West German federal election, 1970

[Peter the Lefty]

      The result was a narrow but nonetheless shocking absolute majority for the CDU/CSU.  The public had rebuked the left and supported Erhard's middle-of-the-road course.  Meanwhile, the mini-recession of the era had allowed the far-right NPD (the result of a merger between all of the major far-right parties of the day) to make its way into the Bundestag.  The SPD suffered major losses, and the FDP also slid.
      Erhard opted for a single-party government this time around, as he was finding the FDP increasingly unreasonable during the last months of his first government.  Yet even with only the "Union" in his government, he was finding his party to whip into shape.  His handling of the recession was still seen as lackluster and even mediocre, and Erhard finally resigned in 1967.  Erhard was replaced by parliamentary group leader Rainer Barzel.  A skilled tactician, Barzel had attempted to undermine Erhard by making proposals for German reunification.  Yet as Chancellor, he now vehemently opposed any attempts to normalize relations with the East.
      Barzel now had to contend with the growing student protest movement, which, like its American and French counterparts, rose up in opposition to the old society of the previous generations.  They saw the existing establishment as riddled with former Nazis, and pointed to Barzel's own cabinet for a few.  They also attacked what they saw as the danger of single-party rule.  Income inequalities and social restrictions were also attacked, in addition to the American war in Vietnam, which Barzel supported.
      In reaction to the student protesters, Barzel's government passed a slew of authoritarian new legislation (much of it was spurred by the Western Allies).  The "Emergency Acts" allowed constitutional civil rights to be suspended during a state of defense, enabled potential passage of emergency legislation through only the Bundesrat, and allowed for certain rights (such as privacy and freedom of movement) to be suspended in certain cases.  The FDP, now lead by the left-leaning Walter Scheel, was the first to oppose the new laws openly.  The NDP also decided to oppose them on the basis that these new laws could be used against them and against other far-right groups.  The SPD waffled.
      After the 1966 disaster, Brandt vowed that he would not run for Chancellor in 1970.  SPD floor leader Herbert Wehner appeared to be likely to succeed him.  Yet the SPD's fortunes rose during the months afterwards, and Brandt once again looked like a viable candidate.  Meanwhile, Hamburg MP Helmut Schmidt was also rising through the ranks.  Wehner made it clear to his party that he would support such authoritarian legislation, and even proposed that the SPD should be ready to enter into a coalition with Barzel should he lose his majority (or seek a coalition on the basis that the current arrangement was too unstable).  After a painful internal struggle, Brandt decided against entering into a coalition government with Barzel on the basis that it already had a majority.  He also decided to oppose the new Emergency Acts.  The party decided to oppose them on the basis that the laws were "too far-reaching."  Wehner complied begrudgingly.
      Riots consumed the streets in every major city, and the crackdown became very violent.  The  German economy was given no room to improve due to the lack of confidence in its stability.  The  German economy was given no room to improve, and things appeared to be falling apart.  Labor unions also appeared to be quite sympathetic to the student movement, even if their workers weren't.  The situation subsided in late 1968, but the sense of instability continued to prevail.  Worse yet, Barzel's slim majority was now a much worse situation than it would have been in previous situations, as the FDP (once the CDU/CSU's most natural coalition partner) was now the most hostile to it.  Towards the end of the government's term, efforts towards economic revival were made, but failed to make an impact.  The SPD had received new life from the student movements, Brandt's balancing act between reaching out to student radicals and maintaining the SPD's blue-collar working-class base seemed to have been successful.   

[Peter the Lefty]

The Christian Democratic Union/Christian Social Union (CDU/CSU) bloc appears to have rallied behind Chancellor Rainer Barzel after years of internal division.  Barzel, while once having been on the CDU's left wing, quickly turned into a red-hunter aligned with the Bavarian CSU stalward Franz-Joseph Strauss.  Still, he has demonstrated a moderate line on economic positions.  He has managed to do what previous Christian Democrats could not do: he has rejected detente with the East while also appearing pro-reunification, arguing that diplomatic re-approachment with the DDR would help to cement the division of Germany.  A skilled tactician, Barzel is everything to everyone.  Yet he lacks a particular human touch, a trait which could hurt him as he goes up against the dynamic Brandt.  The CDU/CSU is promising to return stability to West Germany and to continue the moderate economic course which Barzel has taken, saying it will pay off in the end, just as it did under Adenauer.  It is also opposing any normalization of relations with any Warsaw Pact countries.  Barzel is relentlessly attacking the student protesters and warning against the "collapse of the morals of our country."  Indeed, while being everything to everyone, he has successfully managed to maneuver his party rightward.  There's still that whole Christian Democracy thing too.

