You Can't Shoot An Idea

[Pyro]

I'm assuming turnout is about the same it was OTL?

Pretty much so.

Dewey holds, assuming that congressional elections go more or less the same, only 19 state delegations. The question now at hand is whether or not a significant number of Progressive minded House Democrats vote for Wallace. It'll be interesting to see how this develops!

We'll find out soon!

[Pyro]

1948 Congressional Elections  

Senate
Democratic: 52 (+7)
Republican: 44 (-7)

House
Democratic: 244 (+56)
Republican: 190 (-56)
American Labor: 1 (0)

 Senate Leadership

Majority Leader Scott Lucas (D-IL)
Sen. Minority Leader Ken Wherry (R-NE)

 House of Representatives Leadership

Speaker Sam Rayburn (D-TX)
Minority Leader Joseph Martin (R-MA)
Minority Leader Vito Marcantonio (AL-NY)

  No one predicted the outcome of the presidential race, and as such, fewer Americans voted in downballot elections than they did the presidency. Although the tide seemed to be slowly shifting in favor of the GOP, President Truman's fervent demonization of the 80th Congress guaranteed a turnaround in favor of the Democrats. The 81st Congress had become definitively Democratic with notable pickups in the Midwest and West.
  
  As far as note-worthy candidates and campaigns, the race most closely observed by analysts and politicos was the Senate race in Minnesota. Senator Joseph H. Ball (R-MN) had been remarkably popular for the majority of his eight-year tenure. Ball was relatively progressive for a Republican of the time, siding with President Truman when it came to joining the United Nations. The senator had even endorsed Franklin Roosevelt in the 1944 presidential election. As such, he won zero support from Dewey in 1948, leading his resounding defeat and a definitive victory for Minneapolis Mayor Hubert Humphrey.

  Progressives in the House who supported Wallace remained in the Democratic Party and did not run on separate tickets. However, there certainly were liberal Democrats who felt betrayed by Truman's refusal to go all-in on civil rights and wholly endorsed Wallace instead. One of the most outward supporters of Wallace had been Senator Matthew M. Neely (D-WV), who went on to handily win back his Senate seat upon endorsing Wallace's platform. In his campaign, Neely expressed hope that "New Deal Democracy" was the sole force which could take back Congress from the Republicans. Evidently, or at least in his case, it worked.

  The 80th Congress had been the much-maligned "Do-Nothing Congress."

  This 81st Congress would come to be known as the contentious "King-Maker Congress."

  

Senators Elected in 1948 (Class 2)
John Sparkman (D-AL): Democratic Hold w/84%
John L. McClellan (D-AR): Democratic Hold w/ 93%
Edwin Johnson (D-CO): Democratic Hold w/ 60%
J. Allen Frear, Jr. (D-DE): Democratic Gain w/ 50%
Richard Russell, Jr. (D-GA): Democratic Hold, Unopposed
Henry C. Dworshak (R-ID): Republican Hold w/ 54%
Paul Douglas (D-IL): Democratic Gain w/ 52%
Guy M. Gillette (D-IA): Democratic Gain w/ 55%
Andrew F. Schoeppel (R-KS): Republican Hold w/ 56%
John S. Cooper (R-KY): Republican Hold w/ 50%
Allen J. Ellender (D-LA): Democratic Hold, Unopposed
Margaret C. Smith (R-ME): Republican Hold w/ 72%
Leverett Saltonstall (R-MA): Republican Hold w/ 54%
Homer Ferguson (R-MI): Republican Hold w/ 51%
Hubert Humphrey (D-MN): Democratic Gain w/ 60%
James O. Eastland (D-MS): Democratic Hold, Unopposed
James E. Murray (D-MT): Democratic Hold w/ 55%
Kenneth S. Wherry (R-NE): Republican Hold w/ 57%
Styles Bridges (R-NH): Republican Hold w/ 60%
Robert C. Hendrickson (R-NJ): Republican Hold w/ 51%
Clinton P. Anderson (D-NM): Democratic Hold w/ 56%
J. Melville Broughton (D-NC): Democratic Hold w/ 68%
Robert S. Kerr (D-OK): Democratic Gain w/ 57%
Guy Cordon (R-OR): Republican Hold w/ 63%
Theodore F. Green (D-RI): Democratic Hold, 58%
Burnet R. Maybank (D-SC): Democratic Hold, Unopposed
Karl E. Mundt (R-SD): Republican Hold w/ 60%
Estes Kefauver (D-TN): Democratic Hold w/ 64%
Lyndon B. Johnson (D-TX): Democratic Hold w/ 64%
A. Willis Robertson (D-VA): Democratic Hold w/ 65%
Matthew M. Neely (D-WV): Democratic Gain w/ 58%
Lester C. Hunt (D-WY): Democratic Gain w/ 54%

[Pyro]

President Truman Delivers Post-Election Speech, November 4th 1948

  After one hectic election season, the nation was left with one heck of an outcome. Starting with Henry Wallace, the Progressive candidate had won 24 Electoral Votes: succeeding in his mission to form the foundation of a new political party. The former vice president conceded at about four in the morning, yet did not state any preference as to who should be crowned the winner.

  In his short address, Wallace stated, “We have won a great victory for all those who seek a peaceful resolution in our present climate.” As zero pollsters predicted Wallace would come close to winning a single vote in the Electoral College, this was indeed some accomplishment. The third party contender went on to thank his supporters and proclaim that the new Progressive Party was now set in motion to be a driving force in politics.

  President Truman had gone to bed early on November 2nd with the expectation of waking up to a resounding loss. Aforementioned polling put Truman at an average of 110 Electoral Votes. Pundits expected a landslide, and instead got a near-tie in the Electoral Vote. It all came down to two states, and had Truman won both, he would have been the one elected.

