Paint it Red: The Rise of the American Left (1908-1932)

[NeverAgain]

Was Stedman not included in Chicago's polling?

Right! I think I mentioned it in an earlier part. In order to better gauge voter tendencies of the top candidates they do not include the Socialists as an option in the polls. With the Chicago riots and the fear from the Red Scare in recent memory, the organization opted not to include Stedman.

Apologies, just wanted to see how everybody's favorite socialist was doing. I am excited to see Fitzgerald in action. I wonder if the Kennedys will make their political rise still.

[/]

Probably the best TL I've seen so far, and I mean that seriously. Great job!

[Pyro]

The Election of 1920: Final Results

edit: imgfix

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you might know this already but you can combine the electoral vote and popular vote maps really easily...

[Pyro]

Was Stedman not included in Chicago's polling?

Right! I think I mentioned it in an earlier part. In order to better gauge voter tendencies of the top candidates they do not include the Socialists as an option in the polls. With the Chicago riots and the fear from the Red Scare in recent memory, the organization opted not to include Stedman.

Apologies, just wanted to see how everybody's favorite socialist was doing. I am excited to see Fitzgerald in action. I wonder if the Kennedys will make their political rise still.

No problem! I don't mind clearing up any confusion. Yes! I have some fun ideas for the next chapter =)

Probably the best TL I've seen so far, and I mean that seriously. Great job!

Thanks, man! And yes, I know that you can combine the totals in the map gen, but, personally, I like having the EV and PV separated. I'm not a huge fan of how the map looks with the PV color shades, so I wanted to keep that in a separate thing for anyone who is interested in seeing PV %s.

[Pyro]

1920 Congressional Elections      

Senate
Democratic: 41 (-1)
Republican: 26 (-5)
Progressive: 18 (-2)
Socialist: 6 (+3)
Farmer-Labor: 3 (+3)
Independent: 2 (+2)

House
Democratic: 190 (+16)
Republican: 115 (+2)
Progressive: 82 (-31)
Socialist: 42 (+18)
Farmer-Labor: 6 (+5)
Prohibition: 0 (-1)

  The Progressives took a major beating in the Congressional races. The party lost 31 seats in the House and two in the Senate. Francis J. Heney (P-CA) lost his bid for re-election and was completely trounced by Samuel Shortridge, the Republican challenger. Senator Victori Murdock (P-KS), who had been expected to win his seat relatively easily, lost to Republican Charles Curtis. Fortunately for the Bull-Moose Party, Senator Albert Cummins of Iowa shifted his party affiliation from the Republicans to the Progressives, and won against a single Democratic challenger. However, this gain was thwarted when Ole Hanson (P-WA) lost in a 6-way split to C.L. France of the Farmer-Labor Party.

  In New York, Rose Schneiderman, a labor union leader and feminist, managed to sneak away with a victory in the Senate race. She defeated James Wadsworth, Jr., the incumbent Republican, as well as Henry C. Walker, the Democrat, and James Haverton, the Progressive. With a mere 32% of the vote, Ms. Schneiderman made front-page headlines for her calling for an executive order mandating the construction of nonprofit housing for lower income families. She was in the sect of the SP which did not endorse the Russian Revolution, though Senator Wadsworth still referred to her as a "Bloody Bolshevik" nonetheless.

  The Socialists won two other Senate races, in Oklahoma and Wisconsin, along with an unprecedented eighteen House races. Frank Weber of Wisconsin and A. A. Bagwell of Oklahoma would go on to credit Seymour Stedman for their victories, along with leftist author Upton Sinclair of California who won a seat in the House. Although these gains were great, they did not meet Stedman's expectations and the numbers were not large enough to pose too great of a threat in either Congressional house.

  The Farmer-Labor Party, the reformist, agrarian version of the Socialist Party, won a string of support in the West and South, winning three Senate seats and five additional House seats. The Republicans lost five seats to the Democrats in the Senate, but managed to remain a clear second-party in both houses of Congress. With the losses of the Progressive Party in the House, the GOP once again became the first-minority party with 115 seats.

  The Democrats walked away the victors of these elections. They kept their lead in the Senate and formed a near-majority in the House. With Democrat Fitzgerald in the White House, it looked as though, for the first time in decades, the Democratic Party was in firm control of policy. Former Governor Woodrow Wilson chose to run for a House seat from New Jersey, and defeated the incumbent Republican with nearly 65% of the vote. Wilson was eventually selected as the new Speaker once Clark ascended to the Vice Presidency.

 House of Representatives Leadership

Speaker Woodrow Wilson (D-NJ)
Minority Leader William Stephens (P-CA)
Minority Leader Frederick Gillett (R-MA)
Minority Leader Meyer London (S-NY)
Minority Leader William L. Carss (FL-MN), Farmer-Labor delegation caucuses w/ Socialists


  Senators Elected in 1920 (Class 3)
Braxton B. Comer (D-AL): Democratic Hold w/ 69%
Oscar Underwood (D-AL): Democratic Hold w/ 66%
Marcus A. Smith (D-AZ): Democratic Hold w/ 48%
Thaddeus H. Caraway (D-AK): Democratic Hold w/ 68%
Samuel M. Shortridge (R-CA): Republican Gain w/ 47%
Charles S. Thomas (I-CO): Independent Gain w/ 40%
Augustine Lonergan (D-CT): Democratic Gain w/ 45%
Duncan U. Fletcher (D-FL): Democratic Hold w/ 69%
Thomas E. Watson (FL-GA): Farmer-Labor Gain w/ 64%
John F. Nugent (D-ID): Democratic Hold w/ 50%
William B. McKinley (R-IL): Republican Hold w/ 60%
Thomas Taggart (D-IN): Democratic Gain w/ 51%
Albert B. Cummins (P-IA): Progressive Gain w/ 60%
Charles Curtis (R-KS): Republican Gain w/ 55%
John C.W. Beckham (D-KY): Democratic Hold w/ 49%
Edwin S. Broussard (D-LA): Democratic Hold w/ 100%
John W. Smith (D-MD): Democratic Hold w/ 46%
Breckenridge Long (D-MO): Democratic Gain w/ 53%
Ashley G. Miller (S-NV): Socialist Hold w/ 49%
George H. Moses (R-NH): Republican Hold w/ 55%
Rose Schneiderman (S-NY): Socialist Gain w/ 32%
Lee S. Overman (D-NC): Democratic Hold w/ 60%
H. H. Perry (FL-ND): Farmer-Labor Gain w/ 40%
Warren G. Harding (R-OH): Republican Hold w/ 57%
A. A. Bagwell (S-OK): Socialist Gain w/ 37%
Boies Penrose (R-PA): Republican Hold w/ 58%
Ellison D. Smith (D-SC): Democratic Hold w/ 100%
Tom Ayres (I-SD): Independent Gain w/ 46%
Reed Smoot (R-UT): Republican Hold w/ 55%
William P. Dillingham (R-VT): Republican Hold w/ 77%
Carter Glass (D-VA): Democratic Hold w/ 91%
C.L. France (FL-WA): Farmer-Labor Gain w/ 40%
Frank J. Weber (S-WI): Socialist Gain w/ 41%

edit: formatting

[Pyro]