      The Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) has nominated West Berlin Mayor Willy Brandt for the third time.  He had originally vowed not to run again after his stunning loss in the election of 1966, but after the SPD began to see a rise in its vote share in local and state elections, demand grew for him to run again.  In addition, with the emerging student movement, he seemed best fit to balance the Old Left, represented by Herbert Wehner and Helmut Schmidt, and the New Left, represented by a large array of younger members and activists.  Wehner, who had originally been considered the front-runner to be the "Kanzlerkandidat" of the SPD in 1970, shocked many by criticizing the tactics and motives of the student movement, and by talking about the possibility of going into a coalition with the CDU/CSU in order to provide stability.  Brandt is promising to provide a greater degree of personal and press freedoms, and to address Germany's Nazi past head on, as many of the students have demanded.  A government "on the side of labor" is also promised, and Brandt has attacked both Erhard and Barzel for sometimes acting quite confrontationally with trade unions in some instances.  Brandt is also vowing to create an avalanche of social reforms aimed at boosting Germany's economy through social democratic solutions based on those seen in Scandinavia and Britain.  Better relations with the GDR are also to be strived for. 
     The Free Democratic Party (FDP) has ousted Erich Mende as its leader and replaced him with the young left-liberal Walter Scheel at long last.  Scheel has turned his party towards the left significantly, attacking Barzel's authoritarian laws as "unfair" and "dictatorial."  He has also expressed sympathy with many of the aims of the student movement, and has accused the SPD of waffling on civil liberties.  His proposed domestic reforms are less extensive than those put forward by Brandt, and emulate not social democracy but rather the social liberalism which once defined the DDP.  He is also calling for a less hostile foreign policy. 
      The National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) is running on a far-right platform once again, calling the student protesters "communists" and demanding re-acquisition of the "territories in the East."  Xenophobic rhetoric has also been heard from them. 
      The Campaign for Democratic Progress (ADF) is the result of a merger of the pro-SED German Peace Union and a number of revolutionary student groups.  Generally, communists have come to dominate this new party, sparking much controversy.  It has a rather ambiguous platform which seems to veer between "revolution" and a simple reunification of Germany under the GDR's flag.

[RogueBeaver]

CDU as usual.

[Goldwater]

CDU, somewhat reluctantly.

[Deus Naturae]

FDP

[Arturo Belano]

SDP.

[H. Ross Peron]

Going with SPD although I hope Helmut Schmidt replaces Brandt.

[Wake Me Up When The Hard Border Ends]

CDU as usual.

[freefair]

Very Unethusiastic CDU.

[Goldwater]

Okay, last time checked SDp was in the lead with CDU and FDP tied for second. What's with the random jumps in support for the CDU?

[Supersonic]

CDU/CSU, everyone else is horrible.

[🐒Gods of Prosperity🔱🐲💸]

After voting CDU in the 50s, I voted FDP in the 60s and I'm sticking with them in this election too.

[Peter the Lefty]

Dear God who are these people?

[Antonio the Sixth]

SPD.

What the f**k is wrong with you guy?

[Arturo Belano]

Are the CDU voters budding or what?

[TNF]

SPD

[DC Al Fine]

Very Unenthusiastic CDU.

[freefair]

CDU vote share certainly down on last 2 elections though. Opportunity for SPD-FDP here if enough people vote!!

[Dereich]

CDU as a protest vote

[traininthedistance]

Okay, last time checked SDp was in the lead with CDU and FDP tied for second. What's with the random jumps in support for the CDU?

Yeah this happened last time, too.  I'm beginning to suspect shenanigans.

(Considered FDP this time, but ultimately stuck with SDP.  Obviously hoping for the social liberal coalition here.)

[Cassius]

Yet again, CDU.

[TDAS04]

SDP.

[Dr. Cynic]

SPD. Looking for an SPD-FDP coalition.

[Donerail]

FDP, hoping for FDP-SDP coalition.

[Antonio the Sixth]

I must say a 60-voters turnout for a foreign election series is starting to look suspicious...