1964-?: Stop the World, I Want to Get Off

[Peter the Lefty]

Takes some determination! well done

Thank you!  And I already had an outline of it in my head, so it wasn't that difficult.  Just time-consuming.

[Peter the Lefty]

November 6, 1964

Douglas Edwards Announced as PM's Pick for Governor General

     Johnson announced his pick for Governor General on November 10.  The former news anchor was widely respected and seen as the best compromise choice.  Some jokingly referred to him as the "lowest common denominator."  Johnson also announced that he had spoken with the former anchor himself and that the deal was a go.  The outgoing Governor General also announced his approval of Edwards.  

[Peter the Lefty]

November 14, 1964

Buckingham Palace Gives Edwards Approval; Denies Rumors of Racist Remark by Duke of Edinburgh over King Suggestion

      Buckingham Palace soon announced Royal approval of the selection of Edwards, saying Her Majesty "desired the least divisive of all credible options."  The statement also denied that her husband, the Duke of Edinburgh, had made racist remarks at a state dinner.  One person present alleged that he had commented on the suggestion of Martin Luther King, Jr. For the position of Governor General, saying "Now the Americans want their Queen to be represented by an ape, don't they?"  Downing Street and Chestnut Street both declined to comment on the allegation.

[Peter the Lefty]

November 26, 1964

Edwards Sworn in as Governor General

      The compromise choice was sworn in with Her Majesty's appointment having been finalized.  He was sworn in at the official ceremony by Supreme Court Justice William J. Brennan, Jr..

[Wake Me Up When The Hard Border Ends]

First time I've read this in a few days, excellent work Peter! Good to see a still-alive JFK here as well, even if he is a grapefruit-turned-Laborite .

[Peter the Lefty]

First time I've read this in a few days, excellent work Peter! Good to see a still-alive JFK here as well, even if he is a grapefruit-turned-Laborite .

Thank you!  And yeah, he's not incredibly thrilled right now, since the Libs are riding high, and he's not there to enjoy it (and wait in the wings for Johnson to retire).

[Peter the Lefty]

December 1-31, 1964

Ribicoff, Morse, Powell, and Zeidler to Run for Labor Deputy Leadership; Kennedy, Clark, and Yarborough Won't Run

     It appeared that Ribicoff would be the right's candidate in the Labor Party's deputy leadership race.  Joe Clark, Ralph Yarborough, and John F. Kennedy all declined to run, and it was widely believed that Humphrey's personal blessing had been the reason that made Ribicoff decide to run.  Like Humphrey, Ribicoff was renown for his uncompromising integrity and personal humility.  He was also, like Humphrey, born into poverty during the progressive era, and was quite close to him in age.  He was also a member of the now-dominant social democratic wing of the party.  Having done perhaps the most work of all Labor's Cabinet Ministers (besides Humphrey) in creating the Stevenson-Johnson I government's agenda, he seemed to be a natural contender for the party's number-two spot.  The trade unions already seemed to be lining up behind him, as he'd received endorsements from Walter Reuther and other key heroes of the union movement.
      Wayne Morse would also contest the Deputy Leadership on a platform of attempting to change the party's foreign policy.  His pacifist tendencies won him the backing of former Labor leader Norman Thomas, who, like him, opposed the Gulf of Tonkin resolution.  Other left-wing intellectuals were likely to back the elderly Oregonian in this contest.  He was making mention of breaking up (and nationalizing parts of) large firms such as US Steel and GM, which was likely to win him the support of Zeidler-backers on the final ballot (assuming he were to make it there).
      The civil rights activist (and egotist) Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. returned to work (after a very long vacation in Florida) to announce his own bid for the party's deputy leadership, saying that "we, the Negro people, must continue to have representation at the top of this party."  While some African-Americans backed him, most of his fellow civil rights leaders launched an effort to persuade black Labor Party members not to support him.  King said that "Mr. Powell's irresponsibility and his lack of parliamentary accountability will be an embarrassment to the Negro if he wins the Deputy Leadership of the third-largest party in the country."  Outgoing Deputy Leader A. Philip Randolph himself explicitly backed Ribicoff, as did John Lewis and Bayard Rustin.  There was a secret worry among large numbers of Laborites that Powell would subtly play off of the strange electoral antagonism between certain African-Americans and Jews, making it even more important for civil rights leaders to come out swinging for Ribicoff.  
      Frank Zeidler, was of course, the real rebel candidate in the field.  He was a leftist firebrand and unafraid to say it.  He was unlikely to make it anywhere near the final ballot, but his showing would still be a good indicator of how well his ideas fared among Labor members.  He was promising to make all efforts possible of to reinsert nationalization of all private businesses, peaceful coexistence with the USSR, unilateral nuclear disarmament, and republicanism into the Labor Party's platform.  