John F. Fitzgerald, 30th President of the United States

Chapter Seven: Honey Fitz and Prohibition: A Match Made in Heaven

  President Johnson, after the realization of his failure to win, attempted to go full force with his legislative demands. He had three pieces of legislation introduced into the Senate in December 1920, though only one, the Murdock Bill, reached the floor for a vote. This bill, had it became law, would mandate that by 1935, every state required an official Redistricting Committee to ensure the outlaw of gerrymandering as political practice. Johnson had expected an endorsement of the bill by President-elect John Fitzgerald and thereby provide bi-partisan support. However, as the Democrats (including Fitzgerald himself) had benefited from gerrymandering, he announced disapproval for the measure. The vote in the Senate failed.

  Johnson stepped down with some grace as the inauguration ceremony for Fitzgerald, and declared that he would continue to work politically with Progressives, along with Democrats, to ensure the American people gain a sense of partnership in Washington. The incoming president, aside from a single handshake, did not look towards or speak to Johnson.

 Hiram Johnson, other than at certain moments in his speeches when he would act in enthusiasm, was an introvert and largely kept to himself. He did not partake on the strolls or in the events that TR had, and only made public declarations when he considered them absolutely essential to the governance of the nation.

  John Fitzgerald was the total opposite. He won over the public with his gentile and approachable nature, and earned the 'Honey Fitz' nickname because of his ability to appease both corporate executives as well as their workers. He was jubilant and adored the attention he could get from public crowds, exemplified through his theatrical campaign appearances. As such, his inaugural ceremony was enormous, expensive, and included, to much controversy, a collection of jazz ensembles opposed to the prototypical marching band.

  In his inaugural address, Fitzgerald did not hesitate to make grandiose, popular promises. He pledged to follow the "demands, not of party bosses, but of the people." He announced his plan to invest millions of tax dollars in infrastructure improvements, an increase in federal funding of public transportation programs, and a definite lowering of the tariff. He also stressed the urgency for bipartisan support in the "Theodore Roosevelt National Health Board", which would theoretically protect injured and incapacitated veterans.

  In one of the most famous parts of his speech, Fitzgerald pledged to create a federal agency to thwart corruption. "At all levels of governing, from the local, state and federal levels, corruption shall have no tolerance under this administration." He proposed an expansion of the Federal Bureau of Investigation to delve into and eliminate underground laundering schemes and private enterprise (ie; the mafia) seeking illegal financial opportunities in the prohibition of alcohol. There was no mention of socialist or anarchist wiretapping as there had been with Johnson in charge, and Fitzgerald promised to immediately veto any law violating First Amendment rights.

  With a Democratic Congress at his fingertips, it appeared as if President Fitzgerald would be able to get, at least some, of his legislation processed through. Though, should the Progressives find commonality with the Socialists, such a coalition could prove to stun the mechanisms of Congress.

edit: syntax fix

[Pyro]

Champ Clark, 29th Vice President. Known for Serving the Shortest Term of any VP.

  President Fitzgerald had only been in office for a few short hours before his Vice President Champ Clark suddenly passed away at the age of seventy. Clark was privately inaugurated in a building nearby the formal inauguration site, reportedly because he had not been feeling well. He had experienced gradually deteriorating health, but did not make this public. He died on March 4th, 1921, just three hours after being inaugurated. Whether or not Fitzgerald knew of Clark's condition became the topic of much speculation.

  Fitzgerald had carefully selected a cabinet made up moderate, experienced Democrats to make up for his image of being less experienced than most of his predecessors. Among these choices were former vice chairman of the DNC William Gibbs McAdoo for Secretary of the Treasury and Senator Claude A. Swanson for Secretary of War. Most notable was the president's decision to nominate Alfred E. Smith, the Governor of New York, as the country's new Secretary of State. Smith, a left-leaning anti-Prohibition governor, was nearly rejected by Congress, but passed through after endorsement by the Progressives.

The Fitzgerald Cabinet

President                          John F. Fitzgerald
Vice President                   Champ Clark, then Vacant
Secretary of State             Alfred E. Smith
Secretary of Treasury         William G. McAdoo
Secretary of War                Claude Swanson
Attorney General                Thomas W. Gregory
Postmaster General             Albert B. Burleson
Secretary of the Navy         Josephus Daniels
Secretary of the Interior      John B. Payne
Secretary of Agriculture       David F. Houston
Secretary of Com & Lab       William B. Wilson

  Unlike Roosevelt and Johnson, Fitzgerald made it clear that the nation's number one goal ought not to be another "new chapter" of politics or radical, transformative policy, but rather bringing the country back to stability. After years of war and turmoil, in addition to the divisiveness of the Johnson Era, many in the country, especially the most well-to-do, breathed a sigh of relief that the United States was finally back on track in terms of business-as-usual. The loss of the Progressives seemed to symbolize a realignment towards the old Third Party System.

  Fitzgerald immediately began to work on fulfilling his promises. He had the Democrats in both the House and the Senate agree to push unified support for each of his proposed legislative measures. From April to November, the 67th Congress passed fifteen laws. Many of these were more emergency laws necessary to halt the fear of an economic recession, including the Emergency Tariff Act, the Budget and Accounting Act, and the Naval Appropriations Act For 1922.

  The Federal Aid Highway Act and the Transport Investment Act were two bills crafted by federal commissions to promote massive infrastructure improvements and supply the means to build intertwining road systems. While the first bill sought to repair and expand streets and parkways to assist in the usage of automobiles, the second would directly invest in cities like New York, Chicago and Sacramento to produce new public transport systems.

  Senate Progressives almost always voted along with the Democrats, thus maintaining a near-guarantee 59-to-37 vote. The House was somewhat trickier, as the Democrats needed 55 votes from the opposition to pass any bill. However, many Progressives and some Socialists were willing to work with Fitzgerald to prevent an economic backlash. Therefore, your typical House vote was about 250-to-185.

edit: spelling fix

[Pyro]

President Fitzgerald Speaking before a Joint Session of Congress

  By summer, the president had already started to deliver on his economic stabilization legislation and his infrastructure bill. Judging by opinion polling and newspaper headlines, the public mainly agreed with the president's policies and approved of his diligence. However, while this slow-yet-steady direction may have satisfied the nation eight years ago, this was an entirely new era.

