You Can't Shoot An Idea

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You Can't Shoot An Idea
The Dishonor, Intrigue, and Politics of Tomorrowland: 1945 to 1952*

~Table of Contents~
Introduction
Chapter 1
Chapter 2
Chapter 3

~Completed Election Results~ (Spoilers!)
Election of 1948
Election of 1952



April 12th, 1945. The Second Date Which Will Live in Infamy

Prologue: Franklin Delano Roosevelt, The Fallen Giant

  President Roosevelt is dead. After three exhaustive terms and two horrific, ongoing war fronts, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt passed away on April 12th, at the age of sixty-three. He had left behind a vast legacy of social programs and a nearly-finished war drive. At home, Roosevelt annihilated four Republican opponents, staved off all internal and external pressures to cave on his promises, and struck a decisive blow against financial irregulation. Abroad, the president had the United States join the Second World War in a major way, leading the fight against fascism.

  He had been the face of the executive branch for so long that most Americans could not envision a country without him. Having reached such great successes in his presidential terms, the nation was devastated by the loss. Hundreds of thousands stood by as the funeral procession took place. Even Roosevelt's strongest opponents, who virulently thrashed against the construction of the New Deal, deeply mourned the president. Unlike so many before him, Franklin Roosevelt had been able to gain the respect of both allies and enemies.

  The president transformed the Democratic Party from a stunted and fledgling States' Rights organization into a cross-race, cross-class alliance of multiple factions. The Republican Party struggled to retain, much less win, seats in Congress against the Party of Roosevelt. This Democratic Congress had been a shining beacon for the party as a whole, with very few clearly remembering the far-off age of GOP-dominance.

  Election after election, FDR and the Democrats commanded the federal government. Opponents to the president began to refer to him as a monarch as he sought a third and, eventually, a fourth term. Though the '44 contest had a closer result than any prior, Franklin Roosevelt once more came out on top. FDR’s perceived greatness was solidified when he died at the height of his reign. The “spirit” of President Roosevelt was expected to retain public adoration of the Democratic Party for the foreseeable future. However, the war was still on, and the mantle fell to the next-in-line to take up the charge.

  

"I felt like the moon, the stars, and all the planets had fallen on me." - Harry S. Truman, 1945

edit: added '52

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President Harry S. Truman broadcasts to American troops, April 17, 1945.


Introduction: Sopping Wet and Shamed: The Face-Off of '48

  Famed biographer Robert Hugh Farrell wrote in his 1991 piece on President Truman that the "man from Missouri" had no presidential ambitions of his own. It would be more accurate to state that this position was more-so granted to him. Harry S. Truman was given the vice presidency merely as a means to dispose of one Henry A. Wallace. Truman's predecessor was considered far more a dangerous, liberal wildcard to the established elite and party bosses than a perceived know-nothing senator. Those in power hoped that Harry Truman, a gray-haired haberdasher and political lightweight, could be molded and shaped into a forthright successor to the great Franklin Roosevelt. When all was said and done, however, few were pleased.

  To be true, the new president had impossibly big shoes to fill. Roosevelt was treated much the same as President Lincoln was when he died: as a political deity. Truman, the man from Missouri with a great deal of luck, was inaugurated as the 33rd U.S. President on April 12th, proclaiming that he sought to preserve FDR’s legacy and end the war as soon as possible. In one of his first major initiatives, President Truman made the fateful decision to drop atomic bombs on two Japanese cities: Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Utilizing this novel power of nuclear fission, each weapon decimated thousands of innocent lives and brought the world to a screeching halt. This weaponry, never before witnessed on the global stage, had the power to eliminate cities in mere seconds. Similarly, to how Pearl Harbor became known as a “Day which will live in infamy,” the bombings of the Japanese cities were later referred to as “humanity’s darkest hour.”

  The usage of the bomb was highly controversial, with some including General Dwight D. Eisenhower arguing against the move prior to its use. As he and others warned, Japan was already willing to surrender to the Allied forces. The Japanese government had been stalling negotiations in hopes that the Soviet Union would act as a mediator. Instead, Russia overran their borders into Japan-held territory. Retired naval pilot James Giangreco wrote that, "the bomb was used with a clear purpose by the Truman Administration: to show the world (ie.; the Soviets) that the U.S. had untold power at its disposal."

  However, the reality that the war has finally reached its end overpowered any voices which demonstrated cynicism at the president’s actions. Some even went as far as to celebrate the atomic bombings. According to Fred Vinson, then Secretary of the Treasury to President Truman, the entire cabinet admired the president's decision. As mentioned in Vinson's autobiography, State Secretary James Brynes would mention privately that the usage of the bombs were a "just retaliation to Pearl Harbor."