  The president woke up every few hours to check on the status of the voting, and ended up with a case of insomnia upon learning that he had won California. “We had been tallying, crunching and rounding up the numbers for hours,” Matthew J. Connelly later admitted. “After California we kind of stopped in our tracks and just listened to NBC.” Truman’s Press Secretary, Charles Ross, did not provide any meaningful commentary on the circumstances of the vote. Years later it was revealed that, at this very moment, Truman's campaign team considered contesting the results in Ohio in the immediate aftermath of the election. For now, the Democratic camp remained silent.

  Thomas Dewey, likely expecting to have been declared the winner of the election, spoke briefly to reporters upon exiting New York’s Roosevelt Hotel early Wednesday morning. The governor explained, “As a practitioner of law, I can only express what the Constitution instructs. It is in my personal view that the victor of the national Popular Vote be decidedly elected, but we must now place our trust in Congress to follow the will of the voters.” The morning arrived with Truman at 253 and Dewey at 254: a virtual tie. As had only occurred a select few times in American history, Congress would decide the incoming members of the Executive Branch.

  While the nation eagerly, albeit with a sense of unrest, waited for finalized results of the election to come through, the campaigns frantically organized to skew the chances in their favor. The task would fall to the newly elected Congress to vote for the new leaders of the nation. Basically overnight, the empty schedules of incumbent and newly elected Congressional representatives filled to the brim with meetings with campaign leaders. These members of the House were not explicitly bound to support the Electoral nor Popular Votes, meaning either candidate had a good shot of winning.

  President Truman announced during a televised address that when the newly-elected 81st Congress is called into session on January 3rd, following the certification of the Electoral College votes, the House shall immediately vote for the new president and the Senate shall vote for the vice president. Truman relented, “I would be telling a great fib if I were to insinuate that I do not wish to be elected. I am, too, certainly concerned regarding voting irregularities in states won with a fraction-of-a-percent by either Governor Dewey or myself. Democracy is messy, yes we've known this. Thankfully, this is not the first contested election in our history, and likely not our last."

"And we have a Congress now, and I am sure we will make some progress in the next 4 years regardless of these results." Harry S. Truman

[Pyro]

Henry Wallace at the 'Progressive Choice Conference' in mid-November

  As per President Truman's address. the nation was thereby forced to endure roughly two months of uncertainly before knowing exactly who would be sitting in the White House for the bulk of 1949 and onward into the next decade. In this time, as one Pennsylvanian Harry Truman voter explained to the Philadelphia Tribune, it felt as though "America was deadlocked in the campaigning scene, minus the vote courting." Indeed, for most Americans, life resumed as uneasy normality.

  While voters were made powerless, the House of Representatives was thrust into relevance. In this period between November and January, intensive canvassing and lobbying consumed the Legislative Branch. Writing laws now seemed frivolous compared to the task of choosing the next United States president. As the candidates agreed to no longer campaign publicly, the fate of the election laid solely in the lap of the state representatives (and in theory, their constituency).

  Analysts and pundits debated the likelihood of either major candidate's chances for weeks on end. Some believed Truman's recent momentum would be enough to have Congress decide upon his ticket while others were firm in the belief that Dewey, the Popular Vote victor, ought to be recommended. Judging by national polling (yes, still ongoing after November), the electorate was split, 45-45. The remaining 10% stuck with the Wallace Campaign.

  Wallace supporters did not back down, and neither did the former candidate's campaign. Truman men consistently asked, then ordered, then begged for Wallace to endorse the president as to confidently hand the Washington and Massachusetts vote to their boss. Wallace refused. Public outcry, chiefly from moderate Democrats, supplicated why Wallace was standing in the way of Truman's win.

  As was printed in the New York Times' December feature on the Progressive candidate, he asserted "Henchmen from both sides come to my door demanding answers as if I owe them allegiance." When the Times reporter questioned how Wallace could leave "high and dry" a friend of FDR, he retorted, "I tell them this every single day and I will tell you now. Neither Dewey nor Truman shall ever receive my endorsement." Though this article infuriated many Democrats, Wallace supporters had been ignited. Progressive voters in Massachusetts were said to have rang Congress so often in late-December that it jammed the phone lines.

"Simply unconscionable." - Connelly on Wallace in '48

[Pyro]

Governor Benjamin T. Laney of Arkansas

  At last, on the cold and rainy morning of January 3rd, the 81st Congress convened to begin the validation of the Electoral College. After months of uncertainty and an increasingly impatient electorate, the time had come for the House to vote for president. As denoted in the Constitution, each individual state would receive a single vote in this tally. Completely inverted to how votes were normally cast, each state delegation would vote as a bloc to decide the president.

  Governor Dewey remained in New York at this time, preferring to allow his campaign coordinators to deal with any inquiries from the press regarding the governor’s thoughts on the Congressional event. Herbert Brownell himself stated to a collection of reporters that, “The governor expects this new Congress to make their solemn conclusion swiftly and honorably: keeping well in mind the will of the voters.”

  Harry Truman conducted a short presidential address on January 3rd where he promised to, “abide by the decision reached by this Congress,” even if such meant defeat. Although the bulk of Truman’s team were hoping the president would present a more confrontational tone, they abided by the president’s message and relayed it to any press.

  Governor Benjamin Laney of Arkansas, the Democratic vice presidential nominee, spoke in a different tone. Laney himself had always been more of a wildcard than the president preferred, but he had been instrumental in preventing any sort of uprising in the Democratic Party from the Southern delegations. On more than one occasion Laney contradicted Truman’s message: unable to withhold what he called, “earnestness.” The governor arrived, unpredictably, to the Capitol Building in D.C. and took it upon himself to speak on behalf of the president to a growing crowd which had taken form on the foggy Capitol lawn.

