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  Election What-ifs? (Moderator: Dereich)
  You Can't Shoot An Idea
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Pyro
PyroTheFox
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« Reply #50 on: August 14, 2016, 12:15:07 AM »

Who is the one Progressive representative?

That'd be the pro-Wallace Paul S. Taylor who narrowly won a three-way race for California's 14th.
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Pyro
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« Reply #51 on: August 15, 2016, 05:31:24 PM »


Protest Sign from Farmville, Virginia, April 30th, 1951.

  Heading into the new Congressional term, Dewey finally had a Republican majority at his disposal. Should he retain party unity, the president would be able to move forward with his proposed legislative plans. Conservative columnists speculated that without the need to compromise with Democrats, Dewey would turn sharply towards the Right and begin seriously limiting the “overreach of government.” These relatively common editorials proved to ignore the reality of where Dewey stood and what his agenda had been.

  Back in the ’48 campaign, Dewey had made it clear that the New Deal would not be tampered with if he were to win. The president wrote in the late 1960s that, although there had been, “clear mismanagement in the WPA under the Roosevelt administration,” overall he witnessed a, “remarkable rise in confidence: both in the economic sense as well as personal.” President Dewey, if anything, hoped to simplify and improve the efficiency of the Roosevelt programs.

  “We finally had our moment,” Brownell explained. “Dewey could have moved in any direction of his choosing. Republicans clamored on about the need to improve infrastructure while the other end urged healthcare reform.” Indeed, the president had a plethora of options to move forward with, but, “the game of politics require we look to 1952. To meet this end, the president once more risked everything on a gamble.”

  In April of 1951, students attending the all-black Moton High School in Virginia chose to participate in a walkout. Their facility had no cafeteria, no athletic department, no plumbing and was heated by outdated wooden stoves. In contrast, neighboring white schools had far superior equipment and funding. Led by student activist Barbara Johns, the students demanded a school equal to that of the white students. Nearly two-weeks into the strike, Dewey saw an opportunity.

  Dewey and most in his administration agreed that electoral victory counted heavily on the vote of African Americans: a demographic which had been in the Democratic column since Franklin Roosevelt. Much of the Midwest tipped to Dewey precisely because of his willingness to seriously consider civil rights legislation. Even anti-Dewey publications in the early 50s remarked that his pushing through some measure of segregation reform may well secure the re-election of Thomas Dewey to the presidency.

  Internally, the administration chose to wait until the Republicans had a stable footing in at least two of the branches of government before proceeding. Roosevelt’s Supreme Court was expected to last for quite some time, meaning that avenue was blocked. Dewey appointed only two judges thus far: Circuit Judge John Harlan II to replace Justice Frank Murray and California Supreme Court Justice Marshall F. McComb to replace Justice Wiley Rutledge. Though it was a definite possibility that the courts would strike down any civil rights legislation passed by the president (especially under Chief Justice Vinson), he chose nonetheless to pursue it.

  Though the larger concept called for the striking down of the infamous "Separate but Equal" Plessy v. Ferguson ruling, the Republicans opted for short-term relief. On February 12th, 1951, Senator Dirksen (R-IL) introduced the first landmark bill of Dewey’s “Liberty for All” plan. This initial bill would establish a federal investigation and subsequent commission with the specific purpose to examine the alleged "equality" of schools in the Southern states. Offered mainly as a means to test the waters of the new Congress, this first legislative measure flew through the Senate, 67-29, and then the House, 252-183.


"That did it. There was no putting that toothpaste back in the tube."
Matthew Connelly, May 1951.
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Pyro
PyroTheFox
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« Reply #52 on: August 17, 2016, 10:08:43 AM »


Francis "Eugene Dennis" Waldron following 1948 Arrest

  Towards the end of the year, the realization had struck that the Democrats were nearly guaranteed a rigorous and fruitless primary season. A collection of names and personalities were gearing up to throw their names into the ring for the Democratic nomination, yet the time had not yet come for announcements. As presidential approval ratings topped 57%, the likelihood that he could be beat appeared quite low. As one reporter commented, the primary may only serve to decide, "the next Alf Landon." As such, far more attention was given to the distinct possibility of a challenge from within the Republican Party.

  Dewey had alienated much of the conservative, Midwestern Republican base, meaning such a contest had not been out of the question. The most consequential issue going for the conservatives, that of an internal "Communist Conspiracy", had been taken at a completely different pace by the president. The introduction of Operation Polecat into the political arena changed a great deal. HUAC was deemed unnecessarily self-destructive for the Republican Party by GOP leadership in March 1950 and subsequently shut down. Those running Polecat now covered these bases, and they did so without television cameras and movie stars. Fifteen covert operations were uncovered by 1951, and these were promptly dealt with. The most famous of which, the case of the Rosenberg couple passing along atomic information to the Soviets, ended in the prompt conviction of the husband, alleged spy Julius Rosenberg. His wife, Ethel, was delivered a verdict of not guilty upon the discrediting of witness David Greenglass.

  The president, along with his supporters and the bulk of the Republican Party, reaffirmed often that Polecat would effectively discredit Communism in its findings. Therefore, Dewey urged Congress to focus on matters not retaining to internal conspiracies and instead work towards passing domestic reforms. The only measure Dewey approved of (and the only one of its kind which managed to pass between 1950 and 1952) was the McCarran Internal Security Act which required the registration of Communist organizations.

  Protests and various marches began to pop up in a show of disfavor with the direction of what came to be known as the second American "Red Scare". Left-wing organizations and labor unions, in response to a series of federal prosecutions against members and leaders of the Communist Party USA under the Smith Act, demanded the First Amendment be recognized. As the list of convictions began to pile up, moderate human rights groups jumped on board, as did members of Wallace's Progressive Party and a handful of liberal Democrats. The major proponent of the cases, FBI director J. Edgar Hoover, urged the president keep silent on the matter. When prompted for an opinion on the matter, Dewey only said, "We cannot outlaw thought, gentlemen."