  Still, the atomic issue overall did not turn out to be the game-changer that broke the tepid popularity of Truman. Truman oversaw the tumultuous shift in the American industrial sectors from a war-economy to a peace-economy. With a sudden drop in demand of raw materials, workers were laid off by the thousands. In response, the country saw the outbreak of a strike wave. This batch of labor strikes, unseen since the ramping up of the war effort, would eventually be stunted by a distinct lack in public support. President Truman did not play tiddlywinks while the economy shook beneath him. Knowing that retaining economic stability was his responsibility, Truman, in an effort to bring the Railroad Strike (the largest strike in 1946) to a swift end, half-joked in a speech, "I request the Congress immediately to authorize the president to draft into the armed forces of the United States all workers who are on strike against their government."

  The president failed to win over support. This economic turmoil was blamed on the Truman Administration and the Democrats in general. As a reflection of this along with other issues, the Republicans readied themselves for the Congressional midterm elections. Knowing that the political tide was beginning to shift, RNC Chairperson Herbert Brownell Jr. and his staff orchestrated a tagline clever enough to push voters to the polls. This line in itself proved instrumental in gathering the necessary momentum to bring to a staggering end 16 years of Democratic rule in Congress.

“Had Enough?” – Republican Party Slogan from 1946 Elections

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The Two Major Republican Candidates: Hotel Roosevelt in New York 1948

  In an abundance of ways, New York Governor Thomas E. Dewey was the reverse of Harry Truman. Dewey studied at Columbia Law School, found lucrative success as a federal prosecutor on Wall Street, and rocketed to fame as he took down a handful of infamous gangsters. Dutch Schultz and "Lucky" Luciano were both brought to justice due to Dewey's excellent prosecuting skills, and this stardom led him to seek his governorship in 1942.

  Though he floundered in his 1944 presidential run, Dewey had been determined to defeat the weakened Democratic Party and announced his candidacy early in 1948. The Chicago Tribune printed in mid-March that Dewey was a "superstar" candidate. Everyone knew his voice, his distinct appearance, and his repeated success and efficiency as the Empire State’s leading voice. From establishing the New York University system to cutting taxes, Thomas Dewey certainly won favor with those who never before considered themselves Republicans.

  Even though President Truman originated from more modest means than Governor Dewey, Republicans never hesitated to compare how the two actually attained their posts. As Senator Everett Dirksen (R-IL) spoke to reporters during the Dewey Campaign, "If not for the benevolent persuasion of Boss Pendergast (a Missouri Democratic boss) we wouldn't have the slightest clue who this Harry Truman is. ... Tom Dewey earned his stake at the presidency."

  At first, public speculation had actually designated the two famed American generals face off for the presidency: Dwight Eisenhower against Douglas MacArthur. As the days rolled by, neither showed much interest in higher office. Eisenhower, especially, garnered much public interest for his political ambitions. Both parties worked towards winning Eisenhower to their side, but he remained firm in his decision and refused to reconsider. MacArthur, another war hero, did eventually indicate interest in a presidential run, but his inability to campaign for the nomination himself (being stationed in Japan) opened the road for others to join in.

  Dewey seemed a sure-bet going into early spring. His chief weakness was what muddled the road ahead. Dewey had a remarkable inability to appeal to conservatives. The governor approved of much of the New Deal, and did not outright reject any proposals to expand the power of social welfare or differ too greatly from Truman’s foreign policy. Therefore, Senator Robert A. Taft (R-OH) jumped into the fray. Unlike his chief competitor, Taft believed in abolishing the New Deal altogether and withdrawing involvement from the United Nations. As Taft himself exclaimed, the "Eastern Establishment" (moderate Republicanism) was nearing its end. This hard-line conservatism appealed to much of the GOP base, and the party was in for an intense primary bout between two bitter rivals.

"You really have to get to know Dewey to dislike him." - Robert Taft, 1948

[NeverAgain]

This is gold for political nerds, like myself. Keep this up!

[DKrol]

This is gold for political nerds, like myself. Keep this up!

Just like everything you write, Pryo. Wonderful.

[NHI]

Superb!

[Pyro]

Meta: Thanks everyone for the support! Hope you all enjoy the story. Will update as often as I can.