  The war had demoralized so many against the federal government and the system as a whole, and the consistent, global uprisings shook confidence in the market. The rise of socialist and communist tendencies in the United States marked a sense of desired change from workers who, many coming home from European war, could barely afford to feed themselves or their families. President Fitzgerald was no radical, and not once in his entire campaign did he mention Socialism nor the national unrest of years past. Believing chiefly in laissez faire economics, the president stated that lowering the tariff and steadily reducing the national debt would lead to a greater number of jobs (in addition to his infrastructure proposals).

  On August 21st, a collection of radical groups and war veterans conducted a "People's March" on Washington. Composing of tens of thousands, the goal of this move appeared to be persuading the president and Congress to immediately work on some sort of jobs program and, more so, have TR's health legislation passed. The event lasted four days, and White House guards closely observed as the demonstrations went on and on. Upton Sinclair and John Reed briefly spoke at the march, as did Eugene Debs in his first public appearance since the SNC. While some in the crowd advocated revolution and others reform, the overall message of urgency was real.

  President Fitzgerald did not publicly address the demonstrators, but would release a statement expressing understanding with their goals and promising to work on easing the "plight of the wounded warrior". It did little to quell the tension of the moment, but the March would end on its own. Fitzgerald himself was, in reality, balancing this unrest with a rather dangerous foreign policy situation in the latter part of 1921. Just when the upheavals and revolutions of 1917-1919 seemed to die down, a new wave appeared to break out.

  Pan-Germanic Nationalists had risen up in Poland, sparking another conflict in that region. In Portugal, an insurrection dubbed "Bloody Night" occurred where numerous government leaders were murdered. A massive strike had kicked off in London, leading to hundreds of arrests by the leading Tories. Throughout early autumn, planted bombs exploded in various parts of northern Ireland, provoking anti-British conspiracy. Finally, the rising cost of food in France resulted in enormous riots in Paris against the ruling SFIO government, again leading to major arrests.

  Fitzgerald was fortunate not to have another May Uprising on his hands, but did want to ensure the public that, unlike his predecessors, he would not ignore the problem nor move too drastically in the reaction. Instead, on October 12th, made an address to a Joint Session of Congress, one broadcast over radio, where he stressed the need for a federal health law. The line which became repeated most often in the press was, "We sent scours of our young men to die for a cause many did not comprehend. For those returning injured or otherwise traumatized, we owe them a home worth fighting for."

  At last, Congress was swayed on the merits of such a law. On November 1st, the Senate, following a speedy House vote, ratified the Theodore Roosevelt Health Law in an easy 75-to-21 vote. This law would mandate two points. One, the federal government was granted the power to form a National Health Board, similar to the one TR had in mind, which could solve medical crises and orchestrate new health codes should they be needed. Second, it formed the Veterans Affairs Bureau, which would work as a federal military benefit system, headed by a designated member of the Cabinet of the United States.

  This law was absolutely welcomed by the demoralized veterans of the Great War, but later deeply criticized by conservatives for allocated too much power in the Executive Branch and by Socialists for doing so little in actually taking care of veterans' lives (ie; the workplace, pensions, food prices, etc.) Even some Southern Democrats decried Fitzgerald's signing of the bill as a step too far. Senator Underwood (D-AL) stated that although the president was a Democrat, he was "stepping meticulously away from the core of the party" and, as thus, would be difficult to trust. Other Democrats condemned Underwood's statement, with Speaker Wilson suggesting, "Perhaps if [Senator Underwood's son] returned from France incapacitated he would sing a different tune."

[Pyro]

Button to Promote the Sheppard-Towner Act

 1922 ticked in with President Fitzgerald leading the country with a clear-cut majority approval by the public. He had gotten a slew of legislation passed, had reopened a greater number of diplomatic talks with France, and had nominated the Chief Judge of the NY Supreme Court of Appeals, Billings Learned Hand, to replace recently deceased Chief Justice Edward Douglass White on the Supreme Court.

  The same could not be said for Congress' approval of the nation's leader. Republicans as well as Democrats had their doubts about their new president. Conservative Democrats quickly came to the realization that Fitzgerald was not a candidate of the establishment and was, to their perspective, leaning too heavily in favor of the liberals.

  Although Speaker Wilson ensured that House Democrats continued to side with their party leader, Underwood's influence in the Senate began to take their toll on the Democratic unity. On October 25th, the Senate was set to vote on the proposed Sheppard-Towner Bill: legislation which sought to provide federal funding for child care services. Endorsed wholeheartedly by President Fitzgerald and former President Johnson, there was no expectation that there would be any difficulties. Prior to his passing in October of 1921, former President Knox had written that he too would have approved such a bill.

  Speaker Wilson had the bill pass the House in an easy, 260 to 175 vote. It was sent to the Senate in October, and that was when Senators Underwood and Harding (R-OH) declared that they would block the bill until more debate was conducted. This move proved to be the first real obstacle for President Fitzgerald, and it gave the Republicans a headline for the first time in months. As Harding stated, the new law would put the nation further along on the treacherous road of federalism and away from Jeffersonian limited government. "At the precise moment you begin alienating your friends," said the senator, "is when it is time to put away the medicine."
 
  The leaders of the liberal Democratic sect in the Senate, Robert Latham Owen (D-OK) and Henry Ford (D-MI), vehemently fought back against the conservatives and pushed the bill for a vote. Senator Owen feared that Underwood was plotting to kill the bill in debate, and he was probably correct. In this instance, the liberal Democrats won the call for a vote and the bill became law after a 56-to-40 call, though not without consequences. 14 Democrats voted against the president and this new call for ending the expansion of federal power rejuvenated conservatives in both major parties.

[Pyro]

Former Governor Frank Lowden Outside of the Nationalist Party Founding Convention

  Regardless of the long-term, the GOP was stuck far behind the Democrats and the Progressives when it came to influence. C.E. Hughes had retired from politics after his loss and returned to his law firm, much to the chagrin of Republican leaders. Hughes had been able to capture the largest percentage of votes for the GOP since Knox in 1908 due to his call for 'normalcy' and the unpopular incumbent. Winning Pennsylvania and thereby pulling ahead of the Knox-Root deadlock seemed to open the doors for a greater Republican victory in the next cycle.