  “Regardless of any verdict reached by our legislature, I would encourage Congress appoint a validation committee to ensure that, in Ohio and California, any districts whence irregularities allegedly occurred had had their votes counted fairly and without prejudice.” This note had not been approved by anyone in the Truman Administration and certainly not the president himself. However, at the exact moment those words left the Arkansan’s mouth, voting began in the House of Representatives.

"Democracy will win. We'll force it if we must." - Benjamin Laney, 1949

[Pyro]

81st Congress Swearing-In Just Prior to First Vote

  The roll-call and subsequent voting took less time than initially expected. Much like the actual election results, the Solid South stuck with Truman and the traditionally Republican Northeast went Dewey. As the voting moved forward, the efforts of the Dewey Campaign began to show. California, in a 14-9 vote chose Dewey. The same occurred in Iowa, Minnesota, and Wyoming. With over half of the states finished in their voting, Dewey and Truman were tied at 19.

  With his advantage in the South and West, Truman looked strong. If the states voted firmly by party alignment, Truman would win with 28 states. As the final ten states cast their votes, Truman Democrats began to panic. Washington voted Dewey after two Democrats sided with Wallace and a third flipped to the Republican candidate. Minutes later, New York, another state with a clear-cut Democratic majority, narrowly chose Dewey.

  The Ohio delegation, in a 12-9-2 decision votes Dewey. Rep. Robert T. Secrest (D-OH) flipped to Dewey, thus guaranteeing another win for the governor of New York. Then came Idaho which voted for Governor Dewey. Following this were three Truman states: West Virginia, New Mexico and Rhode Island. Truman was at 22 and Dewey 23 with three states outstanding.

  Utah’s delegation, made up of two freshmen Democrats, decides to go for Wallace, 2-0. This moment created enough commotion from the Democratic-run Congress to stall voting for roughly ten minutes. The Democratic meltdown had begun. Representatives from the next state, Indiana, basically had to shout over the disorder to move along proceedings. Indiana voted 5-4-2 for Truman. None but Massachusetts remained.

  With the major candidates tied at 23, a call for Wallace would send the body into a re-ballot. Speaking on behalf of the Massachusetts bloc, newly inducted Representative John F. Kennedy (D-MA) announced the results. He declared that all six Democrats in the delegation, including himself, placed their votes for Wallace, while the eight Republicans voted Dewey. Thereby, Dewey was the recipient of the Massachusetts vote, putting his total at 24 to Truman's 23.

  Thomas E. Dewey was it. In a narrow vote conducted after a narrow vote, Dewey would be inaugurated the 34th President of the United States on January 20th, 1949.

1949 Contingent Election: Final Results

[Atlas Has Shrugged]

That was riveting! It'll be interesting to see the Dewey administration take place. 1948 isn't a very common POD around here.

[Pyro]

That was riveting! It'll be interesting to see the Dewey administration take place. 1948 isn't a very common POD around here.

Thank you! Yes I agree. On the precibus of the turbulent 1950s, let's just say Dewey will not have much downtime.

[Pyro]

President-Elect Dewey Conducting His Acceptance Speech

  Nearing sunset on January 3rd, the news began to pour out that the House had chosen Thomas Dewey to be the next U.S. president. Republicans were ecstatic that they had finally won back the White House while Democrats paced nervously at the thought of a GOP president plausibly tearing up the New Deal. President Truman conceded the race minutes after the House made its decision, and his campaign agreed that its goose was cooked.

  That is, except for one Benjamin Laney, who continued his ranting just outside of the Capitol Building. The crowd, mostly made up of Democrats, began to disperse as the realization of Truman's loss finally sunk in. A Mid-Atlantic rain shower dripped its way into D.C., overpowering Governor Laney's words with each passing minute. "This race is not yet concluded!" abrasively shouted the now-former candidate. "Dewey's desperate reliance on Negro Fraud in Ohio cannot be understated!" Completely drenched, the governor was forced to relinquish his soap box and begin his trek back to Arkansas.

  A Washington Post reporter on the scene had heard the final line uttered by Governor Laney and relayed his words to the Associated Press. Truman's vice presidential choice had blamed not only voting irregularities for the ticket's loss in Ohio, but frankly insinuated that black voters were the problem. Accompanying the complete House voting results in the following morning's news would be Laney's infamous phrase. As the Washington Post itself printed, "Sopping Wet Democrat VP Blames 'Negro Fraud'"

  Utterly embarrassed and sickened by the turn of events which had taken place, President Truman opted to insert an unrehearsed line into his concession speech. Following a series of paragraphs demonstrating gratitude toward his supporters and volunteers, Truman remarked, "[...] and I encourage the president-elect to follow the road not taken. Together, Democrats and Republicans must, at long last, pass substantial civil rights legislation this year." Though this line was surely meant to imply amends, few listeners cared one way or another the opinions of the outgoing president.

  Therefore we arrive at Dewey's acceptance speech. Once the Senate, in a 44-41-11 vote confirmed Earl Warren as vice president, the president-elect began speaking in New York: broadcasting to the entire nation over radio. He thanked his supporters and the patience of the electorate before moving on to a brief policy summation. He promised to "expand, not reduce" benefits granted by New Deal legislation and ensured the nation that he would pursue a "fierce and expedient rooting out of corruption" on the federal level. The bulk of his speech, however, focused on more general platitudes on how he envisioned the world could be as a child, and how he would work to make it so as president. Finishing on a line he utilized back in his '44 run, Dewey received momentous applause as the governor began the transition into president.