(Left to Right) James Byrnes, Harry Truman, and Henry Wallace Stand Together

  Harry Truman did not have the support of every Democrat, and that would be putting it lightly. Much of the public deemed Truman ill-suited to protect Roosevelt's legacy, and the current president's poor handling of the economy combined with an unpopular foreign policy shift towards permanent internationalism (such as participation in the UN) led liberals, especially, to back away. Many of these New Deal Democrats urged former Vice President and Secretary of Agriculture Henry A. Wallace to run against Truman.

  Once deemed the most "insightful visionary in the Roosevelt Cabinet" by New York Times political interpreters in the late 1930s, Wallace had since been largely ignored by the Democratic mainstream. A personal and professional rival to President Truman, Henry Wallace decided after much hushed, internal debate to run for president separate from the Democrats. Wallace’s third party became referred to by supporters as the Progressive Party: clearly inspired by Theodore Roosevelt’s 1912 party of the same name.

  Wallace himself, as exemplified in his exuberant speeches, was running against Truman chiefly due to the president’s steps towards solidifying animosity between the United States and the Soviet Union. Although Wallace himself was no Communist, he urged peaceful reconciliation between the two superpowers in hopes that the Second World War would be the last ever conflict of its magnitude. In this mission, in what may have been viewed as a misstep, the former vice president made it a point for his party to be as open as possible.

  This new Progressive Party (or “New Party” to some) did indeed prop its doors open for all kinds: including but not limited to anarchists, “admitted” Communists, liberals, moderate 'peaceniks', and even a handful of Rightist-Democrats. Many of Wallace’s supporters felt as though their candidate deserved the presidency after his position was taken from him at the ’44 DNC, where party bosses deemed the liberal vice president “too erratic” for the job of Commander-In-Chief. Now, helped along financially by the pro-Roosevelt NCPAC, or the National Citizens Political Action Committee, Wallace now had the means available for a full-throttle run against the two-parties.

  As would become immediately prevalent, most Democrats were flagrantly unwilling to support a third party, and the greater number of independently-leaning Americans considered Wallace a Communist-sympathizer. With a growing sentiment of hostility towards the Left in the United States, the Progressive Party did not have much of a chance at victory. The biggest fear among the public was that even if Wallace was well-meaning in his quest, the party itself was run by Soviet spies and American Communists. The CPUSA (Communist Party of America) even endorsed Wallace instead of fielding its own candidate. In this new era of chilled hostility with the Soviet Union, Wallace had no chance.

“I urge that we accept all people who wish for a peaceful understanding between the United States and Soviet Russia.” - Henry A. Wallace

[NeverAgain]

Woot Wallace!

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Dewey-Stassen Debate

  Taft’s joining the race brought about a new plausibility: that Dewey could be defeated. Other candidates began showing their interest in the presidency, notably including former Governor Harold Stassen (R-MN). Known by some as the “boy wonder” of local politics, Stassen managed to spark up his campaign out of seemingly nowhere. His perceived liberal positions countered Taft’s staunch conservatism and made Governor Dewey look centrist by comparison. Stassen rocked the nation with primary victories in Wisconsin, Nebraska, and Pennsylvania: making it seem as though he was the new frontrunner. The Taft Campaign stressed Stassen's vagueness on controversial issues in an effort to thwart the governor's rise in the polls, but it had no effect.

  The former governor was expected to outshine Dewey once more in the Oregon primary, thereby begin paving the road towards the nomination. Dewey challenged Stassen to a radio debate on May 17th: the first of its kind. Stassen accepted after brief consideration. Broadcasting live on public radio, 40 million listened as the questions rang through. Initially, Stassen appeared to be holding his own. The chief question, whether or not it would be appropriate to outlaw the U.S. Communist Party, was handled skillfully by the Minnesota governor. He explained, "There is now no law in America to prevent these Communist organizations from... following their directions from Moscow." Stassen utilized fear in his argument. Dewey used logic.

  Sounding far more prepared than his challenger, Dewey retorted that the best way to defeat Communism as a credible ideology was through discrediting it out in the open. "My interest is in preserving this country from being destroyed by the development of an underground organization," Dewey explained. According to the New York Governor, censoring the party would only lead to heightened interest in it. Summing up his point-of-view, Dewey stated, "You can't shoot an idea with a gun." Stassen was unable to regain his foothold in the debate, and news organizations considered Dewey a clear winner.

  This debate rebounded the Dewey Campaign, resulting in a confident Oregon primary win against Stassen. The knock-out punch had landed, and Harold Stassen's dreams of becoming the '48 nominee were vanquished. Yet, Dewey still had Senator Taft to fend with. While Stassen’s momentum relied on primary victories to propel his ‘underdog’ persona, Taft had the respect of much of the Republican Party core to boost his nominating chances.  In this turbulent, 'transitionary' era, one could certainly become a presidential nominee yet lose every primary. Delegates made the call, and it took the RNC itself to settle the matter.