  Therefore, against those up for re-election in 1922, which, in the Senate, were chiefly Progressives elected in the 1916 wave, the Republicans pushed for a "Restoration of Normalcy". The GOP lost ten Senate seats in 1916, and it was not out of the question that they would win many of these seats back, and quite possibly secure a majority. Other parties, including the Democrats and the Socialists, were just as keen on winning up these seats.

   Although basically blacklisted from the mainstream press, Frank O. Lowden was still politically active going into the Fitzgerald presidency. He had refused to run for another term as Illinois Governor, instead allowing for Len Small (R-IL) to take his place. Lowden became the figurehead for a new movement carrying the banner of his presidential message.

  The former governor had, in 1921, reaffirmed that he would not be returning to the Republican Party, and in the summer of 1922 declared that a new political party would be born. "...[I propose] One party acting in total individualism, to counter the false promises of the past. Our nation and her culture has been deeply stained by Washington plutocrats, and only through the implementation of economic nationalism can we truly call ourselves honorable Americans."

  This new party would be known as the Nationalist Party. Praising American Exceptionalism, the main theory behind this movement was that of economic nationalism: that Americans themselves had an inherent right to rule over itself and the Western Hemisphere, not international businessmen, capitalists, or the clergy. Some within the party also held firm the idea that exclusively native (white) Americans must work towards rebuilding the American Republic. Lowden did not advocate this last idea, and actually was more centrist than he seemed, but did proudly state that the Nationalist Party was the only proper anti-Bolshevik, anti-Jew organization in the United States.

[Pyro]

The March on Rome, October 1922.

  The essence and emotion behind the Nationalist Party was not exclusively relegated to the United States. The Great War had unleashed not only a rise of the global, pro-worker left-wing, but a growth of right-wing nationalism and exceptionalism. Each nation's government during the war taught its people that their government was in the absolute right and their cause was the one worth dying over. Of course, this was not an entirely new theory, nor was nationalism raised specifically because of the war. But, as it appeared, this new political force based in national rebirth was coming to fruition all over the world.

  Great Britain, which was financially devastated in the war, saw an ever-expansion of the Conservatives in Parliament, as PMs spoke out more and more ruthlessly against Germany and the United States for their inhuman action in the war and unwarranted punishment in the Treaty of Versailles. However, the increasingly moderate leadership rejected any of the calls from these extremists to outright end diplomacy with Europe and America.

  English Nationalists would, in 1922, decide to form a party separate from the Conservative Party. First known as the English Independence Party, this group supported a sense of anti-capitalism, but also extreme isolationism, ultra-high tariffs and the broad theory of racial supremacy. Jacob T. Leaper, one of the first elected MPs of the Independence Party in the 1922 election, stated that only a tight-knit group of selected officials should have control over the political direction of the British Isles.
 
  Leaper and many of the party members, called for a complete dissolution of the monarchy and a restructuring of Britain into a Delegative Democracy. This group was, to put it plainly, in the minority, but as the centrist Liberal Party collapsed and the Conservatives broke 400 seats, this new group would slowly constitute the third-party.

  On October 27th, the world saw the first of these ultra nationalists gain governmental power. In Italy, as guided by the popular Benito Mussolini, roughly 30,000 Italian nationalists gathered to demand the ousting of the current liberal Prime Minister Facta and the prompt installment of Mussolini. King Victor Emmanuel, to the world's shock, capitulated to this demand and handed over the reigns.

  This became known as the 'March on Rome', and it immediately led to a suspension of the Constitution, the absolute rule of the right-wing Popular Party, and a terror campaign against opponents to his rule. Lowden and other leaders of the U.S. Nationalist Party praised Mussolini's fortitude and gusto, and would spend much of 1923 in Rome with its new Prime Minister.

[Türkisblau]

Good to see this still continuing. Is that a UKIP reference I see?

[Pyro]

Good to see this still continuing. Is that a UKIP reference I see?

Very very slightly. The EIP in this timeline is more based off of the UK New Party.
Although, there will certainly be some parallels to come with UKIP =)

[Pyro]

1922 Congressional Elections      

Senate
Democratic: 42 (+2)
Republican: 29 (-1)
Progressive: 9 (-6)
Socialist: 8 (+2)
Farmer-Labor: 5 (+2)
Independent: 3 (+1)

House
Democratic: 202 (+12)
Republican: 110 (-5)
Progressive: 67 (-15)
Socialist: 47 (+5)
Farmer-Labor: 8 (+2)
Independent: 1 (+1)

 Senate Leadership
Majority Leader Oscar Underwood (D-AL)
Sen. Minority Leader John W. Weeks (R-MA)
Sen. Minority Leader William E. Borah (P-ID)
Sen. Minority Leader Ashley G. Miller (S-NV)
Farmer-Labor delegation caucuses w/ SP

 House of Representatives Leadership

Speaker Woodrow Wilson (D-NJ)
Minority Leader Frederick Gillett (R-MA)
Minority Leader William Stephens (P-CA)
Minority Leader Upton Sinclair (S-CA)
Minority Leader William L. Carss (FL-MN), caucus w/ SP

  When it came to the United States midterm elections, the Progressive Party again suffered a major loss with the Socialists and Democrats picking up the gains. The Bull-Moose Party, without the advantage of incumbency, was free to move toward the left and move ahead with the La Follette alternative brand of Progressivism. However, the party was competing against one group which already had a tight hold of the American Left (the Socialists) and two parties which were much more favorable to big business and enthusiastically endorsed in the press. Therefore, the Progressive base waned in 1921 to 1922.

  Robert La Follette had worked to assert himself as the new leader of the Progressive Party, and would announce his own intention to run for his old Senate seat in the midterms against incumbent Socialist Emil Seidel. However, "Fighting Bob" would come to realize just how much the country had changed since his last race. Seidel, though controversial in the more suburban parts of Wisconsin, was hugely popular in Milwaukee and Madison for pledging support for industrial labor unions and for his promotion of state legislation to give control of major factories to their workers. This measure had failed and the AFL was working relentlessly to stamp out the IWW, but Seidel was nonetheless able to edge out La Follette and win the Senate election handily with 48%.

  Just as La Follette had discovered, many of the recently elected Progressives began to lose ground to other parties. Most famously were Democrats Samuel M. Ralston of Indiana and Royal S. Copeland of New York who defeated their Progressive incumbents. The single Progressive victory was won by former Secretary James R. Garfield of Ohio, who defeated the incumbent Democrat, Atlee Pomerene. While the Farmer-Labor Party was becoming exceedingly popular in the West, the Socialists gained more ground in the industrial Midwest and North. The Democrats, who were working to reaffirm national dominance along the East Coast, won in New York, West Virginia, New Jersey and Delaware.