"I believe our children, our whole country, can again live in a world where peace, friendship and mutual respect abide."
President-Elect Thomas Dewey, January 3rd, 1949

[Atlas Has Shrugged]

One minor nitpick: the Senate only considers the top two electoral vote getters, not the top three as in the House.

[Pyro]

One minor nitpick: the Senate only considers the top two electoral vote getters, not the top three as in the House.

Yup, 11 abstentions at first. Truman had broad appeal but Governor Laney, not so much.
For good measure I'll say that five Wallace-Dems voted Dewey in a second ballot.

[Pyro]

Thomas E. Dewey, 34th President of the United States

Chapter One: Liberalism By Any Other Name: Dewey Comes to Washington

  Following a drawn-out and often personal election season, the time had finally arrived for the nation to transition towards a new administration. Thomas Dewey, famed Governor of New York, had won both the Electoral and Popular Votes in addition to finding success in the tense House Contingent Election just two short weeks ago. As exiting President Harry Truman noted in his personal memoirs, "[Dewey] won thrice. To this day I commend his campaign."

 Upon his official swearing-in on January 20th, now-President Dewey confidently delivered a speech that would come to frame his entire time in office. "We recommended three venues," Brownell explained. "One: Show strength in unifying the divisive electorate. Two: Concentrate very briefly on policy, then transition to the bigger-picture. Three: Allow ample time for applause. Dewey only kept on with two of these three. He was none too keen on timing."

  Tom Dewey, the first Republican elected to the White House since Herbert Hoover, made it a point to act as harmoniously as possible in relation to the policies of FDR. Dewey launched his speech with a tender reminder of what America had accomplished in the past decade: remarking that democracy had been rescued, "from the brink of collapse, only with a beacon delivered by the proud servicemen of these United States. In the end, light vanquished the darkness."

  Dewey argued that the events which led to the war, including the deliberate exclusion of America from the League of Nations, should never be repeated. He called for unfaltering support to the United Nations, continuing Truman's policies regarding international economic recovery, and a "forever unwavering arrangement that we stand for freedom, justice, and democratic security above all else." Standing at odds with much of the more-isolationist GOP, Dewey promising continued internationalism was quite a tenacious move.

  From this he shifted to domestic policies where he urged continued cooperation between employer and worker, proclaimed to seek greater material production and swore to work towards encouraging, "small business: our great economic juggernaut" via anti-monopoly legislation and an end to corporate tax abuse. The final major note had been Dewey's quoting from Abraham Lincoln's famous debate with Stephen Douglas. "[...] a nation hence thereby men of all colors and creeds are entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."

  The speech went over spectacularly, and pundits reported shortly thereafter that Dewey's hinted steps towards mediation between both parties posed a welcome bandage on the wounded and split electorate. The new president selected his proposed cabinet members, and each were confirmed with bipartisan support.

The Dewey Cabinet

Office		Name
President		Thomas E. Dewey
Vice President		Earl Warren
Sec. of State		John F. Dulles
Sec. of Treasury		Channing H. Cox
Sec. of Defense		Dwight D. Eisenhower
Postmaster General		Arthur Summerfield
Sec. of Interior		Frank C. Moore
Sec. of Agriculture		Ezra T. Benson
Sec. of Commerce		Sinclair Weeks
Sec. of Labor		Martin P. Durkin

[Kingpoleon]

Did the Department of Justice get abolished?

[Pyro]

Did the Department of Justice get abolished?

Left out AG deliberately, keep watching :>

[Captain Chaos]

My guess is either Herbert Brownell or J. Edgar Hoover will be AG.

[Pyro]

President Dewey Meets with Herbert Brownell

  It was not long before President Dewey encountered his first major hurdle. Although Republican voters had chosen Dewey above the other options many months ago, it was a completely different story with GOP lawmakers. Moderate to liberal Republicans in Congress immensely approved of Dewey’s progressive agenda and, as stated personally by Senate Minority Leader Kenneth S. Wherry (R-NE), “The state of the party depends on our willingness to compromise.” Others disagreed.

  Though he had been soundly defeated in the ’48 primaries, Senator Robert Taft had no intentions of allowing Dewey off easy. Alongside the House Minority Leader Joseph William Martin Jr. (R-MA), Taft hoped to rebuild the mostly dormant Conservative Coalition in the legislative body to thwart any progressive legislation pushed by the president. For Taft, more-so than any other member of the coalition, the matter did not end at legislation. The Ohioan senator voted against every single one of Dewey’s cabinet appointees, and found success with one in particular.

  The role of Attorney General had never been too controversial. Typically, a president chose a competent lawyer or former government official to fill the role, and not since Harlan Fiske Stone controlled the office did it have any real significance. Tom Dewey proposed that his campaign manager, Herbert Brownell, be granted the role of Attorney General. On paper this seemed business as usual considering Brownell’s background in law, but Taft vehemently fought against this appointment.

  “Political patronage at its finest,” spat Taft. According to the senator, Dewey awarding the cabinet position to Brownell meant a return to the slippery slope of political spoils a la President Grant. Members of the Conservative Coalition stood behind Taft and readied a filibuster of the confirmation. The new president did not hesitate to back his cabinet choice, and even had pamphlets listing Brownell’s credentials distributed to the Senate.

  On the whole, Dewey was not prepared for a long-hauled fight so early in his presidency, and found himself unable to do much when the (mostly Democratic) Judiciary Committee reported Herbert Brownell unfavorable and an inevitable filibuster started up halfway through Senate hearings. Through the grapevines it was suggested that the Democrats would only vote in the affirmation for Truman’s AG, Tom C. Clark, and it had been made crystal clear that the conservatives were frankly unwilling to vote for anyone submitted by President Dewey. After a 33-to-63 vote, the president required a new plan.