  At last, the Supreme Court agreed to take up the appeal of General Secretary to the CPUSA, Eugene Dennis, who had been charged with inciting the overthrow of the U.S. government. Those defending the cause for the petitioners asserted that the actions of the party promoted peaceful transition to socialism and this right was covered by the Constitution. The prosecution, already presumed victorious, recounted that the "evil" philosophy of Dennis and others in the same group clearly advocated a violent, repressive Stalinist state in the U.S.

  Four sitting on the bench had made up their minds on this accord far prior to the presented case. Justice Reed, Justice Jackson, Justice Frankfurter and Chief Justice Vinson stood unwavering on the side of the prosecution. Firmly in agreement with the defense were Justice Black and Justice Douglas. A fierce defender of the right to free speech,, Justice Harlan agreed with the defense, as did, in a shock to even the president himself, Justice McComb. Deemed a wildcard of sorts (and, as later reports would discover, an acquaintance of Dewey), Justice Burton stated his concurrence with the defense.

  The wind had dramatically changed direction.
  

"This shall be known as the greatest victory the Communist Party in America ever received."
Senator McCarthy, June 4th, 1951

"Foley Square Overturned! Justice Harold Burton Delivers Decisive Vote."
The New York Times, June 5th, 1951

"The Constitution Wins the Day. Let Us Celebrate June 5th as the Day Free Speech Defeated Fear"
The Daily Worker, June 5th 1951
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« Reply #53 on: August 17, 2016, 10:21:53 AM »

I love this timeline.  I always wondered what would happen if Republicans choose to be the more friendly party to Civil Rights in general.  This'll be very interesting to watch play out.  Will there be a large conservative backlash to the SCOTUS' decision and Dewey's moderate choices?
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BluegrassBlueVote
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« Reply #54 on: August 17, 2016, 11:31:10 AM »

Oh, wow. America certainly wasn't ready for the Brandenburg v. Ohio equivalent in '51. This should be interesting, and I'm betting the Democrats will nominate a man more conservative than Adlai Stevenson.
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Pyro
PyroTheFox
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« Reply #55 on: August 18, 2016, 07:08:46 AM »

I love this timeline.  I always wondered what would happen if Republicans choose to be the more friendly party to Civil Rights in general.  This'll be very interesting to watch play out.  Will there be a large conservative backlash to the SCOTUS' decision and Dewey's moderate choices?

Well, we'll see. It's safe to say that the McCarthyites of the world would be inflamed.

Oh, wow. America certainly wasn't ready for the Brandenburg v. Ohio equivalent in '51. This should be interesting, and I'm betting the Democrats will nominate a man more conservative than Adlai Stevenson.

A whole new '52 on the way!
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Pyro
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« Reply #56 on: August 20, 2016, 02:28:28 PM »


The Today Show Begins Broadcast on NBC with Host Dave Garroway, January 1952 

Chapter Two: The Election of 1952: Dog Sleds and Write-Ins

  President Thomas Dewey had won the Election of 1948, reputable historians discuss, due primarily to the popular perception of Harry Truman as a lackluster, floundering head of state. Truman lost the election because of his unwillingness to stick with civil rights, others argue. Then there were those who firmly believed that the Democrats had simply been in power for too long and the country needed a shakeup. Almost none proclaimed that it had been Dewey's campaigning which caused Truman's demise.

  According to his memoirs, Dewey, when looking towards the upcoming election as late as December '51, remained unsure whether or not he could win a re-election against a trusted and primed Democratic challenger. "Never once did I take my chance in 1952 for granted," wrote Dewey. "We won by the mere skin of our teeth against a deeply disliked, Missourian farmer. I was sure the Democrats were readying a genuine heavyweight this time around."

  With the issue of internal Communism and new controversies surrounding segregation permeating within the minds of the electorate as faults of the incumbent administration, the Democrats needed unification and it needed it fast to launch their offensive. The president had yet to state his intentions for the election by mid-January, meaning the opposition had an open field to shape the narrative. This was the moment that may have altered the course of the race, but the Democratic Old Guard held back.

  Those effectively running the Democratic Party, city bosses and Tammany Hall-types, privately assured local party leaders that the election would be wrapped up without any need for insurgent candidacies. Especially in the Midwest, a portion of the nation deemed a "tossup region" by the press, the groundwork for a massive campaign was in the works. Distracted by new reveals from the Polecat Commission, the Democratic Party required a shattering jolt to open the doors to 1952.

  Herbert Brownell explained the sequence of events which took place  on January 14th. "I had, quite literally, one foot out the door for a rather significant engagement with a fellow from General Motors when my boss, the wife, called out to look at the television set." The Today Show, a new NBC television news program was revealing itself to the world that day. At 9:25am, the host of the show announced that a surprise interview would be taking place in the following hour with former President Harry Truman.

  "There he was, right there on NBC speaking candidly to that peacock Garroway," Truman walked on the set and was seated adjacent to the program's host. For the following twenty minutes the two discussed a wide variety of contemporary issues, including the Korean War, the role of the federal government, and a fair amount of lighthearted topics such as Truman's opinion on Doris Day. At last, when viewership reportedly reached its peak at the fifteen minute mark, Garroway asked him, "Well, President Truman, have you decided to run for the presidency?"

  Truman laughed for a moment and then responded, "No, Dave, I believe I have had my turn. Although, to tell you the truth, it certainly is vital that we nominate a contender with the right credentials to end the worldwide threat of Communism and protect our respectability here at home." When the host interjected to ask if Truman had any names in mind, the former president gleefully answered, "I will endorse whomever the nominee shall be, but, of all men, Eisenhower would be an extraordinary choice."

