UK General Election - May 7th 2015 (The Official Election Day & Results Thread)
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  UK General Election - May 7th 2015 (The Official Election Day & Results Thread)
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Author Topic: UK General Election - May 7th 2015 (The Official Election Day & Results Thread)  (Read 175224 times)
Diouf
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« Reply #1150 on: May 08, 2015, 05:05:03 PM »

If UKIP manages not to implode over the leadership election and ends up with a decent leader, then they could have some good years ahead in terms of adding to their seat total. There could again be defections from the Eurosceptic right wing of the Conservative party and there will be an EU-referendum where they will be the only significant party which will campaign in unison for leaving the EU. Perhaps they could get a (smaller version) of the SNP effect by uniting many of the voters at one side of the referendum question. It might not last all the way to the next general election due to the lack of focus on EU in general elections and because it will likely be a few years after, but in many months before and after the referendum, they could very well pick up a number of seats in by-elections.
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Filuwaúrdjan
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« Reply #1151 on: May 08, 2015, 05:47:12 PM »

Second places are basically entirely irrelevant.
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« Reply #1152 on: May 08, 2015, 05:56:00 PM »

Does anybody have the vote share for London?
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jaichind
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« Reply #1153 on: May 08, 2015, 06:21:35 PM »

Does anybody have the vote share for London?

LAB           45      43.7%
CON          27      34.9%
LD              1         7.8%
UKIP           0         8.1%
Green         0         4.9%
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« Reply #1154 on: May 08, 2015, 06:24:35 PM »

Does anybody have the vote share for London?

LAB           45      43.7%
CON          27      34.9%
LD              1         7.8%
UKIP           0         8.1%
Green         0         4.9%

Thanks!

Where did you find that from?

Lib Dem got the same vote share (less 0.1%) in London as their national result.
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Filuwaúrdjan
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« Reply #1155 on: May 08, 2015, 06:45:02 PM »

The result in Hereford (LibDem MP 1997-2010 and a longtime target and local government base beforehand) is quite something... Con 52.6, UKIP 16.8, Labour 12.8, LDem 10.6, Green 7.2

That's minus 30.5 for the LibDems.
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homelycooking
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« Reply #1156 on: May 08, 2015, 07:07:08 PM »
« Edited: May 08, 2015, 07:38:10 PM by homelycooking »

I'm sure I'm missing a few seats but I can't quite figure what they are. England and Wales only here.

Lab to Con (9)Con to Lab (10)LD to Con (27)LD to Lab (12)
Plymouth MoorviewHoveSt IvesBristol West
Southampton Itchen      Brentford and IsleworthCornwall NorthNorwich South
GowerEnfield NorthSt Austell and NewquayCambridge
Vale of ClwydEaling Central and ActonDevon NorthBirmingham Yardley
TelfordIlford NorthTorbayManchester Withington
Morley and OutwoodCity of ChesterTaunton DeaneBurnley
Bolton WestWirral WestYeovilCardiff Central
Derby NorthLancaster and Fleetwood      Dorset Mid and Poole North      Redcar
Corby (by-election)Wolverhampton SWEastleighBermondsey and Old Southwark
DewsburySomerton and FromeBrent Central
WellsHornsey and Wood Green
BathBradford East
Chippenham
Thornbury and Yate
Cheltenham
Lewes
UKIP to Con (1)Respect to Lab (1)Eastbourne
Rochester and Strood (by-election)Bradford West (by-election)Portsmouth South
Colchester
Solihull
Cheadle
Hazel Grove
Brecon and Radnorshire
Berwick-upon-Tweed
Twickenham
Sutton and Cheam
Kingston and Surbiton

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kcguy
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« Reply #1157 on: May 08, 2015, 07:14:23 PM »

On the subject of the Lib Dems: what exactly is (or was Tongue) their social and regional base of support? Do they even have one, or is part of the issue the fact that they rely a lot on protest votes scattered throughout different constituencies?

(apologies if this question has been answered before, or has an obvious answer).

This is just my impression, but it seems like Lib Dem base demographics is just several distinct groups layered on top of one another.

1.  People in regions distant from London, which were never really a part of the English Establishment.  In particular, the Scottish Highlands, rural Wales, and the southwestern peninsula.  These are not people who live in the country and commute to work for a large employer in town; these are people who live in the country and make their living in fishing or farming.

2.  People who live in regions where the Labour party acquired the image, especially in the 1970's and 1980's, of the "loony Left".  The Liberal Democrats would capture the local government, run it competently, and build upon that.  Here, their support came from not just the center and center-left, but also from right-wingers who would vote for anyone capable of getting Labour out of office.  Geographically, this would be random scattered seats in inner-city London, Liverpool, Manchester, etc.