  The Republicans, after their adamant defense of limited government since the election of President Fitzgerald, were expected to come out clearly on top in the '22 elections. The New York Times estimated a "Republican Senate, Democratic House" in the 68th Congress. Large companies and banking trusts, most significantly the Standard Oil Co., invested millions into Republican campaigns, fearing the rise of Socialism and Nationalism in the United States. As Representative Clarence D. Couglin (R-PA) stated during one of his re-election campaign stops, "Our nation is in dire need of healing. Only with the GOP will we win security without bureaucracy."

  The GOP did not count on the popularity of Fitzgerald in these elections. While their strategy was to stress sanity and security from the extremes of the left and right wings, the Democrats ignored these trends and simply campaigned on the deliveries of the Fitzgerald administration. Senator Peter Gerry (D-RI) proclaimed, "The Republicans offer fear. We offer results." This tactic proved successful. The Democrats played out an election strategy not unlike that of the the Republicans under McKinley, with one of their recurring slogans being "Why fix what isn't broken?", an alteration of the common phrase, 'If it ain't broke, don't fix it.' In an effort to reassurt Congressional influence, the Senate Republicans nominated a Minority Leader and Minority Whip. By 1923, each party designated similar leadership roles.

  The Socialist Party, still coordinating with their effective leader Seymour Stedman, upped the ante. New candidates in Nebraska and Massachusetts contested incumbent Democrats with messages of 'accelerated progressive change'. As Seidel stated in his re-election campaign, the Democrats will feed you "change with an eye-dropper". Seidel and other Socialists laid out an ambitious agenda in 1922 calling for an immediate establishment of a fifty-hour workweek, a law formally legalizing the labor union, and a nationalization of coal, oil, and railway industries. As for the Nationalist Party, which had just been founded months earlier, they did not explicitly run any of its own candidates in the midterm elections. Instead, the party leadership expressed the opinion that only through a presidential contest would it gain any sort of national spotlight. Still, one former Democrat from North Carolina, Hallett Sydney Ward, was elected on an independent ticket expressing allegiance to the goals of the Nationalists.

  Senators Elected in 1922 (Class 1)

Henry F. Ashurst (D-AZ): Democratic Hold w/ 65%
Francis J. Heney (P-CA): Progressive Hold w/ 50%
George P. McLean (R-CT): Republican Hold w/ 52%
Thomas F. Bayard, Jr. (D-DE): Democratic Gain w/ 48%  
Park Trammell (D-FL): Democratic Hold w/ 86%
Samuel M. Ralston (D-IN): Democratic Gain w/ 50%  
Smith W. Brookhart (R-IA): Republican Hold w/ 60%
Frederick Hale (R-ME): Republican Hold w/ 57%
Joseph I. France (P-MD): Progressive Hold w/ 50%
John W. Smith (D-MD): Democratic Hold w/ 48%
William A. Gaston (D-MA): Democratic Hold w/ 47%
Woodbridge N. Ferris (D-MI): Democratic Gain w/ 50%
Henrik Shipstead (FL-MN): Farmer-Labor Gain w/ 48%
Hubert D. Stephens (D-MS): Democratic Hold w/ 90%
James A. Reed (D-MO): Democratic Hold w/ 51%
Burton K. Wheeler (D-MT): Democratic Hold w/ 53%
Robert B. Howell (R-NE): Republican Gain w/ 49%
Key Pittman (D-NV): Democratic Hold w/ 60%
John J. Eagan (D-NJ): Democratic Gain w/ 48%
S.B. Davis, Jr. (I-NM): Independent Gain w/ 43%  
Royal S. Copeland (D-NY): Democratic Gain w/ 44%
Lynn J. Frazier (P-ND): Progressive Hold w/ 51%
James R. Garfield (P-OH): Progressive Gain w/ 45%
Frederick W. Mulkey (R-OR): Republican Hold w/ 84%
William J. VanEssen (S-PA): Socialist Gain w/ 46%
George W. Pepper (R-PA): Republican Hold w/ 56%
Peter G. Gerry (D-RI): Democratic Hold w/ 52%
Kenneth McKellar (D-TN): Democratic Hold w/ 60%
George E.B. Peddy (FL-TX): Farmer-Labor Gain w/ 50%
William H. King (D-UT): Democratic Hold w/ 48%
Frank L. Greene (R-VT): Republican Hold w/ 68%
Thomas W. Harrison (D-VA): Democratic Hold w/ 70%
James A. Duncan (S-WA): Socialist Gain w/ 44%
Matthew M. Neely (D-WV): Democratic Gain w/ 51%
Emil Seidel (S-WI): Socialist Hold w/ 47%
John E. Osborne (D-WY): Democratic Hold w/ 57%

edit: fixed name error

[Oak Hills]

Just read this from the beginning over the last few hours. Excellent timeline! I can see you're working very hard on it.

[Pyro]

Prohibition of Alcohol Becomes Even More Controversial by 1923

  Many of the Democrats who won new terms in the 1922 midterms, though handed the advantage through President Fitzgerald's popular reformist framework, actually sided more closely with Oscar Underwood in denouncing these reforms in favor of handing more power back to the individual states. John Burke, Representative of North Dakota, was elected as an anti-government Democrat. Though he did not dismiss Fitzgerald's policies entirely, Burke did state quite bluntly that the laws being enacted would better be addressed "at the state level."

  Besides Underwood, the most influential opponent within the Democratic Party to President Fitzgerald was the runner-up for the Democratic nomination, John W. Davis. Fitzgerald, in a means to offer an olive branch to the West Virginian, appointed him as the first U.S. Ambassador to Great Britain since the Great War. Davis wholeheartedly accepted this post in 1921, but by 1923 was reportedly attending rallies explicitly calling for a less proactive federal government.

  President Fitzgerald, by his third year in office, was actively working to transform the Democratic Party into what W.J. Bryan and Woodrow Wilson hoped it would be. In simplistic terms, a Peoples' Party. Instead of appealing towards the pro-States' Rights Deep South as it had been since its inception, they wanted the party of the Democrats to be one of 'people power' against the forces of pro-GOP big business. Bryan attempted this time and time again in his campaign to coalesce elements of the Populist Party with the Democrats, and Wilson carried the grassroots anti-war message with him in his 1916 presidential campaign.

  The president had not only formed a semi-coalition with the leftist Farmer-Labor Party and signed off on expansive reforms, but in his Annual Message of 1923, Fitzgerald announced another sweeping promise: an end to the criminalization of alcohol. It had been only a few years since the effects of the Volstead Act and the Eighteen Amendment took hold. Rural protestants and even some progressives were thrilled by this move to rid the nation of alcohol sales and abuse, but all was not well.