  “Of course I wanted it,” said Brownell in his autobiography. “Dewey sat me down and spoke at length regarding a new tactic. Neither of us were willing to wager such political capital in that initial month in office. I explained that I would rather retire than waste this precious time. He told me, ‘Listen here, you jackass. You won me this office, I need you by my side one way or another.’ When that man got onto something, there was no use reasoning with him.”

  Dewey accepted the Senate’s decision, but opted to throw in a curve-ball. Shocking Senator Taft and much of the partisan Congress, the president agreed to appoint the liberal Congressman Hugh Scott (R-PA) to the role. Realizing this was their best bet, Democrats resoundingly confirmed Scott to Dewey's cabinet with the final results being 77-to-19. Though the president certainly took on some flak from conservative Republicans, the process was complete within the week.

  In a subsequent address to the public, reporters rolled their eyes as they prepared editorials on Dewey’s drawn-out speech regarding bipartisanship and how fantastic a law interpreter Rep. Scott has been. Instead, they were greeted with an unscheduled announcement. Dewey walked to his podium with a sly smile on his face as he revealed his ace. “Behind each Executive administrator there has stood a chief assistant: One allocated with internally significant responsibilities and privileges. […] In this role, White House Staff Paramount, I can imagine no greater fill than Mr. Herbert Brownell.”


 

"Dewey 2, Taft 0."
Washington Post Headline, 1949

[Pyro]

Senator Sheridan Downey Fiercely Opposed Dewey's Policies

  Gallup approval polls in mid-March of 1949 placed President Dewey at roughly 53%, a slight dip from the initial polling which had the president at 55%. In order to preserve the approval of the electorate, show-off the ability of the Republicans in Congress to act on their promises, and because he knew it would benefit the economy as a whole, Dewey announced that he would have a new set of legislation introduced to the House: The National Severance Package.

  Designed explicitly to appeal to portions of both political parties, President Dewey declared in January that these new laws would generate a significant boost to the economy through reducing federal intervention in small business and creating stricter guidelines for trusts and monopolies. In utilizing this deal, Dewey proclaimed, Social Security benefits would see an expansion within five years. Portions of the “NSP” would apply directly to poorer workers: slightly raising the minimum wage while reducing federal taxes.

  Within Dewey’s first year, the majority of this compromise legislation found its way through Congress. However, being described by the press as “too progressive for Republicans and too conservative for Democrats,” much of this legislation ended up trapped. Eventually, some of the more moderate Democratic members of Congress voted affirmatively for measures reducing regulations on small business, but that itself took several months to pass.

  The measure which President Dewey most virulently fought for was the low-cost housing plan. Explaining that, even in a wealthier state like New York, public housing was necessary to reduce the extremities of poverty, the president hoped to secure enough votes to retain this bill in its original form. However, calling into question the power of the federal government, conservatives in both parties refused to even allow the bill to come to a vote. It became locked into committee until September of 1949 when a lengthy Senate debate on the bill resulted in an increased likelihood that an amendment would be added prior to voting: one that would completely eliminate any practical use for the project.

  Senator Pat McCarran (D-NV) deeply criticized the housing plan, referring to it as a “blasted thorn” for the growing housing industry. McCarran was not alone, as many Democrats within Dewey’s first year in office began blasting the president’s legislation as too severe a jolt in an already-growing economy. Senator Sheridan Downey (D-CA) famously remarked that the president was looking to, “implement the most expensive, foolhardy policy I have witnessed thus far." Frustrated from the lack of support in Congress, Dewey took the case to the American people.

  On September 22nd, President Dewey conducted a presidential address explaining exactly what his housing plan constituted and what it could accomplish should it be enacted in its original form. Printed afterwards on newspapers across the county had been the president's electric concluding line. “If you, like me, are deeply disturbed by the effects of homelessness and poverty, then I implore you. Write your Congressman and demand action. [...] Should we fail to secure the betterment of our worst-off citizens, we have no right to declare America Democracy's Beacon." It took some time, but Dewey would sign into law his version of the subsidized housing bill before 1950.

[Pyro]

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization

  Heading through the latter portion of 1949 and early 1950, President Dewey began to, at last, corral behind him the whole of the national Republican Party. Though hardliners like Taft remained forever at ends with Dewey and the Eastern Establishment, the conservative anti-Dewey faction steadily dwindled from a respectable bloc to a handful of purists. Press Secretary Harold Ostertag, when asked by a reporter what the president thought of Taft and the Conservative Coalition, answered, “In total honesty, I have yet to hear the president speak on the matter.” 

  Dewey won a great deal of respect from conservatives when he declared that, especially following the Alger Hiss ordeal (a suspected Soviet spy working in the State Department), the White House would conduct in-depth background inquiries for any and all employed by the administration. “Under my watch,” Dewey sternly remarked, “there will be no question of loyalty to the United States.” This was, no doubt, a bone thrown to the adamant anti-Communist contingent. Dewey’s signing of the Central Intelligence Agency Act in June of 1949, a measure which expanded the powers of the CIA, also proved to boost his approval among conservatives.

  All in all, however, the one phenomenon Thomas Dewey wished to avoid under his presidency was a heightened sense of fear or growing suspicion of ‘suspected’ Communists. This fear was already alive and well by the time of the election, but had mainly been limited to concerns regarding the Soviet Union. On that front, Dewey, like Truman before him, was unwavering in the belief that those countries spouting and exemplifying “totalitarian human rights abuses” required attention.

  President Dewey applauded Congress’ ratification of the North Atlantic Treaty in April of 1949, believing that international cooperation was vital in procuring the end of Communism abroad. Secretary John Dulles became an ardent supporter of NATO, stating that securing an international pact against Soviet expansion was a step towards “liberation”.