3.  People who reacted negatively to the rise of the right wing in the Conservative Party in the 1990's, particularly reacting to stridently anti-European right-wing elements.  These people would have regarded themselves as too middle class to vote Labour.  Mirroring #2, Lib Dem support in these constituencies would be padded by people who would otherwise have voted Labour.  Geographically, the poster children for this demographic would have been the 5 well-heeled seats in outer southwestern London taken from the Tories in 1997.

4.  People on the left of the Labour Party who opposed Tony Blair and the Iraq War.  Cambridge and the two Oxford seats are the obvious examples, although the Lib Dems had already held the more rural of the two Oxford seats even before the war.


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jaichind
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« Reply #1158 on: May 08, 2015, 07:16:03 PM »

Does anybody have the vote share for London?

LAB           45      43.7%
CON          27      34.9%
LD              1         7.8%
UKIP           0         8.1%
Green         0         4.9%

Thanks!

Where did you find that from?

Lib Dem got the same vote share (less 0.1%) in London as their national result.

I found this site which I found to be very good.  It allows to review results by subregions.

http://principalfish.co.uk/election2015/live/
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kcguy
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« Reply #1159 on: May 08, 2015, 07:21:55 PM »
« Edited: May 08, 2015, 07:27:55 PM by kcguy »

I'm sure I'm missing a few seats but I can't quite figure what they are. England and Wales only here.

Lab to Con (9)Con to Lab (10)LD to Con (27)LD to Lab (12)



Sky News had a list, so I compared it to yours.

It looks like the only seat you missed was Clacton, which is technically a UKIP gain compared to 2010, even if it was won by the same candidate.
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Filuwaúrdjan
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« Reply #1160 on: May 08, 2015, 07:23:14 PM »
« Edited: May 08, 2015, 07:27:18 PM by Sibboleth »

Good list. Conventionally by-election recaptures are not classed as gains, fwiw.

Anyway, some maps tomorrow I guess...
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homelycooking
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« Reply #1161 on: May 08, 2015, 07:30:54 PM »
« Edited: May 08, 2015, 07:34:18 PM by homelycooking »

Vertigine della lista

GREEN TOP 10 SEATS

CandidateConstituencyPercent
Caroline LucasBrighton Pavilion41.8%
Darren HallBristol West26.8%
Jillian CreasySheffield Central15.8%
Heather FinlayHackney North and Stoke Newington   14.6%
Lesley Grahame   Norwich South13.9%
Alan FrancisBuckingham13.8%
Vix LowthionIsle of Wight13.5%
Natalie BennettHolborn and St Pancras12.8%
John CoughlinLewisham Deptford12.5%
Martin DobsonLiverpool Riverside12.1%

UKIP TOP 10 SEATS

CandidateConstituencyPercent
Douglas CarswellClacton44.4%
Robin Hunter-Clarke   Boston and Skegness33.8%
Nigel FarageThanet South32.4%
John BickleyHeywood and Middleton32.2%
Tim AkerThurrock31.7%
Jamie HuntmanCastle Point31.2%
Mark RecklessRochester and Strood30.5%
Jane CollinsRotherham30.2%
Peter HarrisDagenham and Rainham   29.9%
Allen CowlesRother Valley28.1%
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Clarko95 📚💰📈
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« Reply #1162 on: May 08, 2015, 08:04:31 PM »

On the subject of the Lib Dems: what exactly is (or was Tongue) their social and regional base of support? Do they even have one, or is part of the issue the fact that they rely a lot on protest votes scattered throughout different constituencies?

(apologies if this question has been answered before, or has an obvious answer).

This is just my impression, but it seems like Lib Dem base demographics is just several distinct groups layered on top of one another.

1.  People in regions distant from London, which were never really a part of the English Establishment.  In particular, the Scottish Highlands, rural Wales, and the southwestern peninsula.  These are not people who live in the country and commute to work for a large employer in town; these are people who live in the country and make their living in fishing or farming.

2.  People who live in regions where the Labour party acquired the image, especially in the 1970's and 1980's, of the "loony Left".  The Liberal Democrats would capture the local government, run it competently, and build upon that.  Here, their support came from not just the center and center-left, but also from right-wingers who would vote for anyone capable of getting Labour out of office.  Geographically, this would be random scattered seats in inner-city London, Liverpool, Manchester, etc.

