PPT Spiral
Spiral
Atlas Politician
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Posts: 4,529
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« on: December 14, 2014, 04:20:21 AM » |
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With the formation of the Democratic Alliance, the 1964 election suddenly became a spirited three-way race with wildly different candidates. President Goldwater faced strong challenges from both George Wallace and “Soapy” Williams, eager to roll back the landmark achievements during the last four years. However, despite the intense focus on him throughout the campaign, the president managed to retain 40% of the vote, his party’s base of conservatives, and narrowly prevailed over Williams. Goldwater would have four more years to govern the nation, but it was hardly a mandate from voters. As he would see later on, his victory would come at great costs.
While the AU had near-supermajorities at the beginning of Goldwater’s presidency, thanks to losses in congressional elections and defections from liberals to the DA, the party now only has a bare majority in the Senate and a plurality in the House. This meant that Goldwater would have much difficulty getting more of his domestic agenda through. Indeed, when the president announced his push for “New Federalism” to further devolve power to state governments, it was met with hostility from many in Congress and little got done. In terms of domestic achievements, the most significant accomplishment was the passage of the Immigration Act of 1965, which eliminated all national quotas based on origin and replaced it with preferences for immigrants based on skills. The DA and WP attempted to roll back some of Goldwater’s boldest accomplishments, such as Social Security privatization, but it got nowhere with a deadlocked Congress and the president’s veto pen. As time passed, those policies looked to be here to stay, though Goldwater became disappointed that he couldn’t do more.
However, Goldwater had free rein on foreign policy, and the U.S. became the most militarily invested abroad since WWII. To stop “the spread of communism in Asia and the rest of the world,” in the fall of 1965 President Goldwater announced a surge of 400,000 more troops in Vietnam to add to the 100,000 already in the region. Congress decisively went along with the president then, although there were a number of especially vocal antiwar critics who warned of the dangers of escalation. Despite strong support from the U.S., South Vietnamese forces lost many battles and the North was able to keep advancing. The surprisingly resilient resistance and the loss of many lives made morale plummet among soldiers, although the Goldwater administration’s trajectory remained unchanged and was ever more expansive. By the summer of 1967, more than 700,000 troops were fighting on the ground in Vietnam. In addition, President Goldwater launched intense bombing campaigns against the countries of Cambodia and Laos to further halt communism in Southeast Asia. Reaching beyond Vietnam especially drew the ire of the Soviet Union, who warned of nuclear war on the horizon.
Despite the hundreds of thousands of troops in the region, there were few major victories for the U.S. and allied forces. The public began to sour over the continued presence there, and major antiwar rallies were orchestrated across the country demanding that troops come back home. The majority of demonstrations were peaceful, but violent clashes with law enforcement became regular enough that outrage over the war only intensified. Unrest at home was now suddenly widespread. Following the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr., race riots broke out in urban areas. Cities hit the worst by riots were Baltimore, Chicago, and Washington, D.C., where dozens of buildings burned down over the turmoil. In D.C., the National Guard used lethal force against rioters over fear of the White House being the next target, which then sparked a greater number of riots. President Goldwater vowed to “end the madness” and stamp down on rioters through whatever means necessary, even declaring martial law in select area. With a flailing economy, a stalemate in Vietnam, and civil unrest, Goldwater’s approval ratings nose-dived and never recovered. Acknowledging his fate, the president declined to seek reelection for a third term.
With Goldwater out, the 1968 election became wide open for anybody to claim. A number of candidates over at the AU are scrambling to become the new standard-bearer. Vice President John Tower has decided to run and continue Goldwater’s missions for winning Vietnam and taming civil unrest at home. However, the other major establishment figure running is former President Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., attempting a grand comeback after 12 years. Lodge wishes to return to a more moderate presidency after the ambitiousness of Goldwater and argues that he can best heal the nation as he did after Eisenhower’s death. California Governor Ronald Reagan is the closest to President Goldwater ideologically and is running as the conservative choice in the primary, believing that his strong fiscal conservatism and law-and-order stances will allow him to prevail. The ruggedly handsome Governor of Michigan George Romney is also making a bid, running a business-savvy, moderate campaign but seen by many as being gaffe-prone. One of the last liberals left in the AU is also making a stand: Oregon Senator Mark Hatfield, primarily running on swiftly ending the Vietnam War, which separates him from the others.
Over the last four years, the DA has only grown in numbers and in clout. Progressives from the AU and WP have jumped over to the new party with high expectations, and in 1968, they believe now is their time. Wayne Morse, the party’s vice presidential nominee in 1964, is making one last attempt at the presidency and has tried to claim the mantle of being Goldwater’s greatest foe. Senator Eugene McCarthy has been one of the most vocal antiwar voices in Congress and is a favorite of the grassroots, along with Senator George McGovern, another ardent liberal running an insurgent campaign. Senator Robert Kennedy is more conservative compared to the other candidates, but he is just as opposed to the war and has been at the forefront of civil rights issues as well. Finally, there is 79-year-old Senator Stephen Young, who is known just as much for his colorful and biting remarks toward people he has no patience for as for his liberal politics.
As for the WP, the last couple of years have not been pretty for them. The nomination of George Wallace in 1964 resulted in Wallace and his forces taking over the national party, resulting in progressives disgusted with their racial politics deciding to flee and join the DA instead. With their membership less than half of what it used to be, the WP has dwindled in influence and has become more of a Southern segregationist party. Most of the candidates running this year reflect that: George Wallace is running again, as is George Smathers, Strom Thurmond, and Orval Faubus. Other candidates not in the mold include Chicago Mayor Richard Daley, who has a personal investment in bringing back order to the nation with his city burned down, and Senator John King, a major hawk who wants to keep pushing in Vietnam.
So there you have it! Vote for who you wish, and include running mates in your posts if you’d like.
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