You Can't Shoot An Idea

[Kingpoleon]

I wonder if Rush Limbaugh, Senior, a member of the progressive Committee of 48, will play a role in this.

Besides him, I expect Wayne Morse, Henry Wallace, Eleanor Roosevelt, and maybe even Frank Zeidler will be the top candidates for the Progressives.

[Pyro]

I wonder if Rush Limbaugh, Senior, a member of the progressive Committee of 48, will play a role in this.

Besides him, I expect Wayne Morse, Henry Wallace, Eleanor Roosevelt, and maybe even Frank Zeidler will be the top candidates for the Progressives.

Well, I will say that one of those figures you mentioned will have a critical role in the near future

[Pyro]

Senator Kefauver Quelling an Excited Crowd, September 1952

  "Believe it or not, those involved with the Dewey '52 effort were hard at work from Day One. The press reported as if it were 1948 in claiming we were not moving strategically. Dewey and I learned from our mistakes. We learned well and true how brash overconfidence nearly cost us that race: even in a multi-party circumstance. [...] Post-convention we had our men circling the nation. Coke Stevenson was working for us in Dallas, Dwight Green in Chicago, Prescott Bush in the Northeast..."

  In this passage of his autobiography, Herbert Brownell described the early autumn outlook on the general contest. As political speculation shifted towards the New Democratic Organization, political commentators remarked on the apparent placated Republicans. Although, as Brownell mentioned, the campaign had surrogates throughout the country, Dewey himself did not embark on an actual whistle-stop tour until mid-September. "I would not deny," the White House Staff Paramount espoused, "that the president was as interested in the NDO as the rest of America had been."
 
  The New Democratic Organization held its first official public convention on September 26th, 1952 in Chicago. Liberals and independents, trade unionists and agrarian populists, men and women from all corners of the country arrived in the Windy City to witness what would become of this progressive organization. This event proved to be quite unique in comparison with the other political conventions. The heading committee had been founded mere weeks ago and no attendee was sure if the convention was even intended to nominate a candidate: although a great deal attending certainly hoped it would.

  Representative Richard Bolling of Missouri, Vice Chairman of the New Democratic Committee, addressed the crowd. He announced that he, along with the fourteen other members of the committee, would be formally endorsing Senator Estes Kefauver for president. "We have received expressive endorsements from over two-hundred Kefauver delegates. In holding to the fire the scripture of democracy, that power must derive directly from the people, we stand to trust the voters of this great nation." Improvised delegates, made up of union representatives, congressmen and other leading figures, voted in acclamation for the nomination of Kefauver.

  The delegates voted on a handful of urgent issues, including most significantly, the choice to found the New Democratic Party of America. Opting to formally separate themselves from the Democrats generated lengthy debate, as doing so set a precedent that the members of the NDO would no longer affiliate themselves with their old party. A small minority, in the end, ended up voting against the measure, but when a decision had been reached, the entire delegation stuck by it. Adopting methods previously utilized by the 1924 and 1948 iterations of the Progressives, this new third party outwardly rejected the two-party duopoly and corralled around their larger-than-life presidential candidate. However, unlike these previous instances, the New Democrats also voted to run separate from the Democratic Party in down ballot races, as Bolling would put it, "Only under the backdrop of our present circumstances."

  As per political issues and the party platform, the organization came out loud and clear against segregation and Jim Crow. Though there had been plenty of divisive issues at the most recent Democratic conventions, this one in particular was what truly crossed the line. Representative John Lesinski, Jr., a delegate from Michigan, stated to reporters, "The Dixiecrats had their say in 1948, President Truman brushed the issue aside. Now we've seen them set the entire agenda, from civil rights to corporate tax relief."

  Not unlike platforms of previous Progressive parties, the New Democrats voted in favor of planks describing tougher regulations for major American industries, increased agricultural subsidies, and the promotion of trade and industrial labor unions. The final platform also advocated for a greater amount of transparency in government affairs, an uncompromising expansion of the New Deal, an overhaul of the Polecat Commission, and plenty of other minor or regional tidbits. In regards to foreign policy, the platform appeared nearly identical to the other two parties.