    

The Chicago Daily News: National Survey 1950

     

Do You Approve of the House Un-American Activities Committee?

Strongly Approve		31%
Approve		43%
Neutral/No Opinion		03%
Disapprove		19%
Strongly Disapprove		04%

  When it came to domestic matters, Dewey insisted that, barring acts of malicious intent including espionage, the federal government should have no role in limiting or legislating thought. Just as he said in the Oregon debate, outlawing Communism would grant the ideology martyrdom. Instead, Dewey believed it was vital to reveal the true dangers of Communism out in the open to permanently de-legitimize the ideology. Therefore, President Dewey chose to highlight this argument as a centerpiece in his famed State of the Union address.

  On January 23rd, 1950, a mere two days following the conviction of Alger Hiss, Dewey began his plea to Congress. Dewey, without question, shone brightest when he stood by his convictions regardless of policymakers demanding he be neutral. Prior to running through the objectives of his administration (when he made clear the strengthening of the republic through providing reduced-cost housing), Dewey spoke to internal security.

  The president began with a reveal of the controversial Polecat Commission. This executive commission would study and report on “the effect of communist penetration on all segments of American life.” Utilizing reputable experts and studious preparation, the mission of this proposal would be the complete “unmasking” of Communism. Unlike HUAC which failed to act impartially and sought “scare-headlines and flashy witnesses”, the Polecat Commission would receive input from both liberals and conservatives and not be put on as a carnival show. Instead of accusing individuals of taking part in Communist conspiracies, the commission sought to plot the impact of Reds in a broader sense and “ensure we avoid” treating the issue as “Salem had the witch trials.”

  When the speech was over, the media and much of the public proved to be divided on how they felt. Moderates, New Deal Democrats, and Dewey-supporters were relieved that the president was finally cracking down on corruption and espionage in the federal government while conservatives lambasted the president for rebuking HUAC and insisting he could do the job better. Time would tell whether or not this strategy was effective at dealing with Communism as an internal threat, but, in the short-term, Dewey opened himself up to an entirely new avenue of criticism.

“Dewey Tells Congress: I Will Make Communism As Popular As A Polecat”
New York Times Headline, January 24th, 1950

[Pyro]

Speaker of the House Samuel T. Rayburn

 Throughout Dewey's first two years, the Democrats struggled deeply to retain strategic unity. Initially, the party remained steadfast in support of their once-president Harry Truman, with some holding firm to Governor Laney's call for a reevaluation of the Ohio vote. Once Truman offered his final concession and Dewey took office, the former president expressed his enthrallment in exiting the dirty realm of national politics. He was satisfied with the foreign policy direction of President Dewey and did not prove to be a common critic of the Republican leader. The divisiveness in the Democratic Party was left to fend for itself, meaning various leaders took up control of these sects.

  Democrats, for the most part, were more than willing to work with Dewey in accomplishing security measures and providing governmental assistance to those stuck in poverty. These centre-left "Truman Democrats" held dear the legacy of their past president and worked diligently to secure bipartisan agreements with Dewey having to do with foreign policy arrangements, tax alterations and otherwise. This briefly became the mainstream of the Democratic Party, and establishment Truman Democrats constituted roughly 3/5ths of the total party.

  "We were scrambling in the dirt by 1950," explained Matthew Connelly decades later. "The moderates held on in the immediate aftermath of the election and we thought it best to follow the insistence of President Truman to express willingness to compromise. [To Co-Host Roger Mudd] As you recall, the day following the midterm elections the Post printed something along the lines of 'So Goes the Captain, So Goes His Ship.'"

  Connelly found himself, in the early 1950s, working for various Democratic candidates for Congress. He brought to prominence a handful of "miracle" Democrats who managed to survive the thrashing of '52. Allied with Truman's former chief aid, Rep. John Lesinkski Jr. (D-MI) and James J. Murphy (D-NY) were able to withstand Republican favorites. Connelly, struggling to rebuild notoriety following Truman's failed bid for re-election, put himself out there as much as possible.

  "Sam Rayburn was our rock. He is why nobody heard the term "Dixiecrat" before the 50s." Connelly explained. "Sam called himself 'The Bridge', meaning he interlocked the wildly different Northern and Southern Democratic factions with ease. We who had been in the business since FDR knew and respected his ability to guide the House in the direction the president preferred. Imagine my elation when he requested I of all people work on his campaign."

  Speaker Sam Rayburn (D-TX), leader of the House since 1940 (with a brief reprieve in the 80th) effectively opened up initial compromises between Truman Democrats and President Dewey. Rayburn prided himself on his openness to bipartisanship. To him it was a virtue. To his constituents, it was a horror. Texas Attorney General Price Daniel (D-TX) announced in January of 1950 that he would be challenging Rayburn for his House seat. Speaking before an audience in Paris, Texas, Daniel stated, "Like many of you, I believed in Speaker Rayburn once, but his present direction is a disgrace. Our identity as a party shall whither away with Texan influence in Washington if we stay the course."

  Brushing off the Congressional challenger, neither Rayburn nor Connelly paid much attention to the race or the message espoused by the Texas AG. Distracted by broader goals to preserve the Democratic majorities, Rayburn failed to realize that his massive polling lead slipped within three weeks from +29% to +5%. Connelly and Rayburn scurried in a panic back to the latter's home district to campaign, and they did so rigorously. Though the team far outspent Daniel and drew larger crowds, Rayburn was defeated by 284 votes. As Connelly (and truly, the whole of the party) would discover, this race was emblematic of the entire country.

The Truman Curse: House Speaker Defeated By Smallest Margin in District History
The Texas Observer, March 1950

[Lord Byron]

Well, bye, bye, Mr. Sam; this will certainly have effects in Texas politics...