Reporter: "What's the outlook, governor?"
Dewey: "The outlook is excellent, sir."

[NeverAgain]

I see the divergence now! This is just golden.

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Claude Pepper Shaking Hands With Henry Wallace

  President Truman was not turning out to be the most "electable" candidate inching closer to the election. Polling from every corner of the country had the president losing to every Republican challenger by a fair margin. Splits began to deepen in the Democratic Party between loyal Truman supporters and those who wished to "Dump" Truman from the ticket.

  Within the party itself, a handful of Democratic bosses worked tirelessly to field a new candidate to challenge the “doomed” president. First this search targeted General Dwight Eisenhower, though he repeatedly and abrasively refused any intention to run. Chicago Democrats led by Jacob Arvey and New Jersey Democrats with Frank Hague sought a Truman alternative throughout most of the primary season. Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas was briefly courted, followed by Florida Senator Claude Pepper. The senator eventually agreed to run against the president, but struggled to maintain awareness with voters and was unable to form a coherent base in-between Truman and Wallace.

  Pepper, who had served as a senator from Florida for over ten years, was a fierce supporter of the New Deal. Spry and often at ends with his own party, the senator became known for his immovable liberal ideals which he vehemently fought for in Congress. Though he was somewhat of a purist, Pepper was no fool. He knew that he was unlikely to win the nomination for himself. It was rumored in early June that two major liberal organizations, the ADA (Americans for Democratic Action) and the CIO (Congress of Industrial Organizations) would throw support behind President Truman to fend off Dewey or Taft in the fall.

  James Roosevelt, eldest son of the late president and fellow member of the “Dump” Truman effort, urged Pepper to drop out if these groups withheld their endorsements. The Floridian senator, as referred by his own memoirs, was at this stage planning his exit from the race. With the clock ticking and the Democratic National Convention drawing closer, Pepper waited on baited breath for validation of these rumors. Luckily for him, an unexpected campaign announcement captivated attention away from the Democratic contest. Broadcasting across early television stations and public radio, Henry Wallace delivered one of the most highly significant speeches of his career on June 14th.

  “Now and forever I welcome progressives of all backgrounds and circumstances to join our fine party and hop aboard the fight to protect global security. [...] That being said, I cannot in good faith accept the endorsement of the Communist Party.” Wallace spent a hearty fifteen minutes of his stump speech exclaiming that he would not accept the CPUSA endorsement and reaffirmed his personal stance against Soviet espionage. Wallace made it clear that fighting for international cooperation was not the same as bowing to a foreign entity.

  The former vice president then rebounded to the offensive. As he stated, unlike Truman, "I have and will never order from my staff oaths of fealty." The candidate referred to such loyalty oaths as “dangerous” and propagandist in nature. Wallace proclaimed that he had faith in his supporters and staff without the need to request total surrender of independent thought. Wallace then restated his arguments that Truman was a “cautious conservative” who believed in halting the gains of the New Deal and pursuing his ongoing threats of military intervention.

  Shockingly enough, this concise speech brought about a semblance of positive press in its immediate reaction. Publications which had previously denounced Wallace’s campaign now stated their (partial) understanding with the former vice president’s positions. To be clear, he did not win any new endorsements from these organizations, but Wallace successfully thwarted this fear that surrounded his campaign from the beginning and likely saved his candidacy from the brink of collapse.

“Together, we shall win one final détente.” – Henry A. Wallace

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The Republican National Convention, June 21st

  Chock-full of positivity and, as the Philadelphia Tribune called it, “razzmatazz,” the Republican National Convention gathered forth to begin the process necessary to nominate the 1948 GOP candidate. The music blared, the crowds cheered, and the temperature rose as the convention readied itself.

  Dewey still needed over two-hundred more delegates if he was to be guaranteed the nomination. Taft, ever relentless to hold to his post, refused to yield any of his delegates to any other camp. Even Harold Stassen, who for all intents and purposes was finished as a presidential candidate, did not relinquish control of his delegates when the voting began.

  Even though the tide seemed surely in favor of Governor Dewey, the very slim possibility that Taft could come out on top terrified the governor and his staff. Herbert Brownell Jr., having stepped down as the RNC Chairperson to work as Dewey’s campaign manager, sought to remedy this. Brownell worked tirelessly for weeks collecting data on every single delegate. He knew their family members, their secrets, and exactly what it took to entice them to vote Dewey.