[H.E. VOLODYMYR ZELENKSYY]

How long are you planning to continue this?

[Peter the Lefty]

How long are you planning to continue this?

Until the next government comes in.  Which is when I'll start a new one for that (like I did with my 1960-64 and now 64-whenever timelines)

[H.E. VOLODYMYR ZELENKSYY]

How long are you planning to continue this?

Until the next government comes in.  Which is when I'll start a new one for that (like I did with my 1960-64 and now 64-whenever timelines)

OK. Are you going to make one for each successive government or do you plan to stop at a certain point?

[Peter the Lefty]

How long are you planning to continue this?

Until the next government comes in.  Which is when I'll start a new one for that (like I did with my 1960-64 and now 64-whenever timelines)

OK. Are you going to make one for each successive government or do you plan to stop at a certain point?

Up to the present, though I may wait, since I'm pretty sure (spoiler alert) that Hillary Clinton will be Prime Minister at one point, so I might want to wait until I've (presumably) seen her in action as POTUS as a point of reference before writing that part.  

[H.E. VOLODYMYR ZELENKSYY]

How long are you planning to continue this?

Until the next government comes in.  Which is when I'll start a new one for that (like I did with my 1960-64 and now 64-whenever timelines)

OK. Are you going to make one for each successive government or do you plan to stop at a certain point?

Up to the present, though I may wait, since I'm pretty sure (spoiler alert) that Hillary Clinton will be Prime Minister at one point, so I might want to wait until I've (presumably) seen her in action as POTUS as a point of reference before writing that part.  

Cool.

[Peter the Lefty]

The Party Leaders as 1965 Commences

     Lyndon Johnson was unquestionably secure in his Leadership of the Liberal Party.  Adlai Stevenson's backers, who had often suspected him of plotting leadership challenges to the soon-martyred Prime Minister, had dropped their hostility to him quickly thanks not only to the somber mood of the post-assassination months, but also Johnson's swift acquiescence to Stevenson's domestic program.  Having passed a single-payer universal health care system soon after taking office, he continued to push the welfare expansions and civil rights programs advanced by his slain predecessor.  
      One issue which was appearing to be potentially problematic for Johnson was Vietnam.  His plan was to squash and cripple both the North Vietnamese forces and the Viet Cong while training the South Vietnamese to defend themselves.  Then, once the communist forces were significantly downtrodden, the Americans would pull out.  He was planning a series of air strikes against North Vietnamese air bases which were being used to aid the Viet Cong, which would commence in early 1965.  Yet what few outside of the cabinet knew was that these plans would not be going through right now had it not been for the Stevenson assassination.  
      Stevenson had confided in Symington and Harriman (Symington's predecessor) before his death that he was planning to disengage from American involvement in the conflict.  Harriman was now drifting into the hawks' camp on the issue, and Symington, once a quintessential hawk himself, had appeared to be on Stevenson's team on foreign policy (just as he was on nearly all issues).  For that reason, Johnson had made the decision, upon becoming Prime Minister, to keep Symington in the Foreign Ministry rather than Defense (which was a stronger field for him).  Yet wherever he was, Symington had emerged as the leader of the Liberal Party's left-wing, a status which John F. Kennedy would certainly have right now if he'd remained a Liberal.  Many saw Symington as a potential rival to Johnson, though there was no desire on the part of the Liberal Party to get rid of Johnson at this point.