 
"Needless to say, I cancelled on GM in a heartbeat."
Herbert Brownell, from 1965 Interview for Time Magazine
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Pyro
PyroTheFox
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« Reply #57 on: August 21, 2016, 01:45:55 PM »


Senator Joseph McCarthy of Wisconsin

  From an objective standpoint, 1950-52 for the Dewey's administration was a resounding success. The economy was doing splendidly, unemployment had been stabilized, and the only major overseas intervention encountered by the president ended with expedience. On paper, all had been going well and, in such a mindset, the election itself should have been over before it started. The issue was that an unpleasant combination of aforementioned controversies were beginning to catch up with the president.

  Left-historian Howard Zinn illustrated the following in Postwar America: 1945-1971. "The opening act of the 1950s, conducted by the Thomas Dewey Administration, presented a flourishing and rejuvenated America. One of Dewey's shining achievements was his launching of a relentless crusade on alleged Communist espionage (manifested as a means to justify an aggressive, permanent anti-Russian foreign policy). Due in part to an uncooperative conservative minority in the Republican Party, President Dewey struggled to keep clear of controversy in his tenure. Contemporary headlines were consistently flooded with accusations that the president was either too "soft on Communism," as anti-Communist hardliner Senator Joe McCarthy proclaimed, or far too willing to assist in the "over-education of Negro children," as pro-segregation Congressman Hardy of Virginia delicately put it. Such accusations plummeted President Dewey's approval ratings from near-60% in 1950 to a meager 45% by the dawn of 1952."

  The bulk of these accusations came almost precisely after Dennis v. United States. Knowing full well that two of the justices which had ruled in favor of the CPUSA General Secretary were appointed by President Dewey, Senator McCarthy unleashed a full-on assault. Gathering a hoard of press at his beck and call, McCarthy chose to spend the summer and autumn of 1951 hurling attacks at President Dewey for his role in the Supreme Court decision. The Wisconsin senator thereby evolved into what may be considered the mouthpiece of the Conservative Coalition, echoing the sentiments of other congressmen concerned with the direction of the Dewey Administration.

  For a time, the president refused to remark on the raving antics of McCarthy, thereby tactically hoping to, in the words of Brownell, "disarm the rabid extremist through total de-legitimization." Following a month of negative headlines and a handful of death threats, the president opted to speak out against McCarthy. In response to an inquiry from The New York Times' Jack Lewinsky regarding McCarthy's alleged "Pink Court," Dewey rebutted, "Far be it from me to espouse commentary over the words of any respectable United States senator, but I certainly abide by and commend the decision reached by the United States Supreme Court." This sentiment only proved to stoke the flames.

  In the following months, Dewey gathered the political capital he retained from the midterms and worked alongside Majority Leader Ken Wherry to pass legislation updating federal standards of monopolies and raising defense spending. Although these passed both houses of Congress, Senators McCarthy and John C. Stennis (D-MS) led a fierce opposition. A total of eight bills managed to pass from June to October 1951. With each new vote, however, a greater and greater number of GOP congressmen voted in opposition to the president. In October, nearly one-fifth of Republicans voted against the Dewey-endorsed Agriculture Relief Act.

  Then, at this, the low-point of President Dewey's tenure thus far, Senator McCarthy arranged another major press conference. He declared that, due to the recent court decision, political scientists estimated that the U.S. Communist Party would see its first rise in membership in nearly a decade. McCarthy phrased this expected phenomenon as the "dawn of America's final hour." The senator cried out, "We cannot allow ourselves to bend the knee to traitors whom would see our nation burn. This evil must be dealt with at all costs and I shall lead this charge. Therefore, I now announce that I shall seek the office of the presidency."


"Congress shall be instructed to pass a constitutional amendment overturning this Pink Court ruling. On my watch, the practice of Communism shall be considered a crime of the highest caliber."
Senator Joe McCarthy, October 30th 1951.
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BluegrassBlueVote
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« Reply #58 on: August 22, 2016, 06:06:12 PM »

Pink Court is a nice touch.
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Atlas Has Shrugged
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« Reply #59 on: August 23, 2016, 12:01:08 AM »

Taft '52!
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Pyro
PyroTheFox
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« Reply #60 on: August 23, 2016, 08:36:01 PM »


Was hoping you all would get a kick out of that one =)


I'll let him know he has your support!
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Kingpoleon
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« Reply #61 on: August 23, 2016, 08:42:02 PM »

Dewey really want Southern Dixiecrats in the GOP?
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Pyro
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« Reply #62 on: August 25, 2016, 05:59:12 PM »


President Dewey with Defense Secretary Eisenhower, April 1951

  The Conservative Coalition carefully plotted a road to victory in the upcoming elections. Their leadership believed that President Dewey had been successfully branded too weak in matters of internal affairs. As such, those anti-Dewey Republicans within the coalition dedicated a great deal of time in January concentrating their efforts towards delivering a Congress which would pass McCarthy's amendment along with an array of budget tightening measures. The Wisconsin senator ran his populist campaign from Washington, capturing headlines in the press with every accusation against the present administration.

  President Dewey formally announced his entrance in the race on January 4th. Faced with an uphill battle, the president declared that the nation had reached a "destined crossroads." Proclaiming before state-of-the-art cameras that four more years were well on the way, Dewey explained that espionage was now at an all-time low, homelessness was decreasing at a rapid rate, and that the healthy economy would provide permanent, well-paying jobs for years to come. He also, albeit briefly, covered the precariousness of Senator McCarthy's proposals and how his radical policies could endanger American liberty. Though the press universally praised the president's speech, Dewey failed to serve a dent in McCarthy's rising poll numbers.