  In his Pulitzer-winning memoir, What It Had Meant, Brownell described the situation at the 1948 RNC in the following words. “[Dewey’s nomination] was wrapped up tighter than that last gift under the Christmas tree.” Such was the advantage of working within the “Eastern Establishment” of the Republican Party. Having been ingrained so deeply within the political world, Brownell understood the ins and outs of “blanket politicking,” as he called it. After the first roll call took place, dozens of formerly uncommitted delegates fled to the Dewey camp: awarding him 515 votes.

  One of Taft’s closest advisers, Senator John W. Bricker (R-OH), opposed Brownell and attempted to turn the tables on Dewey. As one convention attendee, Thomas Reynolds, recounted years later, “We saw this sweating, fifty-something man sprinting towards a side door. Minutes would pass and he would pop out, adjust his tie, and sprint a few yards down out a second door.”

  Bricker scrambled to persuade delegates to rejoin with Taft. His offer was actually quite simple: As Truman losing was a guarantee, 1948 would be the one shot to elect a conservative president who could properly direct the expected further Republican takeover of Congress. Nine-tenths of these delegates were unmovable by the second ballot, and the Taft Campaign capitulated.

  The momentum was won for Dewey, and that was all she wrote. The task fell to John Bricker to concede on behalf of Robert Taft. He made his short address endorsing Dewey and solemnly walked off stage. Once Dewey’s running-mate, Bricker now ardently supported Taft for reasons which remain unclear. Even after he was instructed to speak on behalf of the campaign to endorse Dewey, Bricker wrote, “Out of spite, I had half a mind to accuse the [Dewey Campaign] of bribery.”

  Governor Earl Warren (R-CA) was chosen to be Dewey’s vice president after the commotion settled down.  Dewey was then unanimously nominated and he gave a resounding, presidential speech proclaiming a universal need for liberty and progress. Robert Taft would never truly be allied with Thomas Dewey, and immediately processed a plan to turn things around in his favor.

“In all humility, I accept the nomination” – Thomas E. Dewey

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Hubert Humphrey Delivers Powerful Speech at the DNC, 1948

  On July 6th, Senator Claude Pepper excused himself from the Democratic contest and endorsed Henry Wallace for president. The senator gave a brief speech on the matter, in which he stated, "Four more years of Truman will perish any glimmer of progressive change for a generation." That got the ball rolling. The CIO and ADA, expected to announce endorsements for President Truman, decided to hold off. Then, James Roosevelt announced his support for Henry Wallace. The exodus had begun, and the Democratic Convention was to take place in less than a week.

  Truman, at his weakest since his inaugural, was fuming. Aids reported that, upon hearing of Pepper's pronouncement, he slammed on his desk hard enough to alert the entire West Wing. Charles Ross, White House Press Secretary, struggled to find the right words to calm the press. Ross had been friends with Truman since his days in Missouri, but his charisma was proving to be most unimpressive. When reporters questioned how the president’s campaign was coping with men like Senator Pepper, Ross flatly answered, “The president does not take these endorsements likely.”

  Matthew J. Connelly offered up his two cents on the matter. Serving as a senior staff member for the president for some time, Connelly had been exquisitely adroit and capable when it came to coming up with a plan. Considering his options, as revealed in a 1975 CBS interview, “I pushed for a three-hour brainstorming sit-down. We considered every remote possibility, from offering [the vice presidency] to Wallace, as suggested by J. Krug, to asking Ike once again.” President Truman did not budge from his original plan, and instructed his staff to stay the course for now.

  The Democratic Convention opened its doors on July 12th at the very same Philadelphia venue where the Republicans had met weeks prior. Unlike the RNC, the atmosphere was grim with the unnerving feeling of defeat. Even the strongest Truman supporter could not ignore the polls: in which the president faced disastrous losses against Dewey in most states.

  Following opening ceremonies, the first major event to kick things off was a speech conducted by then-Minneapolis Mayor Hubert Humphrey. In it, he enthusiastically pushed for expanded rights for black men and women, exclaiming, “We must now focus the direction of [great] progress towards the realization of a full program of civil rights to all.” Receiving boos from Southern delegates, Humphrey continued on for a full nine-minutes, regardless. He urged the Democrats move with history and not fall into the shadows.

  President Truman made a phone call.