  Senator Kefauver himself arrived on the third and final day of the convention to thunderous applause. The Tennessean endorsed each and every part of the party platform and accepted the nomination of the party. "It is past due we found a democratic party which actually lives up to its namesake." He remarked that the choice for vice president had been clear, and Senator Humphrey eagerly accepted the opportunity. Humphrey, too, had been nominated by acclamation. These two now began the perilous journey of building this underdog of a third party.

Senators Kefauver and Humphrey Launch Third Party Bid, No Comment from Senator Russell
NBC Headline, September 29th, 1952

Henry Wallace, James Roosevelt Endorse New Democratic Party Platform
The New York Times, September 29th, 1952

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Regardless of who wins, Nixon '56.

[Pyro]

The Checkers Speech

  "Phil McIntosh of the Tribune oversaw these poll results, exemplifying Dewey's astounding lead over the two challengers. [...] We are now learning, this from our partner station in Pasadena, that Senator Richard Nixon of California has reportedly accepted hefty, possibly illegal, contributions from supporters. Yes... (handed a sheet of paper) Right. According to our Democratic correspondent in Los Angeles, interregnum Committee Chair Mike Monroney has released an official statement on the matter, condemning Mr. Nixon for his alleged fund. There is not yet confirmation of these accusations, but we will inform you as the story develops."

  Douglas Edwards of CBS was the first national anchor to report on Nixon's Fund Crisis.First leaked to a Pasadena news organization, the media reported in early September that Nixon had accepted several thousand dollars from nameless donors. Indeed, the senator had been caught with his pants down and the public latched onto the story. Seemingly uncannily like bribery, the Democrats pounced on the controversy, with DNC Chair Monroney confirming the seriousness of these accusations. Monroney would go on to question the morality of Nixon's fund and call for Nixon's resignation from the ticket.

  For a moment, with every major media foundation working the story nonstop, all seemed assured that Dewey would be forced to ask for Nixon to leave the ticket. Just when the public had been convinced that the Democratic Party was in bed with big business and Southern aristocrats, the Republicans won back the spotlight. H.R. Haldeman, a senior aid to Senator Nixon, gave the following account of the incident some decades later.

  "Ah, yes, the dreaded Fund. (laughs) Well of course Dewey lost it, who wouldn't? Dick was floundering on the campaign trail in trying to respond to these questions off-script. There was always some 'smart-alec' yelling about the damned contributions and Nixon struggled to ignore the fellow. As if Russell hadn't been raking in the dough from his own legion of plantation owners. [...] Though, you see, this is where the genius of Nixon came hand in hand. He never thought so himself, but Dick knew exactly how to work the public, and he was our resident master of the media."

  Herbert Brownell had even relented to the president that Nixon should resign before approval poll numbers slip away once more. With the ongoing controversy over the NDO and Kefauver, charges of corruption were the last thing the administration needed. Dewey himself was none too fond of Senator Nixon, and held a fair amount of distrust for his VP nominee. As then-governor Dewey had stated four year prior, "Any friend of Taft is no friend of mine." Figuring, however, that he could skillfully maneuver his way out of any situation, President Dewey opted to conduct a telephone call with Senator Nixon.

  Dewey sorted through a list of options for Nixon over the phone, including the idea of appearing on national television. Though the two discussed a multitude of options that night, Nixon kept returning to the TV spot. Sensing an opening, Dewey explained to Nixon that should he give a speech on evening television announcing his resignation from the ticket along with his Senate seat, the president would ensure Nixon launch a remarkable comeback. That is to say, Dewey would assist with a guaranteed Nixon win in the '54 California gubernatorial election and, beyond this, stated he would personally endorse Nixon for president in 1956. Nixon agreed to these terms and hung up the phone.

  "My fellow Americans, I come before you tonight as a candidate for the Vice Presidency, and as a man whose honor and integrity has been questioned." Three days later, on October 1st, Richard Nixon gave his "Checkers Speech" on national TV. All eyes were on the senator, from Dewey to Taft to Truman. Nixon sat there in front of the cameras speaking as calmly as possible and looking young and suave with his pressed suit and tie. "Not one cent of the $18,000 or any other money of that type ever went to me for my personal use. Every penny of it was used to pay for political expenses... We lived rather modestly. For four years we lived in an apartment in Parkfairfax, in Alexandria, Virginia."