  Since the selling of alcoholic beverages was made illegal, a "black market" arose seeking to profit from this measure. Federal troops and the U.S. Coast Guard worked tirelessly to enforce the amendment, spending millions of taxpayer dollars. Poorer Americans ruthlessly had their First Amendment rights violated as federal and state police broke into homes and businesses in search and seizure of rumored alcohol depots.

  Crime and criminality had also risen exponentially. Especially in cities where infamous 'Bootleggers' grew spontaneous empires, these including Chicago, Detroit and St. Louis, shootouts not unlike those described in the Old West had broken out, massacring dozens. When it was revealed in the New York Times that some of the most wealthy in the nation were publicly hiding and transporting alcohol without any police intrusion, the Socialist Party became the first major organization to denounce Prohibition and call for an immediate repeal.

  With crime also came corruption. Local, state, and even some federal employees quickly became knee-deep in the mess of organized crime. Although no official correlation to criminality was established, Senator Thomas F. Bayard, Jr. (D-DE) made headlines when he introduced legislation which would establish a system of appointed "Constitutional Police" to ensure the enforcement of Prohibition. This bill included dozens of loopholes for back-room entrances, thus bringing about one of the most easily corruptible police forces in the history of the country. Bayard's legislation did not reach the Senate floor, but plenty of Southern Democrats would support the 'Bayard Police' for years onward.

  When Fitzgerald first announced his intention to root out corruption and crime, during his Inaugural Address, it was deemed a "fairy tale" by the press. To focus on crime and corruption after the fallout of the Great War was akin to changing a busted light-bulb when your house was on fire. Thusly, the president paid much closer attention to socio-economic issues in his first two years and stayed away from the alcohol problem. When reports came out from independent firms that crime was actually rising because of the Volstead Act (supporters of Prohibition hoped it would lower crime rates), the president decided to make this a feature point of his term.

  The president declared in his Annual Address that he would first tour the parts of the nation most traumatically affected by crime and meet with local officials to discuss immediate remedies. Then, Fitzgerald would endorse and have introduced to Congress a bill offered by Secretary McAdoo which would require a federal "background check" of all new appointees, judges and congressmen. The idea behind this was to expel rumors of federal corruption which had plagued the government for decades. Finally, the president said, if necessary, he would seek the "unapologetic abolition of the Eighteenth Amendment". This line commanded national headlines for a month.

[Oak Hills]

So did all the Progressive Era constitutional amendments pass in the same order as in OTL?

[Pyro]

Leaders of the Socialist Party in the 1920s:
(Left to Right) John Reed, Bill Haywood, Upton Sinclair, Eugene Debs, Seymour Stedman

  Going into 1923 and the very beginning of the upcoming election season, two trends became clear: the fall of the political center and the further polarization of the American public. President Fitzgerald, who had clearly been identifying his rule as left-leaning populism, was, as critics pointed out, doing so because it was politically convenient. When in his mayoral and senatorial roles, Fitzgerald did not act on many anti-corruption measures and overtly favored business interests rather than those of the workers. In a two-pronged effort to counter the rising third parties and expand his own party, the president began endorsing these controversial issues. All in all, considering the political landscape of the post-war U.S., Fitzgerald was effectively the Center.

  The Farmer-Labor Party was still relatively small by this time, and many of its members would opt to join the Democrats opposed to pledging membership to the FLP. Even some members of local labor parties announced that they would endorse the president should he run for a second term, and stood by local Democrats in re-election drives. The Socialist Party was the exception to this trend.

  Consistently conducted by a left-wing leadership, the SP absolutely refused to endorse any Democrat, including the president. Seymour Stedman's call for a "Socialist Congress" commanded the intentions of the party throughout this period, and such had found major success. While other labor organizations capitulated to Fitzgerald's populism or, in some cases, folded to the AFL, the SP only grew larger.

  By 1923, the Socialist Party had become a major centralized force in American politics, with opinions differentiating wildly from reformist Social Democrats to pro-Bolsheviks. Those guiding the philosophy of the party included veteran revolutionaries like John Reed and Bill Haywood, but also Rep. Upton Sinclair and journalist Walter Lippman. State-wide, various members of the Socialist Party became involved politically, such as minister Norman Thomas in New York, activist C.E. Ruthenberg in Ohio, Earl Browder in Kansas, and agriculturalist Henry A. Wallace in Iowa. Others including Morris Hillquit and Allan Benson continued activities with the party, but performed more of a background role in management and strategy.

  The new Socialist platform would be cemented at the national convention in '24, but it became clear that one of the major planks would be the agreement not to work towards "infiltration" of the rising Democrats. While the Farmer-Laborers headed towards the center, the SP would continue its support of the Comintern, the pledge to abolish all modern capital, and grant control of workplaces to the workers. Witnessing the apparent fall of the FLP, Eugene Debs was one of the first to declare, "We shall not follow this path. We are forever an independent organization."

  Other than participating politically, the leadership in the party adamantly announced that, "By 1940, we strive to have a 100% rate of union membership across the United States." Although there had been a handful of functional IWW-led unions, the near-fatal bankruptcy of the IWW and the finger-pointing of the Johnson Era eliminated hundreds of radical organizations. The Socialist Party, working somewhat in conjunction with the IWW, thereby spent almost as much time in the mid-20s advocating a boost in union membership as they did getting as many Socialists elected as possible.

[Pyro]

So did all the Progressive Era constitutional amendments pass in the same order as in OTL?

That's right!
17th was endorsed by TR, and won the direct election of senators.
18th was approved by Johnson, the same wording as OTL in regards to Prohibition.
19th went through under Johnson, and has the language, "The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex, ethnicity, or religion."

[Pyro]

President Fitzgerald Poses for a Photograph Shortly Before his Chicago Speech

  As the year went on, the president found it more and more difficult to have any of his sponsored legislation pass the Senate. House and Senate Progressives and Socialists almost always sided with Fitzgerald's moves (albeit with some debate involved), but Southern Democrats were becoming more disassociated with the former Massachusetts senator. According to one anonymous source, there had been some talk that these men would be running their own candidate in the next election, though there had been no confirmation.

  When the McAdoo Transparency Bill reached the House floor, it would take from March through May until it finally, narrowly, passed with a margin of ten votes. Once it went to the Senate, the appointed committee to look over the bill decided to place a "hold" on the legislation for further review. Fitzgerald was furious, but he could do very little considering his influence in Congress was waning fast.  