“My friends, to those who say that we are rushing this issue of civil rights, I say to them we are 172 years late.”
 - Hubert Humphrey

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Nervous Democratic Delegates Wait for Voting to Begin

   In 1946 President Truman had established a civil rights committee with the intent purpose to observe violence directed towards black men and women. In October of 1947, this report, entitled “To Secure These Rights”, was released publicly. It deeply criticized the status-quo when it came to tolerance of skin color, and strongly suggested the federal government use its authority to mandate lynching be federal offense, guarantee black voting rights, and end segregation nationwide. In his most recent State of the Union address, President Truman again emphasized the urgency for civil rights.

  Hubert Humphrey, along with a group of liberal Democrats, now led this charge. He had been opposed to Wallace on a moral level, but was not too cordial with Truman either. Humphrey pushed for the adoption of a specific civil rights plank in the Democratic platform. The Republican platform had been very clear in regards to the rights of blacks. As it stated, “This right of equal opportunity to work and to advance in life should never be limited to any individual because of race, religion, color, or country of origin.” Humphrey and other Northern Democrats hoped to one-up the GOP (and in turn, win the black vote).

  Southern Democrats were ardently against the entire thing. Though they tepidly supported President Truman, there was no chance in a thousand years that they would approve of such a platform. Senator Strom Thurmond (D-NC), one of the leaders of this faction, stressed the need to curtail “excessive” federal authority. In other words, he was in favor of the continuation of segregation in neighborhoods, in the military, and elsewhere. He sharply disagreed with the president in his recent escapades for civil rights, and had readied his coalition for a walk-out should the party adopt the plank.

  The vote had been close. The plank, which included a recommendation of Truman’s report and an urging that Congress pass related laws, was hotly contested. Northern Democratic bosses, including David Lawrence of Pittsburgh and Jake Arvey of Chicago, had their delegates vote strongly in favor of the plank: seeking to, frankly, secure their men win the black vote in November.

  “It was a decision made, quite literally, at the last minute.” According to Connelly from his ’75 interview, “The president finally made the call after watching Humphrey on the TV-set. (long pause). We thought we were doing the right thing.”  

  The voting was more than halfway finished. Aside from the majority of Southern states, nearly every delegation had been voting in the affirmation. The margin had been expected to be close: somewhere in the realm of 70 over half. Then, as if the wind changed direction, Western and Midwest states began voting against the plank. Just like that it was over. The plank was defeated with a margin of 22 votes.
  

“At the rate Wallace was gaining, we needed the South.” – Charles C. Ross, 1957

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Harry Truman Brings Hope and Unity to the Democratic Party

  A meager civil rights plank, virtually identical to the one adopted in 1944, was eventually made official. More-so vague and nonthreatening, the new plank was approved of by the bulk of Democrats and tolerated by the Southern delegations. It read as follows.
 
"The Democratic Party commits itself to continuing its efforts to eradicate all racial, religious and economic discrimination. We again state our belief that racial and religious minorities must have the right to live, the right to work, the right to vote, the full and equal protection of the laws, on a basis of equality with all citizens as guaranteed by the Constitution. We again call upon the Congress to exert its full authority to the limit of its constitutional powers to assure and protect these rights."

  Harry Truman was nominated on the first ballot, with about three-hundred delegates choosing to cast their ballot for Senator Claude Pepper in revolt. Liberal delegates were furious and disheartened. As Humphrey would divulge to a reporter later in July, “Though I have my own qualms, I stand by President Truman now and always.” The Minneapolis mayor would not campaign profusely for Truman in 1948. It was later revealed through his spouse Muriel Humphrey, “Hubert was disappointed. He risked his political life for that. […] He may have voted for Wallace that year. (laughs).”

  As he had held onto the Southern delegation, Truman walked into the convention hall on the third and final day confident that his chances of re-election rose exponentially. His speech was rather powerful, according to convention-goers, and it did not take long for his chief election platform to rear its head. Truman began listing off pieces of the Republican platform that seemed too progressive to be true, including platitudes regarding low-rental housing, lowering prices, and increasing social security benefits.

  Truman called the Republican bluff, asking why Republicans would approve of such platitudes yet refuse to act on them in Congress. “I am therefore calling this Congress back into session July 26th. Playing completely on the offensive, Truman dedicated most of his speech on this call-to-arms against the Republican Congress. “The country can’t afford another Republican Congress,” President Truman declared. This would act as his primary focal point for the duration of his presidential campaign.

  In the following weeks, the “Do-Nothing” Congress played into Truman’s trap and did just that. They passed very little meaningful legislation in this time, proving to the American people that the GOP cannot be trusted to hold to their words. President Harry Truman, along with the nominated vice presidential contender, Governor Benjamin Travis Laney of Arkansas, embarked on the campaign trail with much work to do and very little time to do it in.