  Internally, as described through the autobiographies of Secretaries Cox and Moore, the Dewey Administration was struggling to retain Eisenhower. The Secretary of Defense, having served through the Korean War, in addition to overseeing ongoing conflicts in China, was considering retiring from his post. As these aforementioned memoirs reflected, Eisenhower routinely expressed his disfavor with Dewey's foreign policy direction. In the latter half of 1951, Moore recollected, "Ike threatened resignation. When Dulles left halfway through Korea, the general acted relieved, if only for a time. [Eisenhower] grew more anxious every day, eventually urging Dewey take a proactive lead against Moscow's nuclear program. Our president, stubborn as always, only unplugged his ears when Truman showed up on that television program."

  Dewey and Eisenhower held a series of private, likely heated, conversations in the Oval Office at about this time. Neither man wrote or spoke of the exact details of these discussions, but it was largely assumed by political journalists that the Defense Secretary may have presented an ultimatum: that the president seek an immediate disarmament proposal with the Soviet Union lest he walk. The United States had just recently successfully tested a new atomic/thermonuclear experiment, and Eisenhower feared the Russian authorities would achieve an equal footing within the decade. Dewey made no such effort to reconcile, likely believing he needed to demonstrate strength against the Soviets.

  Secretary Eisenhower resigned from his cabinet post on February 17th, erupting the press into excited panic. The resignation prompted the Democratic machine to move into recruitment overtime. As a direct result of these events, Democrats eyeing a presidential run thus far were, as reports summarized, repeatedly and belligerently discouraged. Representative James Delaney (D-NY), in one instance, suddenly backed away from a widely expected campaign launch due to "personal cause unrelated to public service." Whether these individuals were threatened or not is unclear to this day, but, as one Time Magazine article remarked at the time, "Like it or not, all now appear ready for Eisenhower."

  Ike himself refused to comment towards any leanings on a potential candidacy all through the following weeks. The movement to Draft Eisenhower had caught on with the public, and prominent polling publications demonstrated a tight theoretical race between President Dewey and his former defense secretary. Still, New Deal Democrats were far from willing to allow the nomination of a right-leaning Republican (as they saw it). Frustrated with the direction of his party's leadership in stifling the potential diverse field, well-known firebrand Senator Estes Kefauver (D-TN) became the first official candidate of the Democrats on February 28th.


"Eisenhower Behind Dewey 2 Points in Gallup Poll"
The Washington Post, February 7th, 1952

"Senator Kefauver Embarks on New Hampshire Campaign"
The Tennessean, March 2nd, 1952
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Pyro
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« Reply #63 on: August 27, 2016, 09:52:05 PM »


Senator Kefauver In His Signature Cap

  Known nationally prior to his announcement, Senator Kefauver had no issue garnering public support. Those segments of the New Deal Coalition which leaned toward Wallace four years prior became the core of Kefauver's base, energizing the crowds which turned out in droves to hear the senator arrive via dogsled to various rallies to speak in New Hampshire. Frequently arriving in his signature coonskin cap, the senator urged aggressive anti-trust legislation, increased funding for education, and a gradual adjustment into full integration.

  Kefauver's tagline, "The time for pleasantries is over," heavily implied that President Dewey, albeit a talented speaker and negotiator, would rather set aside major issues than work towards solutions. In one televised speech to an audience in Concord, Senator Kefauver famously remarked, "Why is it, exactly, that the presidency has deflated the once-world famous Prosecutor Tom Dewey? How is it he was able to incarcerate Luciano, yet allows Frank Costello to walk free? Was Dutch Schultz more intimidating than Mickey Cohen or Virginia Hill?"

  Kefauver led a special committee of the U.S. Senate in 1950 which investigated these crime bosses among a slew of others. The senator considered the rise of this new wave of crime particularly troubling, and made to make it a point to highlight these figures. This path, as one would expect, made Kefauver a dangerous force to be reckoned with. Those Democratic bosses would never allow a Kefauver-type to come close to winning their nomination, and therefore, with less than a week until the New Hampshire primary, they prompted the introduction of select candidates to run with their support.

  With Kefauver's on-the-ground presence overshadowing the "Write-In Ike" campaign relatively quickly, those governors and mayors of larger states prepared to endorse their own figures. Governor Frank Lausche (D-OH), a press-described "cosmopolitan Democrat," mentioned in January that he would be willing to consider a bid for the nomination if other candidates failed to deliver. Senator Robert S. Kerr (D-OK), a favorite in his region, also expressed an interest in running. Both held off and readied to endorse Truman's choice, but with polls demonstrating a likely Kefauver win, each formally entered the race five days before the first primary.

  Simultaneously, the Republican candidates each treated New Hampshire with seriousness. Whichever campaign were to lose this contest would likely find a daunting path ahead. Senator McCarthy had been gaining ground in the polls and had a real chance at this one. A win for the Wisconsinite would brighten his future shot at the presidency dramatically while losing this early contest could damage his campaign beyond repair. For Dewey, there was no consideration of losing. As Brownell, serving once more as Dewey's campaign mentor, wrote, "[A New Hampshire loss] would end the campaign. Full stop."