     Oh, Richard Nixon.  One couldn't help feeling sorry for him at this point, save for the difficulty in doing so at any point.  He had gone from holding a fifteen-or-so-point poll lead to winning the worst popular vote figure in the Conservative Party's history.  And the worst part: it wasn't even his fault.  Stevenson had saved the world from nuclear oblivion, and was martyred only a year afterward, and the popular consensus shifted significantly leftward.  Sadly enough for the Torries, Nixon did better than probably any other member of the Conservative Party's top brass would have done.  
      Still, there were concerns about his leadership.  In the aftermath of the election, Nixon's Deputy (and opponent on the final ballot of the 1961 leadership race), Nelson Rockefeller, briefly but quietly consulted with political allies on the feasibility of a leadership challenge to Nixon.  After receiving unanimous advice against it (on account of both political reasons as well as personal scandals), Rockefeller, whose ego was as big as his wealth, dropped all considerations.  Yet word had managed to reach Nixon, who reacted with fury.  The episode made him feel as if every move of his was under scrutiny, and as if Rockefeller (and potentially others) was/were waiting to pounce.  It led to a noticeable change in Nixon's character, which friends and political allies alike began to notice.  He became exceedingly paranoid and fearful–both traits that would later come to define him.

     Hubert Humphrey was still as popular as ever within his party.  In spite of loosing some voters to the Liberals, his party had received a slew of seats across the Southeast and was stronger than ever.  And unlike previous Labor leaders, who at best could hope to pull the political zeitgeist leftward, Humphrey had helped to directly achieve many accomplishments–namely civil rights and universal health care coverage.   He had a crusading zeal about him, yet a great success in turning his aims into effective action.  Moreover, there was a common sentiment among the party that in terms of its leadership, the Labor Party's best days were in the era of a Debs, La Follette, and Hillquit.  According to this narrative, Norman Thomas and Henry A. Wallace had doomed their party in their own respective days thanks to Thomas's accommodation of radical elements in the party, and Wallace's dubious closeness to the USSR.  It had been left, according to this view, to Louis Waldman to whip the party back into credibility, and to Estes Kefauver to take the party forward without dividing it.  Yet those who held this view of the Labor Party's history almost universally considered Humphrey to be on the same level as Labor's legendary first three leaders.  
       Ribicoff was almost certain to be elected as his Deputy on January 25.  From there, it would be up to Humphrey and his team to overcome the current Liberal craze, take their experience in the coalition government, and make the case for a Labor government come the next election.  It would be difficult, but if the non-Southern white working class, African-Americans, and students could all vote Labor in all parts of the country, Humphrey would have a winning coalition.  

     Richard Russell was not a happy man.  His party had just taken a beating, and while he'd only been on the job for four years, some were already wondering if he was the right man to lead the ANM.  Of course, the party had only been drubbed due to the millions of African-Americans who could vote for the first time in 1964.  The popular vote percentage which the party achieved had actually been higher than that which it had achieved in 1960.  Yet he was perceived as lacking energy, and the new Shadow Minister of Justice, George Wallace, was seen as possessing the zeal which Russell lacked.  Yet there was not yet enough will to replace Russell, so he was safe...for now.

     Barry Goldwater looked quite secure in his leadership of the Libertarian Party (which he had, after all, founded).  None of the three other MP's looked as if they sought to challenge his leadership.  All was well for him.