  "We did get something - a gift- after the election. It was a little cocker spaniel dog in a crate sent all the way from Texas. And our little girl - Tricia, the 6-year old - named it Checkers... regardless what they say about it, we're gonna keep it." Brownell, observing the production with President Dewey, recalled that it was at this precise moment when he whispered that Nixon would crown himself president someday. According to Brownell, Dewey, intently watching his running-mate's moves, frowned and nodded in agreement. Then it was that the spark went off.

  "And as far as this is concerned, I intend to continue this fight. And I think that the only man that can keep America on this path to success is the man running for President on my ticket - Thomas Dewey... Let me say this: I don't believe I ought to quit because I'm not a quitter... Wire and write the RNC whether you think I should stay on or whether I should get off. And whatever their decision is, I will abide by it." President Dewey stood up and walked out of the living area of his hotel room, leaving his campaign staff sitting in front of the television set. The door slammed to the bedroom, Dewey picked up the phone.

"Nixon's speech is a complete vindication against one of the most vicious smears in American history."
Senator Karl E. Mundt (R-SD), October 2nd, 1952

"We Want Nixon! We Want Nixon! We Want Nixon!"
Improvised Chant from Crowd at Cleveland Venue. Dewey Planned to Give His 'Post-Nixon Speech' Here. October 1st, 1952

[Present]

Bravo, Richard Nixon. He had that rare gift of being likable while doing things that would get others booed. I wonder what Dewey will do... Would Nixon even consider a Southern Strategy with this vastly different political landscape?

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Nixon, you're amazing.

[Pyro]

Senator Russell Addresses Supporters in Florida, October 1952

  Herbert Brownell wrote that, in the immediate aftermath of the Checkers Speech, "The president slammed the bedroom door and phoned Nixon. We could hear the shouting from the other room before Dewey eventually calmed himself, which was fortunate for all of us: God forbid the president have an aneurysm. I was able to decipher only a small portion of the ordeal, but it seemed to amount to the fact that Nixon weaseled himself back onto the ticket. Some speculated a threat was made, but I would not give credence to that suggestion. Dewey is not one to back down from a challenge. However, his willingness to hear others out certainly proved detrimental time to time."

  President Dewey delivered a brief, hastily re-written address in Cleveland. In it he affirmed that, ultimately, the VP decision would come down to the Republican Committee. The audience reacted in a way which exemplified the pro-Nixon attitude emerging at this time, meaning they boo'ed at suggestions Nixon be replaced and cheered when Dewey spoke fondly of his running mate. Nonetheless, Dewey did not allow himself to base his decision right then and there (at least in public). He understood that Nixon had shifted the dialogue with his televised speech, and was hardly shocked when letters began pouring in by the millions in support of Senator Nixon and his dear canine companion.

  The Republican Party leadership, too recognizing the shift in tone from the press and the GOP electorate in regards to Nixon, informed President Dewey that there would be no instruction to remove the Californian from the ticket. The president concurred, and informed Nixon sometime in mid-October that the presidential ticket would remain as it was. Senator Nixon resumed campaigning in the Western states: not once receiving another question from the press about his alleged fund.

  Senators Kefauver and Russell campaigned throughout the mid-October weeks, each hoping to persuade increasingly discouraged Democratic voters and independents to back their respective bids. Russell, with the South already assured to vote in his favor, appeared alongside Averell Harriman in "swing-able" states like Maryland and Delaware. Should the Fund crisis overwhelm the Dewey Campaign, Russell believed, he would eek out wins in a handful of mid-Atlantic states and the Western Truman states. Although, as previously discussed, the post-Checkers populace adored Senator Nixon, Russell only doubled-down in securing these regions.

  Expecting the black vote to hand Dewey overwhelming wins in Ohio and Illinois, neither candidate in the opposition spent much time in the Industrial Midwest. The president had announced that he had already begun publicly drafting Jim Crow-smashing legislation, stating that with Republican wins across the board, "Voting restrictions intended to dissuade non-White races shall be abolished." When news of this broke on October 15th, Senator Kefauver tweaked his campaign message.

