West German Constitutional Referendum, 1950 (Round 1)

   The 1949 election was full of surprises. Kurt Schumacher's SPD won a smashing victory and scored a higher percentage of the vote than it ever had in any Weimar election, in spite of not being able to draw votes from the East, which had formerly been its strongest region. It appeared that Schumacher's platform of a unified, socialist, neutral, and presidential Germany resonated well with the German people–at least, those in the French, British, and American zones of occupation. Relying on a coalition of urban workers, students, and even some middle class progressive types, the SPD easily took the gold.
   The CDU/CSU alliance's result was disappointing, to say the least. While taking most of the Center Party's former voting base, it appeared that the CDU only partially managed to break through among conservative Protestants, thanks in part to Adenauer's Catholicism, and also to a rejection of religious politics by many Protestants who had previously voted DNVP and seen their party of choice ally with the Nazis. Even in the South, much of the urban working-class opted for the SPD over the CDU and CSU, showing that, at least for now, it wasn't enough to tell Catholic voters that it was their "religious duty" to vote for a party if it didn't offer them enough economically.
   The FDP managed to score a surprisingly high showing, capitalizing (ironically) on the reaction to the authoritarianism of the Nazi era in spite of the number of ex-Nazis lurking in the shadows within the party. In addition to the former supporters of the left-liberal DDP, it also appears to have won many Protestant Conservative voters, for perhaps two reasons: Adenauer's devout Catholicism, and the memories of voting for the DNVP, whose fling with the Nazis appears to have put many Protestant Conservatives off from voting for a religious party again.
   Another surprise was the strong showing for the Communist Party. Many had believed that the KPD would be crippled severely by the outrage over the forced imposition of Stalinism on the Soviet zone of occupation, as well as the horrific atrocities towards civilians committed by the Soviet occupiers. Yet the KPD still managed to prove that it still had much of its former base intact, shocking both the Allies and Schumacher himself.
   The "German Party" capitalized on anti-Ally resentment in the Northwest over the deindustrialization of the Ruhr region. Its nationalist rhetoric and vocal support of those who had served in the Wehrmacht and SS during the Nazizeit helped tremendously. In addition, the "Economic Reconstruction Union," and the "German Right Party" will both be in the new parliament thanks to crossing the 5% threshold in one state each (Bavaria and Lower Saxony, respectively). Combined with the DP, this means that a significant far-right bloc will exist in the first Bundestag.
   One rather surprising result was the blunt rejection of regionalism by nearly all Germans. The only party which could be considered "regionalist" and made it into the new Bundestag was the SSW, reflecting a desire on the part of Danish-speakers for a re-adjustment of the border with Denmark. Yet every "German" regionalist party, including even the Bavaria Party, found itself rejected.

   Schumacher was given the mandate to form a government after the results were all in. For his coalition partner, he initially turned to the CDU/CSU bloc, hoping that its Christian Socialist element would force Adenauer into accepting the SPD's economic platform. Yet Adenauer refused to consent to nationalization, and Schumacher was forced to turn to the FDP. Blücher, a manager himself, was even more adamant in his opposition to public control of any industry, and the FDP's left-liberal faction, lead by Theodor Heuss, proved unwilling to exert pressure on Blücher to accept such a deal.
   The mandate then fell to Adenauer to form a government. While the FDP would not be difficult for him to bring aboard, it would not, alone, give him a majority government. He would also need to include the SSW, the German Party, and the at least one of the other far-right parties–an arrangement which almost no one would feel comfortable with. The Allies made their objections clear, and Schumacher charged that the idea would inevitably lead to the "legitimization" of neo-fascism in the post-war political scene.
   Talks then opened up for a unity government inclusive of the three largest parties headed by Adenauer. Schumacher refused to take part in any coalition in which the SPD did not supply the Chancellor, saying that as the clear winner of the election, it was his party's right to do so in any coalition which included it. Yet he also made clear that any coalition he lead would nationalize at least a few private industries. The instability and disorder of the Weimar era seemed to be returning, only with a more leftist SPD.
   Finally, a miracle happened. By what some termed a divine intervention, Schumacher's less-dogmatic deputy, Erich Ollenhauer, emerged as a consensus figure for Chancellor. An SPD-CDU/CSU coalition became the preferred option. It wasn't intended to last long, but it would end the disorder of the interim period and lay the basic foundations of the new German state. Schumacher agreed to this, knowing he could run for President, since he did favor a Presidential system, after all. In the meantime, he would serve as Justice Minister in the first cabinet. Adenauer would serve as Defense Minister, while the SPD's Carlo Schmid would take the Foreign Affairs Portfolio. CDU economist Ludwig Erhard would hold the post of Economics Minister, and the Christian Socialist (CDU member) Gustav Heineman would take the Finance portfolio.
   Basic state agencies and social welfare programs were set up. Anti-monopoly legislation was passed, and a Marshall plan aid package was negotiated after a very blunt meeting between Schmid and U.S. Secretary of State Dean Acheson. The two were reported to have not gotten along very well, but Acheson caved in on allowing West Germany to decide how to appropriate the aid after Schmid bluntly told him that if he didn't want to see West Germany fall back into the hands of extremist forces, he would cooperate.
   As for the political system of the new state, it was agreed that a referendum would be held to determine the exact nature of the Presidency. Three proposals would be on the ballot. The top two will face off against each other in a runoff.

   Option 1: The President shall be elected by the popular vote in a two-round system every four years, and shall be responsible for calling parliament into session, dissolving it, and other functions that a titular head of state normally performs, though it shall always be at the request of the Chancellor. Should the President die in office or resign, a new Presidential election (both rounds of it) must be held within 60 days. Whoever wins it will only serve the remainder of the late former President's term. In the meantime, the Speaker of the Bundestag will become Acting President. No sitting Acting President may stand for election to the Presidency on a permanent basis. In cases of emergency (the President becoming incapable of performing the functions of the Presidency, namely), or in instances of corruption on the President's part, the Bundestag can remove him or her from office with a 2/3 majority. From there, the procedure will apply as that for instances of a presidential resignation or death. This option is being backed by a strange coalition of the KPD and the far-right parties.

   Option 2: Essentially the same as Option 1, but under this scenario, the Bundestag will elect the President (though one does not have to be a sitting MP in order to run). In addition, elections for the presidency are to be held every seven years, rather than two. This option is supported by the CDU/CSU and the FDP.

   Option 3: The method of electing the President shall be the same as that used in Option 1. However, the President shall have the power to veto any legislation passed by the Parliament, though it can override said veto with a 2/3 majority in both houses. The President will also have the power to issue executive orders as well. He/she can also be impeached by the same procedure as the one in Options 1 and 2. The office of Chancellor shall still exist, but the one who holds it shall in effect be a Number Two. Should the President die in office, the speaker of the Bundestag will become acting President, and new elections for the Presidency are to be held within 90 days. The newly elected President will be considered a placeholder who finishes out his/her Predecessor's term. A three-term limit is to be set for the office, not including terms wherein a President simply finishes out the term of another. This option is vigorously supported by the SPD.

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