[Peter the Lefty]

January 3, 1965
      A nearby pocket-watch stuck 2:00 am, and the minute lamps attached to the wall dimmed for a brief instant.  With the overhead lights turned off, the wall lamps were the only source of illumination in the entire Senate on this a dark, cold, and windy January night in Philadelphia.  The windows were bombarded once again by an onslaught of wind and snow until the tirade of natural forces came to a sudden end. 
      William Averell Harriman sat alone on the government side of the chamber, noticing for the first time the pocket-watch which had just indicated the arrival of the third hour of the new day.  During his 35 years in the House of Commons, he had discovered it to be a wonderful place at night for those seeking peace of mind.  Since his appointment to the Senate, he had found it to be equally helpful at night for those seeking serenity and private reflection. 
      He had also found it hardly any livelier during the day.  The Senate was, in essence, a political retirement home.  Those who had served out their careers in the Commons (or dominated the politics of their own provincial legislatures, in some cases), came to the Senate knowing that they would die while serving in it.  The majority were nearly out of energy, and served only to warm the benches.  Due to his own personal determination not to find himself transformed along these lines, Harriman continued to serve as an informal adviser to the Johnson government. 
      Yet at night, the Senate and the House were both playgrounds for the intellectual, the restless, and the introvert alike.  Their emptiness lead to a state of tranquility for anyone who dared to inhabit either of them.  The vastness of the Commons made it preferable, and Harriman had frequently visited the chamber which he had inhabited for 35 years at night even after he had passed into the next political life. 
      He now, however, was prevented from entering the Commons.  It was not the result of any new locks, barriers, or new rules regarding entry at night.  Harriman could not enter the Commons, for no matter which of the seats in which he sat, there existed two which his eyes could not avoid, and when he could, their presence was still impossible to avoid.  They were the two seats from which the excitement, the zeal, and the debate in the Commons stemmed from.  More importantly they were the only two seats in which he had ever sat during his eleven years in the House. 
      It was now impossible for the former Foreign Minister to visit the House of Commons without feeling the presence of his rival, his unlikely ally, and his would-be-rival-again.  For that reason, he sat in the upper chamber while in need of mental serenity.  Adlai Stevenson had never sat in the Senate. 
      Harriman was not attempting to avoid the spirit of Adlai Ewing Stevenson II simply due to the grief from the latter's loss.  His difficulty in dealing with reminders of Stevenson stemmed from his own personal guilt.  He had information in the back of his troubled mind which could well die with him, and he had every intention of insuring that it did so.  Suddenly, Harriman felt a creeping sensation along his spine, and his mind could no longer withhold the memory of the words which he was struggling to suppress. 
      "Lyndon, I'm afraid I must talk to you about a subject which I dread might create friction between us." 
      That he could not shake the memory of the Illinoisan from his mind was a dreadful realization for Harriman.  He was gripped again as the words "I've been reviewing the situation in Vietnam" passed through his train of thought.  He was being prevented from sleeping from memories of words which hadn't even been spoken to him.  He'd been merely the third person in the room while they were spoken. 
      It was then that the veteran politician put on his coat, left the chamber, and returned to the gusts from which he had taken refuge.

[Peter the Lefty]

January 9, 1965

Labor Members Gather in Detroit for Deputy Leadership Vote

      Ribicoff, Morse, Powell, and Zeidler were to face off in Detroit–the ultimate Labor city–for this vote.  Ribicoff was the clear frontrunner, and it was unlikely that the other three candidates would succeed in pursuing (or even attempt to pursue) a common front against him. 

[Peter the Lefty]

January 9, 1965

Ribicoff Elected Deputy Leader of the Labor Party on First Ballot

First Ballot
Abraham Ribicoff–52.3%
Wayne Morse–29.8%
Frank Zeidler–10.3%
Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.–7.6%

[Peter the Lefty]

February 7, 1965

Johnson Orders Reprisal Air Strikes on Viet Cong and North Vietnam

     Prime Minister Johnson and Defense Minister Lausche ordered a large retaliatory series of air strikes against the Viet Cong beginning on February 7, 1965 in reply not only to a series of Viet Cong strikes, but especially a mortar attack at Pleiku.  Issues were ordered to send the 18th Tactical Fighter Squadron from the American base in Okinawa to South Vietnam, where it participated in the air strikes, which were focused on North Vietnamese army bases near Dong Hoi. 
      Opposition Leader Richard Nixon supported Johnson in the action, as did Labor Leader Hubert Humphrey, ANM Leader Richard Russell, and the chief of the Libertarians, Barry Goldwater.  