  The public admired the president, especially in the North and Midwest, and when Fitzgerald embarked on his spring tour throughout the eastern U.S., crowds in the tens of thousands arrived in each stop to greet their leader. The economy had begun to turn around by the first part of 1923, and with markets opening up in Japan and Southeast China, industrial production had spiked. The president also had agreed on a compromise to lower the excess profits tax, thus decreasing the taxation of the upper classes by 10%, and conservatives lauded this measure profusely.

  President Fitzgerald also had worked adamantly in regards to foreign policy during his third year. Secretary of State Al Smith had resigned from his post, instead hoping to make another run for the New York Governorship, and Treasury Secretary William G. McAdoo had replaced him. Already famed for a rising economy and well-known for his transparency bill, McAdoo proved to be adept in his role. Only three months into his run, the president had him put his skills to the test.

  With Poland settled once more and relations with the German Empire as upbeat as possible, the president decided, with much input from Secretary McAdoo, to formally open diplomatic talks with Russia. Now referred to as the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, or USSR, this country was observed scornfully by a clear majority of the American people. The president recognized this fact, and in a handful of his campaign stops, most notably in his lengthy yet powerful Chicago Speech, remarked on his move to open talks.

  Fitzgerald stated that although most citizens did not agree with the type of government being explored in Russia, the United States should not leave behind a "critical partner" in the development of the modern world. "We need not agree on everything to come to an understanding." Conservatives lambasted Fitzgerald immediately upon hearing this decision. John W. Davis remarked that making deals with a nation that does not "respect basic human rights and ownership" should be "dealt with, not talked to." Former Secretary of State Francis B. Loomis stated that the direction Fitzgerald was headed toward was an "awful mistake."

  Nonetheless, the president sought to keep to his word. He decided that in the following year, he would appoint the first Ambassador to the Soviet Union, and create some form of a trade agreement to fight the Russian famine and by the end of his term, would formally recognize the leading Bolshevik Party as the official government. Germany and Austria, though taken slightly aback by this move, did not comment on the matter. Even Bob La Follette would go on to state that getting close with the Soviet government in any regard would mean "definite war with every commercial and imperialistic power". Once again, the president was truly opening up one deadly can of worms.

[Pyro]

Ku Klux Klan March Against the Fitzgerald Administration

  That summer saw a continuation of each of the aforementioned political trends. The president spent much of his time on the road greeting his supporters, the far-left of the American political sphere continued to grow into its own, the Progressives struggled to find balance, and in other parts of the country, the Nationalists and the KKK leaped forward.

 Governor Lowden's ideas and his party were steadily gaining steam as a result of Mussolini's success in Italy. By June, the Acerbo Law had passed in the Italian parliament, granting the fascist party a majority of deputies and thus, the de facto reigns of government. Just as the radical left gained a great deal of legitimacy after the revolutions in France and Russia, early elements of fascism were coming into being because of the situation in Italy.

  The American Nationalist Party did not identify itself with fascism, and even Lowden admitted that even after spending much time with the Italian leader the two had their differences. The majority of Nationalists at this time were not so much stirred racial superiority than they were American exceptionalism, extreme individualism, and the idea of "streamlining" democracy. They also spent little time focusing directly on the president, instead on the "liberal butter" greasing the entire system.

  For those who believed the Nationalist Party was not tough enough when it came to matters of race, there was the Ku Klux Klan. This organization, unlike its first rendition post-Civil War, was essentially a modern business and fraternal society made up of strict moralists, Nativists, and those opposed to races and religions deemed un-American (read: non-White Protestant). Protests and demonstrations were held against these forces, and where this failed, violence and lynching was not far off.

  The KKK had attracted millions by 1923 and as President Fitzgerald was a Catholic, set up multiple counter-rallies where the president was expected to speak along his tour in Tennessee and Georgia. Fitzgerald downplayed his religion since being elected, but did make a minor point of "religious unity" and tolerance in his Inaugural Address. The KKK, for all intents and purposes, was the antithesis to Fitzgerald. It staunchly supported Prohibition, was against any sort of religious or racial tolerance, and repeatedly questioned the president's loyalty to the nation opposed to the Vatican. The founder of the KKK, William Joseph Simmons, stated that Fitzgerald, a "n-loving Catholic Bolshevik" should be hanged for his "crimes" against the United States.

  In a move that further angered not only the KKK, but the Nationalists and a great deal of Republicans and Democrats, the president chose to veto the reworked Immigration Bill on July 21st. It passed the Senate in an easy majority vote and the House in a partisan 321 to 114 decision with more than half of the Democrats voting in favor of the bill. Nearly identical to the 1917 version, this bill would limit immigrants from China and Southeast Asia, while also making it virtually impossible for anyone in a lower income bracket from Eastern or Southern Europe to enter the country.

  The president vetoed the bill, claiming that turning away immigrants, especially the poor, was contrary to the beliefs of the Founding Fathers. In a move that would capture headlines for almost a month, Congress, on August 3rd, overrode the veto. The Immigration Act had been forced into law by Congress, regardless of the president's feelings towards the measure. Even though groups which rallied against the bill were just as immense as the proponents, including the Progressive and Socialist delegations, the bill passed and was now law. As was now clear, the tide had turned. The president needed to act soon or risk total political bankruptcy.

[Pyro]

Crowd-View of President Fitzgerald's Capitol Speech

  During the last weeks of the president's tour was when a select group of politicians began to stir the '24 Election pot. It was widely assumed that Fitzgerald would run for a second term, with McAdoo as the likely vice presidential candidate. Underwood and Davis refused to comment on separate runs at the presidency, and seeing the waning influence of Fitzgerald by the end of summer, believed their impact was already coming to fruition.

  The establishment within the GOP planned what they called a "Coming Together" for the next year. RNC Chairman John T. Adams stated that the Republicans would be unified going into 1924, and that the public, tired of change and reform, would welcome a return to Republicanism. This plan, in reality, called for a unified presidential ticket with the Progressives. As Adams and C.E. Hughes believed, if this idea were to be successful it would revolutionize the political landscape and balloon the GOP enough to make it a majority party once more.

  Like the Republicans, those leading the Progressives had their own plans for a comeback. Former president Hiram Johnson was rumored to be plotting a new run at the White House against Fitzgerald. He publicly insisted that Fitzgerald was moving too quickly with foreign policy while not moving fast enough domestically. Johnson's real obstacle would again be La Follette, who this time, was the assumed party frontrunner.

  The only man to declare his open candidacy against the president at this moment in time was former Governor Frank O. Lowden. At his estate in Evanston, Illionois, the governor announced that his election would primarily serve as a means to bullhorn the message of the Nationalist Party and bring it to national attention. He called for an end to "Fitzgerald liberalism" and the dawning of a new American Age. "For the last hundred years America has bowed to the demands of European monarchs. As president, this shall end on Day 1." Lowden declared an end to foreign ambassadorship with any country which does not formally recognize the sovereignty of the United States and its "natural right" to the Western Hemisphere.

