as Governor, Alexander was intent on building on his coalition from four years earlier, where his bedrock had been Southerners and evangelicals. Looking to extend into the Mid-West, Alexander railed against "big money" in politics, media bias, and the Hart administration's "abject incompetence". He was noted for traversing Iowa in a Ford Explorer, wearing his signature plaid shirt.


Joseph Robert Kerrey (Democrat-Nebraska)
Co-Chair, National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States 1998-Present
United States Senator from Nebraska 1989-Present
35th Governor of Nebraska 1983-1987

Kerrey had no desired to seek the Presidency a second time. In 1992, many had hailed him as a potential savior of the party, yet he had left the field with a scant two victories in his home region and not even an offer to serve as Secretary of Defense! Nevertheless, the Vietnam vet had opted to take another look at the post of Commander-in-Chief. Remarking to an aid in mid-1999, the Senator had quipped that "Ferraro is a walking, scandal-ridden disaster waiting to implode, and the rest of the field will signal our surrender overseas!" Ferraro and Romney, as it stood, had been the only candidates prior to Kerrey's entry not waging a campaign based on some sort of withdrawal from the Middle East in the wake of the 8/7 attacks. For what it was worth, Romney had proposed an ill-hashed together foreign policy vision--choosing to focus instead on the economy and social issues. With that said, Bob Kerrey felt the party and the nation needed a strong candidate. Outside of foreign policy, Kerrey was promising a quiet continuation of administration policies and a balanced budget.


Richard Bruce Cheney (Republican-Wyoming)
United States Secretary of Defense 1990-1993
Senate Minority Whip 1989-1990
United States Senator from Wyoming 1979-1990
Assistant Director of the Cost of Living Council 1971-1973
White House Staff Assistant 1971

Cheney was the Republicans' national security candidate. Despite having received several student deferrals during the Vietnam era, Cheney had spent years cultivating ties with neoconservative think-tanks, foreign policy hawks, and defense contractors while accumulating an acceptably conservative legislative record and consummate insider experience. Vowing to "bring America's enemies to heel", Cheney promised a United Sttaes that "can again be the principle player in world security", claiming that the "desperate retreat" of the last eight years were responsible for not only recent terrorist attacks, but also for "a nation in decline on the global stage, threatened by the rise of Asian mercantilists and a corp of dedicated, anti-Western extremists." He stood vigorously against campaign finance reform--"a draconian restraint on the right of every individual and firm to contribute to political conversation"; tough on crime; and in favor of an expanded surveillance system for law enforcement and national security reasons.


Richard Douglas Lamm (Democrat-Colorado)
38th Governor of Colorado 1975-1989
Member of the Colorado State Senate 1972-1975
Member of the Colorado House of Representatives 1964-1972

If not for Scott Westman, Dick Lamm might've been able to avoid sharing the label of "the most idiosyncratic candidate in the field". Campaigning on an ideologically heterodox platform opposing "the radical right...the trial lawyers and the NEA", unrestricted immigration, pollution, special interests, and a whole host of other political institutions, the former Governor styled himself a "progressive conservative" who would lead the United States into what critics derided as "carbon-neutral, free trading, anti-immigration people's republic".
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« Reply #249 on: June 30, 2016, 09:52:26 PM »

You-Know-Who would have probably shot himself already, rather than have a boring retirement.
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