  In addition to a solid pledge to outlaw all forms of race discrimination within his first Hundred Days in office, Kefauver launched an assault against Dewey: declaring that progressives Democrats, "Led by Presidents Roosevelt and Truman," had done more for the black population than any Republican in the modern era. This apparent olive branch to the Missourian did little to alter Truman's, albeit lukewarm, backing of the official Democratic nominees.

  With mere weeks to Election Day, one final notable individual made his official endorsement. Though prevalent NBC speculation on the matter led to this inevitable conclusion, former Defense Secretary Dwight Eisenhower announced his unflinching support for President Dewey.

"Ike Likes Dewey!"
CBS Headline, October 27th, 1952

"Senator Richard Nixon Greets Largest Crowd Yet in Los Angeles!"
The New York Times, October 22nd, 1952

"Senator Russel Responds to Dewey's Race Agenda from Tallahassee:
"We in the South are being Unfairly Targeted by this President!""
Chicago Tribune, October 21st, 1952

[Pyro]

Voting Line in Los Angeles, November 4th, 1952

  Election Day had finally arrived, and although there had been moments of conclusive obscurity along the way, the polls had demonstrated in the final weeks of the race that President Dewey held a comfortable lead over the other candidates. Not once in the entire race had Dewey fallen below either Kefauver or Russel in the polling results. Even at the president's lowest point, in the midst of the McCarthy hullabaloo, he still retained a two-point advantage over his closest opponents. More so, unlike in 1948, polling agencies continued to survey the electorate through November in order to ensure an accurate report be made.

  Senator Richard Russell, the Democratic nominee, had increasing difficulties breaking through in any areas of the country outside of his core base. Though he stressed his openness to economic and political reforms in nearly every speech and statement, his unwillingness to be open to compromise on segregation led to a series of aggravating developments for the candidate. The Massachusetts Democratic Party chose to, with roughly fourteen days to the election, place Kefauver in the Democratic slot instead of Russell. Russell and traditional Bostonian Democrats attempted to appeal this decision, but it only garnered more attention to the cause. Similar decisions were reached by local committees throughout New England, and commentators printed that larger states like New York and Illinois would likely have done the same if certain deadlines hadn't passed.

  Estes Kefauver pushed for this exact circumstance to occur. He and much of the NDO pushed to include Kefauver in ballots throughout the country, and if possible, have his name be placed above Russell. Due to his late entrance into the race, Kefauver was unable to accomplish much of his organization's agenda, but he certainly had laid the groundwork for a more-permanent third party. Wallace's Progressive Party in mid-September formally endorsed the New Democratic Party, and the two organizations coalesced shortly after. Liberal and left-leaning (non-Communist) state parties endorsed the NDP from September down to Election Day itself. Local chapters for New Democrats had even appeared in most major metropolitan areas.

  These aforementioned developments for the new party were far from enough to prove hugely influential in major elections, much less the presidential race. Therefore, neither Russell nor Kefauver stood much of a chance in the larger scheme of things. Though Russell had indeed been celebrated throughout his selected region and Kefauver led an increasing number of supporters, the Republican Party was, frankly, a shoe-in. Between Taft and McCarthy bowing to Dewey at the RNC, Nixon's address sparking newfound sympathy and adoration for the Californian senator, and Eisenhower's recent endorsement of the president, the Dewey Campaign had comfortably won over the American people. Should Kefauver have been the Democratic nominee, one historian H. Chandler fancied, he would likely have given Dewey a, "sure-fire run for his money."

  The results had been counted over radio and television that night, November 4th, 1952. National networks stated that they had reached their highest viewership on record: with nearly four million Americans in possession of television sets by '52. Independent organizations reported turnout rates between 60 to 65%, far higher than four years prior. Initial results coming in from New England showed unpredictably high vote totals for Kefauver. Massachusetts and Rhode Island, and their 20 Electoral Votes, went to the Tennessean. The NDP candidate lost, albeit narrowly, Connecticut. The remaining New England states had been comfortably won by Thomas Dewey.