   The eventual result served to legitimize the accuracy of polling agencies like Gallup (only off the mark by 2%). The race was called immediately on the Republican side while the closer Democratic race took time. On the evening of March 11th, the results for New Hampshire were finalized. President Dewey and Senator Kefauver won their respective contests.

|R| New Hampshire Primary Returns |R|
Thomas E. Dewey: 56%
Joseph McCarthy: 38%
Robert A. Taft: 3%
Douglas MacArthur: 1%
Dwight Eisenhower: .5%
Sherman Adams: .5%
Others/Invalid: 1%

|D| New Hampshire Primary Returns |D|
Estes Kefauver: 42%
(Write-In) Dwight Eisenhower: 39%
Frank Lausche: 9%
Robert Kerr: 5%
James Delaney: 2%
Harry S. Truman: 1%
Paul Dever: .5%
Henry A. Wallace: .5%
Thomas E. Dewey: .5%
Others/Invalid: .5%
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« Reply #64 on: August 28, 2016, 07:43:57 AM »

Kefauver '52! #FeelTheFauv
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« Reply #65 on: August 28, 2016, 12:09:26 PM »


#FeelTheFauv would have made a much better title for this chapter Tongue
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Pyro
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« Reply #66 on: August 28, 2016, 03:58:19 PM »


President Dewey Conducting His Weekly Radio Address, April 1952

  The first primary in New Hampshire served to set an example for what was to follow. Eisenhower still refused to make a formal entrance into the race, Kefauver resumed campaigning in his folksy style, McCarthy lost a great deal of momentum, and Dewey shifted focus toward the general.

  Little of this dynamic changed over the course of the following weeks and months. President Dewey had been able to orchestrate a compromise between the United Steelworkers of America and U.S. Steel in April, thereby preventing a massive strike. The president was not the friendliest figure toward labor in the slightest, but he understood how to play the game. The workers achieved a mild pay increase while U.S. Steel had been placated by a promise of continued subsidies from the federal government. By April 16th, Dewey's approval numbers reached 50%: his highest in six months.

  Senator McCarthy began to flounder. Membership in the Communist Party was reported to have remained, more or less, the same since the Supreme Court decision, and there had been no recorded instances of a Communist plot to "overthrow the American government," as McCarthy predicted. He attempted to pivot slightly in mid-April in order to appease a wider audience, but political journals jumped on this move as a "sign of an inevitable drop-out." Even with losses in New Hampshire and Minnesota, McCarthy trudged on.

  Robert Taft had tepidly supported McCarthy in his run against the president up to this point. The two frequently worked in tandem in unleashing criticisms of Dewey, and Taft would have been willing to support anyone running against his nemesis. However, when McCarthy only narrowly won the Wisconsin primary (51-46), Taft ceased his correspondence with the infamous senator and plotted a new course. Now that Dewey's approval had rebounded, the Ohioan knew there was no use in a direct challenge and had something a bit more devious in mind.

  Prior to the release of Bob Taft's private records and journals in the mid-1980s, political historians including Taft biographer James Patterson wrote that, "With McCarthy certain to leave the race in April, the nation focused intently on the multifaceted Democratic nominating race. In this time, Republican bigwigs and bosses met in those infamous 'smoke-filled rooms' to discuss the ticket for 1952. Right around this time, prior to McCarthy's concession, a White House leak revealed that Vice President Earl Warren was allegedly involved in an extra-marital affair with 22-year old Irene Olson: an intern in the Truman Administration who was promoted by Warren to the role of personal secretary. The fact behind this accusation remains muddled, but it had been more than enough for President Tom Dewey to ask Warren not to run for the VP nomination."

  When the leaks began, all in the Dewey Administration were taken aback. Warren argued to his dying day that the accusations were wholeheartedly false and not a shred of genuine evidence existed to confirm any of it. Ms. Olson left her White House role four days following the initial leak and stated only of Warren that, "He committed no act which would have been considered unacceptable behavior at the time." When Taft's journals were finally released, they confirmed a controversial theory that he had indeed been behind the accusation. Taft, always cordial to his state's press, passed the story along to his source at the Cincinnati Enquirer, who in turn sent the tale to the Washington Post. Today, the consensus among historians is that Warren's infidelity was a fabrication. At the time, however, the public ate it up.


"VP Breaks Marriage Vow: Anonymous Aid Tells All"
The Washington Post, April 29th, 1952

"Earl Warren: "I Shall Not Seek a Second Term as Your Vice President."
Chicago Tribune, May 24th, 1952
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« Reply #67 on: August 29, 2016, 06:31:52 PM »


The Pro-Segregation Candidates in the Race (Left to Right): Richard Russell Jr, Strom Thurmond, Robert Kerr

  With Earl Warren effectively deposed, the Taft-led isolationist wing of the party abandoned the McCarthy Campaign and worked full-force towards the nominating convention. Joe McCarthy ceased actively fighting for the nomination after his massive loss in the Ohio primary, rejoining with Taft to sort out the details of the nominating process. Dewey would go on to sweep the Oregon, California and South Dakota primaries. Knowing he was on the path to the nomination, the president introduced a significant new platform proposal.

  The results of the Moton Inquiry had been unveiled, and it came to the definitive conclusion that separate schooling facilities were not, in fact, equal. In districts throughout the state of Virginia, not in any one instance was a "black" school remotely measurable to a "white" school. Schools labeled "Whites Only" consistently received higher funding and a greater number of amenities. Though this was hardly a shock to those already in favor of integration, Americans who previously did not hold much of a stance on the issue now noticed this reality. Dewey revealed that if re-elected, he would advocate heavily in favor of gradually integrating communities. "We shall begin with our schools," the president stated. "All children, regardless of color, deserve an upstanding American education of the highest quality."

  The Democratic race, by the end of spring, was approaching the finish line. The Ike Campaign had been endorsed by a slew of establishment Democrats in the North and West, yet with the former secretary still refusing to declare any intentions one way or another, the majority of voters distrusted the legitimacy of the proposed candidate's interest. Eisenhower finished in either second or third in every Democratic primary, but failed to win a single state in totality. The establishment vote splintered between Ike, Lausche and various favorite son candidates in each of the primaries, leading to solid Kefauver wins in 15 of 16 contests (Lausche won Ohio).