  Roughly one week after Lowden's declaration, President Fitzgerald, when he did finally return to Washington, chose to counter the governor with a speech of his own. Dubbed the "Capitol Speech", this monologue was given from a perched podium overlooking the Capitol Building's lawn, where. Akin to a front-porch speech, others came from hundreds of miles to hear the president speak. Unlike his other talking points which basically outlined the successes of his administration with some promise of a brighter future, this speech was less issue-oriented.

  Fitzgerald referred to the future not as an American Age, but an Age of Understanding. He stated that the Great War relieved decades of tension between conflicting major powers, and with the opening of the League of Nations, "war shall forever be outlawed." The president remarked that although the United States does have a right to sovereignty, it also has a responsibility to protect "world freedom" and, quoting the Bible, "good will towards men."

  He stated that each of his goals, from diminishing the violence of Prohibition to opening diplomatic talks with the Soviet Union were steps on the road to a global peace, with America leading the way. He did, however, manage to pull a few jabs at Congress' refusal to carry his legislation and its denial of U.S. involvement in the League of Nations. "America must stand for liberty and justice, as my predecessors ensured. Saber-rattling will lead to suffering, and we have had enough of that. We must protect our citizens at home while ensuring lasting stability abroad. Congress had waged war, and now I call upon it to wage peace."

[Pyro]

  November 12th, 1923. Winter had come early. An autumn snow was blustering outside, coating Washington with a new coat of white. At about 7:50pm, White House secretary Joanne Harris had walked into a small study where President Fitzgerald was resting to ask if he wanted more tea. When she received no response, she tapped on the president's shoulder and nearly fainted when she found that he had stopped breathing. Paramedics arrived within the hour, and discovered that the president was dead. According to the official medical report, he had a severe heart attack roughly forty minutes before being found, and such was what was printed in the newspapers on November 13th.

  However, doctors which had taken care of the president for the past three years remarked that he was in decent shape for his age, and there was no evidence of high blood pressure or fatigue associated with heart attacks. More so, the president had just finished his meal from dinner and the plausibility of poisoning was not completely out of the question. The official White House report on Fitzgerald's death did not leave open any possibility of poisoning and declared that he had died from natural causes at age 57. Could there have been foul play?

  Considering the amount of enemies the president had made, such a question would not be totally unwarranted. From the KKK to organized crime to political adversaries, it was anyone's game. The next administration would order the censoring of Ms. Harris' testimony and, incidentally, open up public speculation as to why. First Lady Mary Fitzgerald would request that no autopsy be conducted, and much to the chagrin of the press, this request was approved. The whole event became shrouded in conspiracy for some time, but the general public accepted that the death was natural.

  Fitzgerald's wife and family received an outpouring of public sympathy following November 12th. The news had come as quite a shock to the nation. The general public, more or less, expected the death of Roosevelt when it happened, as he had been around for over a decade and was making far fewer appearances. Fitzgerald had conducted his Capitol Speech a mere week prior to his passing and, judging by the ambitions and promises of the president, he himself was not expecting an end anytime soon.

  Fitzgerald carried with him a sense of hope in the future, and quite a number of Americans tightly held onto this in the Postwar years. Even the most conservative newspapers did not print any articles attacking the recently deceased leader, and instead remarked on his legacy. Just as Theodore Roosevelt had had, Fitzgerald received a major funeral procession and even staunch adversaries spoke warmly of their president. Just when the nation had finally started to heal, a new wound had been afflicted.

  There had not been a sitting vice president when President Fitzgerald died. There was no measure in place to fill the vacant vice presidency, and as such, as directed by the Presidential Succession Act of 1886, the next in line was the Secretary of State. Therefore, one reluctant Secretary William Gibbs McAdoo was sworn in as the 31st President of the United States in the White House Cabinet Room at roughly 11:35pm on November 12th. A new era was lurking ahead for America.

[Pyro]

William Gibbs McAdoo, 31st President of the United States

Chapter Eight: The Election of 1924: Gibbs McAdoo and Copeland Too

  William Gibbs McAdoo was the first United States president not to appear on a presidential ticket. Born in Marietta, Georgia, McAdoo would grow up to practice law and run several businesses. Known for his adaptive nature, he led one particularly arduous project to build a railway tunnel connecting Manhattan with New Jersey.

  He would marry then-Governor Woodrow Wilson's daughter, Eleanor Randolph Wilson, formulating a controversial bond between the two individuals. Wilson would draw his son-in-law into politics, and with the former's assistance, McAdoo would be chosen as the Vice Chairman of the DNC and become instrumental in Wilson's presidential campaign. When elected, President Fitzgerald would choose McAdoo as his Secretary of Treasury and later Secretary of State. In each of these roles, McAdoo excelled.

  Now as president, William McAdoo had to live up to quite a lot. Fitzgerald promised the world to America, and created a slew of enemies in the process. The new president had to find some middle ground between the Fitzgerald-ites and his own sect of moderate Democrats, not to mention balancing the increasingly threatening Nationalists and the Socialists.

  In a lot of ways, McAdoo was on the same level as Fitzgerald. Both were born in the year 1863 and achieved political success at the local level before suddenly being thrust into the limelight. Fitzgerald and McAdoo were pro-business Democrats who moved towards the left in the Postwar years, and each were successful in attaining praise from the public for their 'down-to-earth' personality types. However, the two came from starkly different circumstances, and would lead starkly different presidencies.

  McAdoo was all about efficiency and planning. When he did make his first speech to the public, it was a quiet, somber affair working partly as a reflective experience on the late president, and partly as a national introduction to his own style of politicking. He did not mention any of his predecessor's promises nor any new ones of his own, but did state that he would work diligently to get the nation back on track. He remarked on the uptick in the economy, and pledged to continue working with the Fitzgerald Cabinet to continue the path set in place for him. McAdoo successfully preserved Fitzgerald's cabinet when he took office, and quietly appointed Ohio Governor James M. Cox to Secretary of State.

  Already designated in the press as a "Centrist Counterweight to his Liberal Predecessor", it was unsurprising when McAdoo opted against Fitzgerald's pursuit of diplomatic peace with the Soviet Union and when he outright rejected any move to repeal the 18th Amendment. The only measures the two did agree upon was implementation of the eight-hour workday and America's involvement with the League of Nations. Needless to say, Congress would be much more willing to work constructively with this man in the White House.