[BluegrassBlueVote]

This is fantastic. The world you're building (or re-writing) is concise and expansive all at once. The divergence is smart and believable; the Civil Rights plank of the 1948 Democratic platform definitely altered history with regards to whether Wallace or Thurmond became the strongest point of third-party opposition.

As a law nerd I'm most interested in history of the courts, and so far you haven't touched on President Dewey's relationship with the judicial branch. This term won't be terribly exciting, as his only appointment will come from Justice Frank Murphy's death, but it does pose some interesting possibilities for who Dewey can elevate to the bench. Like Tom Clark, Brownell seemed to be an easy choice as Attorney General (as three former AGs were on the bench at this time: Robert Jackson, Harlan Stone, and Murphy himself), but his candidacy appears to have been Borked. Hugh Scott would be a sure vote for Brown in the coming years, but Taft and Co. could put up a fight.

Excited to see where you go with this!

edit: I actually forgot about the (extremely forgettable) Sherman Minton. Dewey will get two appointments in 1949.

[Pyro]

Well, bye, bye, Mr. Sam; this will certainly have effects in Texas politics...

He will be missed. Sorta feel bad for the fate I made for him

This is fantastic. The world you're building (or re-writing) is concise and expansive all at once. The divergence is smart and believable; the Civil Rights plank of the 1948 Democratic platform definitely altered history with regards to whether Wallace or Thurmond became the strongest point of third-party opposition.

As a law nerd I'm most interested in history of the courts, and so far you haven't touched on President Dewey's relationship with the judicial branch. This term won't be terribly exciting, as his only appointment will come from Justice Frank Murphy's death, but it does pose some interesting possibilities for who Dewey can elevate to the bench. Like Tom Clark, Brownell seemed to be an easy choice as Attorney General (as three former AGs were on the bench at this time: Robert Jackson, Harlan Stone, and Murphy himself), but his candidacy appears to have been Borked. Hugh Scott would be a sure vote for Brown in the coming years, but Taft and Co. could put up a fight.

Excited to see where you go with this!

edit: I actually forgot about the (extremely forgettable) Sherman Minton. Dewey will get two appointments in 1949.

Thanks for your input, glad you're enjoying the timeline thus far. I definitely try to keep my althis tales out of the realm of "and so it turned out Dukakis was an alien all along!" territory. The historian in me doesn't approve of alternate history/elections in general, so I try to grapple with that by keeping things as realistic as possible (within context obviously).

Was actually doing some research this morning on the topic of judicial appointments. That will be addressed in an upcoming part, though giving away any more than that could unveil a spoiler :V

[Pyro]

Leaders of the Two Koreas: (Left to Right) Kim Il-Sung and Syngman Rhee

  "No longer can the truth of Communist aggression go unheeded. Diplomacy has failed us and it is past time we move on to more serious measures to curb this threat. The Soviet Union has spread its evil ideology across Asia, now securing a heinous ally in the Red Chinese. This combined force may prove to eliminate any buffer between Communism and the Eastern Hemisphere. Recent maneuvers in Korea indicate the time to act is now."

  This sentiment expressed by Deputy Defense Secretary Robert Lovett on June 25th, 1950 encapsulated the rising international tension in regards to Korea. Following a tense standoff, North Korean armed forces, led and directed by Kim Il-sung, effectively declared war upon the South on June 25th in their crossing of a mandated border into the South. Standing by his pledge to protect global democracy, President Dewey immediately allocated limited naval support to the region and urged the United Nations provide assistance.

  The president, hoping to avoid a drawn-out conflict across the Pacific, stated that he would seek the protection of South Korea and end the conflict with "unilateral and total peace." Dewey succeeded in enlisting the assistance of George Marshall, Army Chief of Staff under FDR, and famed, retired tactician General Charles Summerall. These two well-seasoned men organized three divisions officially referred to as the "Korean Defense League."

  Although President Dewey recruited the nation's best military personnel to organize an intended swift war, anti-Communist hardliners were hardly appeased. Freshman Senator Joseph McCarthy (R-WI) declared his sour temperament to reporters on a daily basis. McCarthy fumed, "It is vital Dewey name this an offensive war against the wicked forces of Communism instead of his, frankly unacceptable, present direction." Indeed, the president's move to call war in the name of defense of North Korea proved controversial within the party.

   Dewey was no fool, however. He understood from the advice of his military aids that seeking unconditional surrender could mean the entrance of China and the Soviet Union into the conflict. President Syngman Rhee of South Korea made it clear that he intended to overtake the North and unite the nations. This exact sentiment had been the one most desired by the U.S. military higher-ups. According to those present at Dewey's tense cabinet meetings, General Summerall, Brownell and the president himself were the three lone voices advocating a solution short of completely vanquishing North Korea from the map.

  Several weeks of bloodshed passed as the United States Army overtook the 38th Parallel and pushed the fledgling North Korean military beyond P'yongyang. The president ordered advances to halt prior to reaching the province of Kaechon while UN forces occupied outposts in Hungnam. Secretary Ostertag explained to a hostile press corp in early-October, "The president's end-goal is the ultimate abolition of international Communism. This is our destination following a carefully plotted journey. There shall be no involvement of Chinese Communists nor Russians into this conflict. There shall be no atomic exchange. There shall be no wasted blood."

  Although the American Right denounced this tactic, including General MacArthur who urged the president confront Red China directly at the Yalu River, Democratic moderates and most Republicans agreed that the United Nations' defense of South Korea had been a success and, subsequently, the Communist army was driven into submission. Immediately after Ostertag revealed the new, cautious foreign policy of the United States, events moved along quickly as global opinion towards the Korean conflict flipped in favor of peace. The UN thereby gathered to discuss how best to handle Korea, with 15-1 in favor of an immediate armistice. In a matter of days, the organization concluded that a swift armistice would be the proper short-term solution.