  Senator Kefauver had cemented his frontrunner status and, in theory, was well on his way to the nomination. Liberal Democrats had endorsed Kefauver by the dozen, including influential Senator Paul Douglas (D-IL) and former First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt. Once Henry Wallace declared he would not be running for president this cycle, members of the Progressive Party corralled around Kefauver as well. Meanwhile, Southern segregationists rejected both Kefauver and Eisenhower, instead pushing for the nomination of either Senator Kerr (who narrowly lost the Florida primary), Senator Richard Russell Jr (D-GA), or Governor Strom Thurmond (D-SC).

  Russell, Thurmond and Kerr all disapproved of what they saw as federal intrusion into the social behavior of states, yet beyond this, these three differed on a number of issues. Kerr preferred to focus on the development of public works and energy production rather than civil rights or Communism, arguably making him the most moderate of these three favorite sons. Russell sought agricultural and education reform, co-sponsoring the National School Lunch Act of 1946. Thurmond primarily focused on the segregation issue, and was considered by moderate Southerners as too conservative to be considered for nomination by the party. All three of these figures received votes in the '52 primaries.

  Headed into summer, President Dewey began to overshadow the Democratic race. Gallup polling revealed that in a hypothetical race with Eisenhower, the president now led by eight points. Against Lausche he led by 12, and against any of the Southern contenders, Dewey held a minimum 15 point lead. The Kefauver pairing had been a bit closer, with Dewey ahead by only six percentage points. For the first time since 1932, the Democratic Convention would be contested, and to make matters worse, this election was beginning to look an awful lot like 1948 all over again.


"The Conventions Coming Home! President Dewey to Speak on Friday."
Chicago Tribune Weekend Edition, July 5th 1952
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BluegrassBlueVote
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« Reply #68 on: August 29, 2016, 07:13:23 PM »

Poor Earl. I hate it had to be you.

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Pyro
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« Reply #69 on: August 31, 2016, 12:38:01 PM »
« Edited: August 31, 2016, 05:51:57 PM by Pyro »


Robert Taft Supporters at the 1952 RNC

  On July 7th, the International Amphitheater, host of the Republican National Convention, opened its doors to an eager public. Those bosses and leading figures within the Republican Party excitedly awaited the opportunity to broadcast their message of unity and strength in contrast to the divided Democrats. This, after all, had been the party of the president. Not a word of the McCarthy Campaign was spoken, even by those sparse congressmen who endorsed the Wisconsinite. The primary was to be erased from history, in a sense, and now Dewey led the party in near-totality. The president's mission was now to achieve a complete unity.

  By the first evening, the GOP platform ended up quite a bit more liberal than anticipated. President Dewey had accomplished much of what the '48 platform offered, and now new steps were necessary in order to sway old Truman voters and conservatives alike. The party took a clear stance on civil rights: wholly endorsing social reform and stating that a "new era in human rights has reached our horizon." New promises of equal education, firm anti-lynching laws, and long-term reversal of Jim Crow lay squarely in the center of the platform. Led by Dewey and his growing contingent of moderates and liberals, another plank was added stating preference with, "our rights as free individuals to partake in any and all social or political organization lest a clear and present danger should be determined." In other words, this 1952 platform endorsed the Eugene Dennis decision.

  As one may expect, these progressive gains also required a counterbalance. The party platform, as its predecessor had, celebrated the Taft-Hartley Act and proclaimed its usage necessary in order to preserve a stable economic landscape. As a means to satisfy the McCarthy voters and ensure there was no chance of a contested nomination, the platform even included a number of right-leaning economic pledges of which Dewey personally disagreed. These included an end to wage and price controls, the protection of free trade, a reduction of "waste" in the federal budget, and further promises to "streamline" pension plans.

  President Dewey, following a formal nomination by Senator Wayne Morse (R-OR), was chosen to be the party's nominee on the first ballot. Former President Hoover would give a few words endorsing Dewey following Morse's endorsement. As for the vice presidential pick, that one turned out a touch more complex than the administration hoped. Dewey crossed Warren off of his shortlist, and suggested to Brownell that they ought to ask Eisenhower or MacArthur for the slot. Brownell, speaking frankly to his boss, urged for a compromise pick. "The wounds hadn't yet healed from the McCarthy primary and the party needed a dose of Dristan."

  Brownell requested an audience with Bob Taft on the third night of the convention. A skeptical Taft agreed. "We were walking on this dime of thin ice. I hated the bastard, even more so than Dewey had, but in order to ensure the vitality of the president's mandate, it was either him or Joe McCarthy. 'Bob,' I told him, 'we need a winning ticket.' Kefauver could have us whipped in the right circumstance and the whole blasted world knew it.

  "We offered the man a say on foreign policy, economic proposals, you name it, but he had no interest. [...] Never discovered if he knew about the cancer yet, but now his reluctance makes more sense. No, Taft refused the slot, but he finally agreed to endorse Dewey barring our accepting his choice of VP. Totally drained and ready to walk out, I asked him who exactly that would be. He took a moment and then handed me a folded campaign flier with black ink scribbled in: NIXON FOR AMERICA"


REPUBLICAN BALLOT: PRES1st Call1206 DELEGATES
Thomas E. Dewey935
Joseph McCarthy181
Others/Blank90

REPUBLICAN BALLOT: VICE1st Call1206 DELEGATES
Richard M. Nixon1206
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« Reply #70 on: August 31, 2016, 03:41:19 PM »

YES! Grin
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« Reply #71 on: August 31, 2016, 09:27:34 PM »

As I read that, I was thinking Bricker. But Nixon's fine too.
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Pyro
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« Reply #72 on: September 01, 2016, 05:37:51 PM »


A Californian had to be swapped for a Californian after all Cheesy

As I read that, I was thinking Bricker. But Nixon's fine too.