[Peter the Lefty]

February 11, 1965

American Military Launches Second Wave of Airstrikes in Vietnam

      On February 11, the second wave of air strikes in "Operation Flaming Dart" commenced, this time focusing on Viet Cong logistics and communications near the Demilitarized Zone.  All five party leaders once again supported the military action. 

[Peter the Lefty]

February 21, 1965

Civil Rights Activist and Black Nationalist Malcolm X Killed in New York

     The civil rights activist, pan-Africanist, Muslim leader, and former black separatist Malcolm X was shot and killed in the Audubon Ballroom in New York City as he was preparing to deliver a speech to the Organization of Afro-American Unity.  The former Nation of Islam activist had recently abandoned the group, converted to Sunni Islam, renounced separatism, and sought with more mainstream civil rights activists.  One man, Thomas Hagan (alternatively known as Talmadge Hayer) was arrested after having been seized and beaten up by the crowd.  Hagan was soon identified as a member of the Nation of Islam, which had threatened X repeatedly due to his criticism of its leader, Elijah Muhammed.
      

[Dancing with Myself]

Great work so far, hope to see this continued at some point!

[RosettaStoned]

 Please continue this! It is quite enjoyable.

[Peter the Lefty]

Thank you guys!  And I will be pretty soon!

[Peter the Lefty]

March 8, 1965

First American Combat Troops Sent into Vietnam

      About 3,500 Marines of the American Commonwealth arrived in South Vietnam, becoming the first American ground troops of any kind in the conflict in Southeast Asia.  Prime Minister Lyndon Johnson vowed that their work would be simple and short, and called the decision to send them into the jungles of South Vietnam "tough but necessary."  His predecessor, Adlai E. Stevenson II, had sent military advisors to support the military of the Saigon government as a concession to the hawks in his party, but these would be the first official combat troops of any Commonwealth country in Southeast Asia. 
      When asked in parliament if he foresaw the deployment of troops from other members of the British Commonwealth, the Prime Minister said that he did not see it becoming necessary, but refused to take any options off the table.  Australia also had a number of military advisors in South Vietnam at the time, and privately, Johnson was in talks with Australian Prime Minister Robert Menzies on the possibility of the deployment of Australian ground troops in Southeast Asia.

[Peter the Lefty]

March 18, 1965

Budget Passes the House and Senate

     The government's budget passed the House by a margin of 737-420, with five MP's absent and 10 choosing to abstain.  The bill was passed by a combined majority of the governing Liberal Party and the Labor Party.  Both Opposition Parties, the Conservatives and the ANM, as well as the Libertarians, who do not have official party status in the House, voted against it.  
      The budget saw a significant rise in expenditures on Social Security and the NAHS, as well as Education, Housing, and Transportation.  Included in the budget was a liberalization for requirements for eligibility for the benefits to end the practice of discrimination against illegitimate children in the awarding of welfare benefits.  
      Defense expenditures were also significantly increased in spite of a lower allocation for the construction of nuclear weapons.  The Labor left passionately opposed this, but the leadership of the party supported the budget, and it still passed without a problem.  

[Peter the Lefty]

April 12, 1965

Office of Economic Opportunity Created

     The House voted to create a so-called Office of Economic Opportunity, passing a bill proposed by the Liberal Minority government.  Thanks to the help of Labor, the bill was approved over the Opposition of the Conservatives, the ANM, and the Libertarians.  The purpose of the agency was to assist in the implementation of the "New America" programs passed by the government, and to provide regional assistance centers for those seeking the benefits of the ever-growing welfare state.  The total vote-count in the House was 763-405.