  New York, as polls had demonstrated was to be the case, was taken by President Dewey with 58% of the vote. The Empire State, along with Pennsylvania, were called for Dewey immediately following the closing of polling places in these states. The rest of the Mid-Atlantic followed suit, with New Jersey, Maryland and Delaware proving to be easy wins for the incumbent. The Dewey Campaign, with an already-commanding lead, breathed a sigh of relief. This was not to be a repeat of the tense closeness of 1948's presidential race.

  In an odd sort of shock to the Democratic leadership in this state and its overall voting trend, Virginia voted Dewey. The president won with a clear, three percent margin in this state, and only narrowly lost West Virginia and Kentucky to Senator Russell. In each of these, as would be the case in a dozen or so states in which Senator Kefauver had not been on the ballot, Russell lost upwards of 5% of his expected vote to write-ins for the Tennessean. Dewey won Virginia and thanks, in part, to this splitting development, he too managed to eek out a win in Tennessee. The remaining Southern states voted in clear favor of Russell as the Democratic nominee. President Dewey picked up Missouri, Oklahoma, New Mexico and Arizona as well, with fairly clear margins of over 5%.

  Kefauver managed to defeat Russell in Ohio, Illinois and Wisconsin, but fell far short of where Thomas Dewey ended up. The president won landslide wins in the whole of the Midwest: picking up every state from Minnesota to Ohio. Then in the West, where Truman fiercely competed four years prior and won a fair amount of these states in the process, Thomas Dewey again swept the region. The Mountain states, as with the Midwest, had Kefauver ending up in second place instead of Russell, but this split Democratic vote handed Dewey these traditionally Democratic Electoral Votes. Washington, which had sided with Wallace in '48, was won rather confidently by Dewey, although Kefauver had a fair showing despite not appearing on the ballot.

  Those political speculators which had eyed the '52 Election with a more skeptical eye became fixated on California. These figures, chiefly involved with Democratic-leaning publications, estimated that California would be the closest state in this contest, and in the case of a squeaker, would decide the whole race. When results came in, however, it exemplified the falsity of this claim. President Dewey won the state of California with 62%: likely thanks to Senator Nixon. That was it, and luckily for the incumbent, there would be no House vote this time around.

"There you have it. Our first two-term Republican since William McKinley.
NBC Broadcast, Election Day

[Pyro]

The Election of 1952: Final Results

[Pyro]

1952 Congressional Elections  

Senate
Republican: 51 (0)
Democratic: 40 (-5)
New Democratic: 5 (+5)

House
Republican: 221 (+3)
Democratic: 154 (-60)
New Democratic: 58 (+58)
American Labor: 1 (0)
Independent: 1 (0)
Progressive: 0 (-1)

 Senate Leadership

Majority Leader John S. Cooper (R-KY)
Sen. Minority Leader Ernest McFarland (D-AZ)
Sen. Minority Leader Mike Mansfield (ND-MT)

 House of Representatives Leadership

Speaker Joseph Martin (R-MA)
Minority Leader Albert Gore Sr. (D-TN)
Minority Leader John William McCormack (ND-MA)
Minority Leader Vito Marcantonio (AL-NY)

  As goes the presidency, so goes Congress. With resounding disappointment in the Democratic Party as a whole, and an overall feeling that the country was indeed headed in the right direction, Republicans walloped Democrats across the board. The Party of Dewey retained its seats in the Senate and gained three in the House. Senator John S. Cooper had been selected to fill the shoes of the late Nebraskan Majority Leader Ken Wherry, and he thusly received personal congratulations from the president.

  Among the most curious and exciting races for conservatives had been the Arizona Senate race in which controversial hardliner Barry Goldwater defeated the incumbent, Senator Ernest McFarland. Goldwater's polling information found the challenger with a healthy four point lead by Election Day, and it certainly held up. Similar polls from September revealed Joseph McCarthy holding a confident lead over Democrat Thomas E. Fairchild. Likewise, fairly popular senators Zales N. Ecton (R-MT) and Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. (R-MA) were deemed likely to hold their seats.

  The Kefauver conundrum had altered the plans of the Senate Republicans, and a great deal of them were caught off-guard by the amount of populist, insurgent candidates entering each race. Under the New Democratic Party label, these challengers appeared in 36 states, and unlike in the presidential race, many managed to surpass their Democratic counterparts in pure vote totals. New Democrats, in totality, won five Senate seats and fifty-eight House seats: although for the latter, over forty had been disgruntled Democratic incumbents switching party labels.