[Kingpoleon]

Are Thurmond and Taft meeting together?

[Pyro]

Are Thurmond and Taft meeting together?

Noooo. I doubt either could stand the other.
Thurmond, for now, is tepidly supporting Truman. Taft is probably hoping for a Dewey loss.

[Pyro]

Dewey With His Family, courtesy of "The Dewey Story"

  Election season was heating up as the summer began to reach its end. Governor Dewey continued to dominate the conversation as the clear frontrunner. Speaking in broad, non-offending strokes, the New York governor avoided taking any firm stances on controversial topics. Instead, in order to sidestep any major risks, he focused on his vision of the future: a bright, optimistic America, mirroring the Republican platform.

  Cruising through the country on his campaign locomotive, the "Dewey Victory Special" brought the Republican candidate to population centers from coast to coast. Ignoring the attacks being flung by the Democratic candidate, Governor Dewey only rehashed the argument which had won him the nomination: that the Truman Administration was inflated, inefficient, and unwilling to work with the elected Congress. Dewey's case proved popular, judging by his advantage in presidential polling.

  Harry Truman, on the other hand, launched his folksy, fire bolt tour in a completely different manner. While Dewey was determined not to resort to negative attacks and name-calling, Truman tirelessly rallied against the Republican Congress for their hypocrisy and inability to pass anything worthwhile. He spent entire afternoons speaking with crowds from his locomotive's caboose, and managed to connect on a personal level in a way Dewey could not process. "Give 'em hell, Harry!" the audience would shout. Truman won over new voters at almost every stop.

  Aside from Dewey's popularity and the newspaper punditry preemptively declaring Truman a one-term president, the Democratic contender was also deeply concerned with Henry Wallace. After Wallace's speedy nomination, he too began a whistle-stop tour. Senator Claude Pepper accepted the Progressive's nomination as vice president, in many ways legitimizing the ticket as a genuine threat. Each continued to campaign against the direction of Truman's foreign policy, exclaiming "open doors" with the Soviets was a necessary precondition for lasting peace.

  Gaining a hint of post-convention buzz, the Wallace Campaign began to draw in support from a barrage of new sources, including famed economist Rexford Tugwell and former Senator Robert M. La Follette Jr. Nine-tenths of Democratic incumbents decided to stick with Truman in '48, but every so often an unexpected Congressman would endorse the Progressive choice. Wallace even gained a hearty endorsement from Eleanor Roosevelt in mid-September, who named him, "this century's finest second-in-command."

  The only significant hiccup along the way was when anti-New Deal columnist Westbrook Pegler announced that Henry Wallace had previously written coded letters to a Russian guru, Nicholas Roerich. This moment could have easily tarnished Wallace's campaign and categorized the former vice president as unstable or untrustworthy, but James Roosevelt would have none of it. Working as somewhat of a campaign manager for the former VP, Roosevelt gave a televised address tearing into Pegler's unreliability and his prior attempts to defame progressive workers and public servants. Stating that the letters were likely fraudulent, Roosevelt decried the man, "[who] has a well-documented history of tossing personal attacks at myself and my family" as a deceitful clown. Polls showed a modest bounce for Wallace.

      

Gallup Presidential Opinion Polling
October 1948

Thomas E. Dewey		47%
Harry S. Truman		39%
Henry A. Wallace		11%
Others/None of These		03%

[Atlas Has Shrugged]

Very good so far!

[Pyro]

Very good so far!

Much appreciated!

[Pyro]

The Wallace/Pepper Campaign Gained Significant Ground in October

  November, at long last, ticked in, and the nation excitedly, yet nervously, waited for their chance to vote in the presidential race. This would be the first election in sixteen years without FDR headlining the Democratic ticket, as well as the first in many years with a powerful third party candidate. Every single pollster showed monumental defeat for the incumbent. Although President Truman was steadily gaining in the polls, week to week, it remained unlikely that he would ultimately find victory.

  “Looking back,” wrote Dewey’s campaign manager Herbert Brownell, “one cannot help but ponder if he regrets directing his assault on Congress and not the man himself.” There had been doubts in each campaign camp on whether or not their tactics were the right ones. Had Truman gone too negative or directed his negativity in the wrong place? Or had Dewey’s refusal to attack Truman cost him his massive lead in the polls? The New York Times estimated a Dewey win with 345 Electoral Votes. The Washington Post predicted 30 states for the New York Governor. In their final polls before the election, Gallup reported Truman’s rise stunted at about 42%. A political cartoon illustrated by Clifford Berryman asked the question (towards Truman), “What’s the use of going through with the election?”