Was considering Bricker for some time for the role. Keeping in mind Taft would probably be looking for a young, rising star to continue his push for conservative policies, the scales were slightly tipped. Dewey will certainly keep his eye on Bricker though, dontcha worry!
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Pyro
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« Reply #73 on: September 02, 2016, 04:44:31 PM »


The Contested DNC, 1952

  July 21st. The Democratic Convention was to begin processions in the very same auditorium rented by the Republicans some weeks prior. The news had been filled to the brim with reports of the RNC since its opening day, from President Dewey withstanding Senator McCarthy to clinch the nomination to the young and largely unknown VP nominee, Senator Richard Nixon, receiving endorsements from Bob Taft and Senator Everett Dirksen (R-IL). As Dewey remarked in his acceptance speech, "Our Grand Party stands here tonight united. This November, all of America shall stand united."

  This DNC, from its first breaths, found itself bathing in heated controversy. Outside of the venue when guests initially arrived, five protesters chanted against the pro-segregation candidates. One had a sign reading, "Thurmond for President of the Confederacy," poking fun at his Southern heritage and demeaning his support for segregation. The names of those protesting remain uncertain, though it is confirmed by modern historians that they had no connection to the Kefauver Campaign. It took only a short twenty minutes before a handful of delegates from Southern states shouted down at the protesters, with one grabbing the sign and stomping it apart. A brawl broke out on the doorsteps of the convention, with seven individuals sent to the hospital for injuries. "Quite the precedent," one convention go-er stated to the local NBC branch. The fight was on.

  Inside the arena, the arguments between these differing factions of the party took on a (slightly) more peaceful tone. Signage had been prevalent from each delegation and the vast array of differing names displayed upon these signs indicated the expected length of this convention. Although Kefauver had won nearly every primary contest, he was far from winning over the whole of the party. The establishment became divided between numerous candidates. Eisenhower had a message delivered to the Democratic Committee stating that he would, in no circumstance, run against President Dewey. This piece was not revealed to the public until August.

 President Truman arrived to speak at the convention on its first night, and he was the sole party representative who received applause from each of the argumentative factions. He rallied hard against the Republican Machine, exclaiming that their "servile nature" to deliver benefits to corporate interests meant there was, "never a serious pledge to thwart monopolies." He went on to attack the "shadowy cloud hovering over this Polecat Commission" and urged the next president bring about transparency in the realm of exposing Communist conspiracy. For every plank in the Republican platform, Truman had a retort, and one could easily argue that the former president gave the greatest speech at the event. The Missourian did not endorse any one candidate, and provided no mention of Eisenhower. He did urge the convention nominate a man with, "Compassion for his country, a fierce dedication for our democratic ideals, and an intuition sharp enough to pierce steel."

  The delegates enjoyed this short-lived, unifying moment at the DNC, yet the former president failed to provide an adequate solution for the issues at hand. Following Truman came the platform debates, and these lasted well into the third day. The 1952 platform, when finalized, pledged to move towards expanding the New Deal, protecting democratic nations across the sea, and challenge the Republican hegemony. Once more, the party provided no insight relating to segregation or civil rights, but the liberal faction chose instead to save its fervor for the nominating process. With no time to lose, the first ballot was taken, and it would provide definitive partisan lines. Somewhere in the chaos, the party center whispered a new name: former Commerce Secretary W. Averell Harriman.

  Ballots upon ballots were cast, and just as the bosses desired, Kefauver plateaued. Some names climbed up the list while others disappeared. Senator Hubert Humphrey, a Kefauver supporter who had no intention of casting his name for the running, ended up in the No. 7 spot on the fifth ballot. President Truman ended up with nearly 100 votes on the seventh ballot, then fluttered back to 40. Kefauver, Russell and Eisenhower remained in the top standings. By the fourth call, Thurmond dropped out and endorsed Russell. Then Senator John Sparkman (D-AL) followed suit. Eisenhower-supporter James E. Murray (D-MT) crossed faction lines and called for the nomination of Harriman halfway through the eighth call. A delegate from New York read aloud a letter from Eleanor Roosevelt wholeheartedly endorsing Kefauver during the ninth ballot. The whole thing was nearing complete chaos. An elder reporter from the New York Times printed on July 27th that, "Not since my introduction to political affairs at the Democratic balloting in 1924 have I seen such a scene."

  Fifteen ballots in an no one candidate had come close to the required threshold of 820 votes. At last, the South seemed to be settled with a candidate: Senator Richard Russell, Jr. Noticing an emerging middle-ground between the hard-line segregationists and the moderate reformists, Senator Kerr relinquished his consistent 145-delegate base and endorsed Russell. The Georgian senator soared to second place on the fifteenth ballot, surpassing Eisenhower. Kefauver delegates began to lose steam: coming to the realization that the Democratic bosses would not allow the nomination of their liberal candidate. Roughly eighty moderates in the Eisenhower camp left to join either Harriman or Russell. As New Jersey delegate and Ike supporter Linus Winder stated to reporters, "We lost this one, but we will fight like hell for four years regardless of the nominee."

  It all happened in an instant after this transitional "crossing" period. Much like a stock market panic, Eisenhower's base tanked and flooded straight into the Russell column. This occurred as last Southerner on the balloting, Senator Alben Barkley (D-KY), tepidly endorsed the Georgian for the sake of, "moving damn forward." Senator Richard Russell reached 824 votes on the seventeenth ballot: solidifying his place as the Democratic nominee for president. As many of the party insiders predicted, however, this turned out to be a disastrous decision.

  Russell's win spurred a momentous, spontaneous walkout by the liberal Democrats. Truman-ers and the party center booed as the left-leaning, anti-segregation sect abandoned the party. Senator Kefauver led this angry parade along with a slew of other prominent figures. To name a few, this contingent included senators Hubert Humphrey and Brien McMahon (D-CT), governors Frank Lausche, G. Mennen Williams (D-MI) and Paul Dever (D-MA), California Attorney General Pat Brown (D-CA), and representatives Eugene McCarthy (D-MN) and John F. Kennedy (D-MA). For all intents and purposes, this election was over.