3.  People who reacted negatively to the rise of the right wing in the Conservative Party in the 1990's, particularly reacting to stridently anti-European right-wing elements.  These people would have regarded themselves as too middle class to vote Labour.  Mirroring #2, Lib Dem support in these constituencies would be padded by people who would otherwise have voted Labour.  Geographically, the poster children for this demographic would have been the 5 well-heeled seats in outer southwestern London taken from the Tories in 1997.

4.  People on the left of the Labour Party who opposed Tony Blair and the Iraq War.  Cambridge and the two Oxford seats are the obvious examples, although the Lib Dems had already held the more rural of the two Oxford seats even before the war.
So how did these groups vote in 2015?

I'm guessing the first group voted SNP (in Scotland) and Conservative elsewhere, then groups 2 and 3 went Conservative, and then the fourth group went to Labour and maybe the Greens? Is that about right?
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adma
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« Reply #1163 on: May 08, 2015, 08:32:28 PM »

Second places are basically entirely irrelevant.

Not to fun-loving psephologists ;-)
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Famous Mortimer
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« Reply #1164 on: May 08, 2015, 08:40:24 PM »

I tried to do it myself but I lost count by the time I had finished doing the Cs alphabetically. Will try to convince a nerdier friend to help me. This is a two person job.
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homelycooking
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« Reply #1165 on: May 08, 2015, 08:44:46 PM »

Quick-and-dirty constituency map (colored according to margin of victory), 'cause what else was I going to do with my Friday night?

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Clarko95 📚💰📈
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« Reply #1166 on: May 08, 2015, 09:09:27 PM »

What's the deal with the random place in Scotland that voted Conservative?
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Ebsy
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« Reply #1167 on: May 08, 2015, 09:12:03 PM »

What's the deal with the random place in Scotland that voted Conservative?
The Tories have always done better in the seats closer to the border.
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ag
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« Reply #1168 on: May 08, 2015, 09:33:47 PM »

Second places are basically entirely irrelevant.

Not to fun-loving psephologists ;-)

In Wales, I believe, the second places went

15 Con
10 Lab
6 PC
6 UKIP
3 LD
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136or142
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« Reply #1169 on: May 08, 2015, 10:51:14 PM »

This election result was similar to 1987 in at least 3 ways:
1.Although the share of the vote for both Labour and Conservative was lower in 2015 than in 1987, in both elections the gap between the 2 parties was around 7%.

2.Although the final seat result in this election was 331-232 while in 1987 it was 336-271, if you gave Labour the 40 seats back from the largely even more left wing SNP this election would be 331-272.

3.In both 1987 and 2015 the polls were pretty much tied with most analyists predicting that Labour would have the slightly better possibility of forming a government.
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rob in cal
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« Reply #1170 on: May 09, 2015, 12:40:00 AM »

What areas would look the most different with the upcoming Boundary changes that the Conservatives are talking about doing.
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« Reply #1171 on: May 09, 2015, 01:26:58 AM »

thanks for the lists and the map homely!

I wonder, is there a reason UKIP tends to have its best showings on the East Coast?
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Sprouts Farmers Market ✘
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« Reply #1172 on: May 09, 2015, 01:47:25 AM »

I wonder, is there a reason UKIP tends to have its best showings on the East Coast?

I've been going with the theory that they see how bad Europe really is right from their house, and I'm running with that until a UK poster tells us about immigration patterns (or perhaps just historical opposition to Europe) in those constituencies.
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Blair
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« Reply #1173 on: May 09, 2015, 02:09:14 AM »

I wonder, is there a reason UKIP tends to have its best showings on the East Coast?

I've been going with the theory that they see how bad Europe really is right from their house, and I'm running with that until a UK poster tells us about immigration patterns (or perhaps just historical opposition to Europe) in those constituencies.

They tend to be more working class, deprived areas that haven't had any love from the tories or labour. They also have very very low levels of immigration, which means they're scared they're going to get swamped
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YL
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« Reply #1174 on: May 09, 2015, 03:34:05 AM »

The result in Hereford (LibDem MP 1997-2010 and a longtime target and local government base beforehand) is quite something... Con 52.6, UKIP 16.8, Labour 12.8, LDem 10.6, Green 7.2

That's minus 30.5 for the LibDems.

Sheffield Central:

Lab 55.0 (+13.7)
Green 15.8 (+12.1)
Con 11.1 (+1.0)
LD 9.7 (-31.2)
UKIP 7.5 (+5.9)

The Lib Dems were only 165 votes behind Labour in 2010.
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