  Syngman Rhee, who forever adamant in the righteousness of his cause declared that he would reject any calls for peace by the United Nations, begrudgingly (and somewhat suspiciously) folded to demands set by the United States to seek an armistice. Negotiations would continue throughout the following year, but, at last, on November 12th, 1951 in the city of Kaesong, delegates from North and South Korea agreed to a total ceasefire. The terms were somewhat muddled and a treaty was never signed, but the war had reached a quiet end with each Korean government remaining in power.

"The Korean Armistice never managed to bring on that Jap Surrender euphoria."
Herbert Brownell, Jr.

[Pyro]

1950 Congressional Elections  

Senate
Republican: 51 (+7)
Democratic: 45 (-7)

House
Republican: 218 (+28)
Democratic: 214 (-30)
American Labor: 1 (0)
Progressive: 1 (+1)
Independent: 1 (+1)

 Senate Leadership

Majority Leader Ken Wherry (R-NE)
Sen. Minority Leader Ernest McFarland (D-AZ)

 House of Representatives Leadership

Speaker Joseph Martin (R-MA)
Minority Leader Albert Gore Sr. (D-TN)
Minority Leader Vito Marcantonio (AL-NY)

  Stating that President Dewey and the Republican leadership were worried about their standings in the midterm elections would be an understatement. Public reaction towards handling of the Korean War appeared highly divided. According to the Washington Post, the majority of Republicans in D.C. viewed the immediate direction of the war in a positive light whilst retaining doubts on long-term consequences in East Asia. CBS polling throughout October placed public approval regarding the war effort at a mere 43% and Dewey's at only 48%. Simultaneously, however, editorial after editorial in publications across the nation praised Dewey's tactics in Korea and applauded his reluctance to expand the conflict.

  The reality had been that most Americans, although shaken with the prospect of a global Sino-Soviet superpower expanding its influence into Korea and beyond, were far more were terrified at the prospect of a third World War. Detecting this in the final days of the House and Senate races, Republicans tightly latched onto Dewey. The president's brand of proto-liberal Republicanism was proving to be enormously popular. The idea of providing financially sound domestic reforms whilst maintaining a stern, "active-defensive" foreign policy sat well with the voters of the 50s.

  This formula resulted in the GOP winning back their majorities in both houses of Congress in November of 1950. Picking up seven additional seats in the upper house and twenty-eight in the lower, the Republicans managed to demolish their "do-nothing" reputation and make substantial gains. Most of these Republican additions were foreseen by the press, but the rather shocking loses of multiple "safely Democratic seats" (including in Missouri and Colorado) were what altered headlines from "Republicans Win Back Congress" to "GOP Storms Congress".

  As with the Sam Rayburn/Price Daniel contest, almost every incumbent Democrat running for re-election found himself in an intense primary bout with another of the same party. More often than not, these primaries were more brutal than the general election itself. Truman Democrats in the South were almost universally ousted in favor of conservative, 'States' Rights Democrats'. The moderates lost a hefty majority of these contests, but the sparse progressive-leaning incumbents managed to survive: evident in Florida Senator Claude Pepper's thrashing of challenger Rep. George Smathers, 52-46. The contemptuous divisiveness within the Democratic Party had finally begun to crumble the now-minority organization from the inside-out.

  

Senators Elected in 1950 (Class 3)
Lister Hill (D-AL): Democratic Hold w/ 75%
Carl Hayden (D-AZ): Democratic Hold w/ 62%
J. William Fulbright (D-AR): Democratic Hold, Unopposed
Richard M. Nixon (R-CA): Republican Gain w/ 60%
Eugene D. Millikin (R-CO): Republican Hold w/ 55%
Joseph E. Talbot (R-CT): Republican Gain w/ 50%
Claude Pepper (D-FL): Democratic Hold w/ 78%
Walter F. George (D-GA): Democratic Hold, Unopposed
Herman Welker (R-ID): Republican Gain w/ 62%
Everett M. Dirksen (R-IL): Republican Gain w/ 54%
Homer E. Capehart (R-IN): Republican Hold w/ 54%
Bourke B. Hickenlooper (R-IA): Republican Hold w/ 55%
Frank Carlson (R-KS): Republican Hold w/ 54%
Earle C. Clements (D-KY): Democratic Hold w/ 54%
Russell B. Long (D-LA): Democratic Hold w/ 86%
John M. Butler (R-MD): Republican Gain w/ 54%
Forrest C. Donnell (R-MO): Republican Hold w/ 49%
Patrick A. McCarran (D-NV): Democratic Hold w/ 57%
Charles W. Tobey (R-NH): Republican Hold w/ 55%
Herbert H. Lehman (D-NY): Democratic Hold w/ 49%
Clyde R. Hoey (D-NC): Democratic Hold w/ 68%
Milton R. Young (R-ND): Republican Hold w/ 68%
Robert A. Taft (R-OH): Republican Hold w/ 53%
A.S. Mike Monroney (D-OK): Democratic Hold w/ 54%
Wayne Morse (R-OR): Republican Hold w/ 75%
Olin B. Johnston (D-SC): Democratic Hold, Unopposed
Francis Case (R-SD): Republican Hold w/ 63%
Wallace F. Bennett (R-UT): Republican Gain w/ 55%
George Aiken (R-VT): Republican Hold w/ 78%
Warren G. Magnuson (D-WA): Democratic Hold w/ 53%
Alexander G. Wiley (R-WI): Republican Hold w/ 54%

[Oak Hills]

Who is the one Progressive representative?