DEMOCRATIC BALLOT: PRES1st Call5th Call10th Call15th Call17th Call1230 DELEGATES
Richard Russell, Jr.221235227362824
Estes Kefauver381379372370296
A. Averell Harriman225110212360
Dwight Eisenhower25125524123144
Frank Lausche532321202
Harry S. Truman305940302
Robert S. Kerr153145146121
Adlai Stevenson23111
Alben W. Barkley212258690
Paul A. Dever4151860
Hubert Humphrey141330
Strom Thurmond810000
OTHERS/BLANK112131
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« Reply #74 on: September 04, 2016, 02:59:35 PM »


Senator Hubert Humphrey Speaking Before a Crowd, September 1952

  Following the DNC, President Dewey absolutely relished in the seemingly irreversible demise of the opposition. Looking ahead, Dewey waited until September to begin campaigning in earnest. Senator Nixon led campaign efforts on the West Coast, giving a multitude of speeches in favor of Dewey's anti-Communist domestic and foreign policies. With Nixon, Taft, and the bulk of the GOP end of the Conservative Coalition now on-board with the presidential ticket, the tense McCarthy-esque "Red Scare" fear tactics of 1947-51 became obsolete. Republicans, by 1952, were in near-universal agreement that the Polecat Commission, along with the newly established Central Intelligence Agency, rendered espionage and terrorist threats incapable. The Eugene Dennis decision remained a controversial matter for the moment, but the fear behind this, too, would fade.

  Senator Richard Russell, Jr. had been having quite the difficult time since the Democratic Convention closed its doors. He paid no mind to the walkout of the liberal contingent of the party, believing they would not act fool enough to work against their own party. Russell had already been planning on pivoting away from social issues in the general election, and only focused on civil rights when such pertained to the Dewey Administration. For instance, when responding to the speculation that the president would have a share of influence in a theoretical overturning of Plessy v. Ferguson, Russell spat, "Doing so would constitute an egregious abuse of executive power." Although the Georgian certainly stood in favor of retaining existing Jim Crow and segregation laws, Russell exclaimed in his acceptance speech that, "For the sake of our economic future and for the sake of our nation's weakened defense strata, we will ensure Mr. Dewey is a one-term president."

  Russell had hoped for a shred of unity in this divided party. Though known for his conscientious nature, the Georgian sought methods of mediation in order to overcome the split. Seeking a "forthright civility," the senator advocated for the vice presidential nomination of former Commerce Secretary W. Averell Harriman. Besides serving in the Truman Administration, Harriman had taken an active role in foreign affairs during the Second World War. The Russell team believed that bringing on Harriman would attract moderate Truman Democrats, satisfy those who were wary of Senator Russell's lack of foreign policy expertise, and would placate the uneasy Northern bosses. Russell/Harriman became the official ticket of the Democratic Party on July 28th.

  Though Russell won the nomination without the need for any underhanded tactics, the liberals refused to recognize the Democratic nominating process as anything other than undemocratic. Washington Post columnist Henry Pluck detailed the ordeal in an August piece. "Primary elections designate pledged delegates in most cases, but as we've seen at the Democratic National Convention, winning primary contests is not an assurance of the nomination, much less a required path to the convention. [...] The process is far from perfected, but the process is more democratic today than it has ever been."

  The left-leaning contingent of the Democratic Party saw things from an alternate perspective. Kefauver won fifteen of sixteen primaries. In the eyes of liberal activists like James Hartford of New York, "The people chose Kefauver. The men pulling the strings picked Russell and Harriman. It was a ruse from the get-go. Those delegates from landslide Kefauver states no right to endorse a candidate whom had not even appeared on the ballot." This sentiment went beyond picketers and unionists. The Tennessean himself stated that the primary voters, "overwhelmingly voted against cronyism and segregation," and therefore he did not recognize Russell as the party's nominee.

  On July 31st, 1952, a handful of New Dealer, anti-segregation congressmen including representatives Daniel J. Flood (D-PA) and Richard Walker Bolling (D-MO) launched the New Democratic Organization. The purpose behind this frontier had initially been a, "nonpartisan investigation into charges of corruption in the highest ranks of the present Democratic leadership." Within days of growing public interest into the intent and power of the NDO, Senator Kefauver endorsed the endeavor. This effort snowballed into public speculation that the sitting Democratic National Committee may have had a hand in covering up a bribery scandal involving Representative Andrew J. May (D-KY).

  Press headlines involving the NDO and the DNC encapsulated the first half of August, and Senator Kefauver, widely known as a vocal champion against corruption, encouraged the public stand against the party committee and push for the truth. According to Kefauver in a contemporary Meet the Press interview, "Yes, it was right about then that the letters started pouring in. Thousands a day: postcards, handwritten notes, envelopes carrying pennies, all of it. Each asked of me the same thing, to begin a national campaign." The senator stated that although he initially shrugged off the idea as one which could damage his own influence in Congress, he was unable to rid the thought from his mind.

  Senator Hubert Humphrey, deemed by Kefauver a dazzling and effective orator, was designated with the responsibility of informing the press. "Today, September 12th, it is my pleasure to inform you all that the founding committee of the New Democratic Organization has made a unanimous decision. Two weeks from this moment, the doors of the International Amphitheater in Chicago shall open one more time."


"Corruption Drives Wedge Between Democrats, Experts Say 3-Way Race
The Sacramento Bee, September 12th, 1952

"To Hell With Unity, says Pinko Kefauver Spokesman! Dewey Prepares Inaugural Attire!"
National Enquirer, September 14th, 1952
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