  Judging by the length of polling place queues, turnout was unusually high. Truman, Dewey, and Wallace all cast their votes, each holding onto the hope that they may have had their day. The polls closed, and the results were slowly counted over both radio and news television. As was swiftly discovered, a conclusion would take far longer than expected. Brownell would point out, “[The Dewey Campaign] had planned an early night. We all expected a 9 o’clock concession from Truman.”

  New England was the first sign of things to come. Dewey was thought to win each Northeast state without question and by enormous margins. However, when results were first broadcast, the reporting networks were hesitant to call any of the states in either direction. Truman had higher-than-expected results in almost every state, but not quite enough to ensure an incumbent win over Dewey. Wallace had, in fact, had more of an impression on the public than he was given credit for.

  In his final weeks campaigning, Henry Wallace re-positioned his talking points away from Truman, specifically. Instead, he more-so mimicked what Truman had been doing on his rail tour, and brought things down to a more personal level. Wallace would reemphasize his successes during his term as vice president, recounting often his time learning from Franklin Roosevelt. He explained how the two became close colleagues, and how FDR was the sole Democrat still rooting for Wallace at the ’44 DNC when all others pushed for Truman.

  This certainly mattered to voters, and Wallace eventually took the lead in Massachusetts where he was declared the recipient of its 16 Electoral Votes. A traditional Democratic stronghold, Truman won in Rhode Island. Dewey would come out victorious in the remainder of New England, narrowing out the other candidates and picking up 20 votes of his own.

"When that uppity NBC reporter called Boston for Wallace, we knew we were in for the long haul "
Herbert Brownell Jr., 1948

[Pyro]

Truman and Dewey Casting Their Votes on Election Day

  New York fell in the Dewey column, edging out Truman and Wallace by only a few percentage points. Dewey confidently walked away on top in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland. Just like that, the governor of New York was just about halfway to the necessary number to win: 266. Truman would come back with a vengeance, however, due in part to his ultimate refusal to push for a civil rights plank at the convention. The president swept the Solid South, putting his total thus far at 175.
 
  As it turned out, the Truman camp would come to realize that winning the South cost them the Midwest. The black vote in 1948 was far higher than any previous year, and in a 9-to-1 margin, these men and women were voting Dewey. The Republican platform had been far more specific on civil rights, and although Dewey himself scarcely brought the issue up, his work in New York ensuring equal rights was recognized. Thomas Dewey won the majority vote in Michigan, Indiana, and Illinois with fair margins.
 
  In the further west, mountainous region of the country, Truman confidently picked up Montana, Colorado, Utah, New Mexico and Arizona and won narrow victories in Idaho, Nevada and Wyoming. Dewey won the Dakotas, Nebraska, and Kansas for the Republicans. In the tightest of margins, Wallace eked out a win in Washington.

  The final states were ticking in and the results only tightened. For every state won by Truman the next was won by Dewey. Oregon was called for Dewey, then Minnesota for Truman. The president was declared the winner of 10 Electoral Votes in Iowa, then Dewey narrowly picked up 12 in Wisconsin. As the total stood, Harry Truman had 228 to Dewey’s 229. It all came down to California and Ohio. Reporters were quick to mention that unless one candidate won both states, the election would be thrown into the House of Representatives as it had in 1824.

  Not until 2am was California called for President Truman. Although Dewey had spent a great deal of time winning over voters in cities like Sacramento, Truman’s message had resonated with enough suburban voters to overcome any advantage from the governor. Ohio remained unclear throughout the night due chiefly to voting errors in major cities. Truman had taken an early lead in Ohio, but, just as reporter H.V. Kaltenborn of NBC correctly predicted, the late returns proved to be in favor of Thomas Dewey. Once more, the black vote was what handed industrial centers in Cleveland and Springfield to the challenger. Ohio was called for Governor Dewey at 8am on November 3rd.
 
  According to the Constitution, the fate of the election now indeed lied with Congress.

“We cannot at this time make a definite call on, uh, who exactly the next president shall be. As has only happened once before in American presidential politics, the House of Representatives will vote to decide the winner of this election.”
NBC Broadcast, November 3rd, 1948

edit: syntax fix

[Pyro]

The Election of 1948: Final Results

[Illuminati Blood Drinker]

I'm assuming turnout is about the same it was OTL?

[Atlas Has Shrugged]

Dewey holds, assuming that congressional elections go more or less the same, only 19 state delegations. The question now at hand is whether or not a significant number of Progressive minded House Democrats vote for Wallace. It'll be interesting to see how this develops!