  Those five initial New Democrats entering the Senate had been John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts, Mike Mansfield of Montana, John O. Pastore of Rhode Island, Henry M. Jackson of Washington, and, in the greatest shock of all, Philip La Follette of Wisconsin. Kennedy and Jackson, having been endorsed by their state's rather liberal Democratic parties, had no major problem defeating stale GOP incumbents with fiery messages of hope for the future.

  Senator John O. Pastore (ND-RI) had been the incumbent Democrat in his state, and although his re-election was likely, it was by no means assured. When he decided to run as a cross-ticket Democrat/New Democrat, an Independent candidate jumped in to challenge both Pastore and GOP nominee Bayard Ewing. One Walter K. Ritchie represented the Democratic establishment in the race, and announced his candidacy as a referendum against Senator Pastore's refusal to endorse Russell for president. In the end, the incumbent prevailed, but by a mere 4%. Henry M. Jackson (ND-WA) had a near-identical circumstance in his race, and like Pastore, he came out on top.

  Joseph McCarthy, incumbent Republican senator of Wisconsin, had exited the primary race with President Dewey saddened, yet unwilling to allow the president the satisfaction of silencing the, "unfettered truth," of Communist conspiracy throughout the United States. McCarthy briefly returned to Washington before embarking on his re-election bid. Running against McCarthy had been judge Thomas Fairchild, an unlikable figure blamed for shutting down a popular radio show in his home state.

  Prior to McCarthy's tenure, Senator Robert La Follette, Jr. had served as a left-leaning standard-bearer for his father's famous cause. La Follette lost in 1946 to McCarthy, and he was unable to again breathe the fire imbibed in his family lineage. Now, inspired by Senator Kefauver and the inglorious defeat of McCarthy to the president, Robert's brother, former Wisconsin Governor Phillip La Follette, took up the charge as a New Democrat. Not only was the younger La Follette able to revive the coalition which had brought victory to his family in the past, but vast portions of the Democratic electorate voted for him instead of their official nominee. This insurgent defeated McCarthy by one percentage point, thereby putting to a final end to an era of Congressional fear-mongering.

 

Senators Elected in 1952 (Class 1)
Barry Goldwater (R-AZ): Republican Gain w/ 51%
William F. Knowland (R-CA): Republican Hold w/ 89%
Prescott Bush (R-CT): Republican Gain w/ 51%
John J. Williams (R-DE): Republican Hold w/ 53%
Spessard Holland (D-FL): Democratic Hold w/ 80%
William E. Jenner (R-IN): Republican Hold w/ 53%
Frederick G. Payne (R-ME): Republican Hold w/ 59%
James G. Beall (R-MD): Republican Gain w/ 52%
John F. Kennedy (ND-MA): New Democratic Gain w/ 47%
Charles E. Potter (R-MI): Republican Gain w/ 49%
Edward J. Thye (R-MN): Republican Hold w/ 56%
John C. Stennis (D-MS): Democratic Hold, Unopposed
Stuart Symington (D-MO): Democratic Gain w/ 51%
Mike Mansfield (ND-MT): New Democratic Gain w/ 49%
Hugh Butler (R-NE): Republican Hold w/ 67%
Dwight Griswold (SP)(R-NE): Republican Hold w/ 64%
George W. Malone (R-NV): Republican Hold w/ 51%
H. Alexander Smith (R-NJ): Republican Hold w/ 56%
Dennis Cháves (D-NM): Democratic Hold w/ 50%
Irving M. Ives (R-NY): Republican Hold w/ 54%
William Langer (R-ND): Republican Hold w/ 66%
John W. Bricker (R-OH): Republican Hold w/ 55%
Edward Martin (R-PA): Republican Hold w/ 51%
John O. Pastore (ND-RI): New Democratic Gain w/ 45%
Thomas J. Murray (D-TN): Democratic Hold w/ 70%
Price Daniel (D-TX): Democratic Hold w/ 79%
Arthur V. Watkins (R-UT): Republican Hold w/ 56%
Ralph E. Flanders (R-VT): Republican Hold w/ 70%
Harry F. Byrd (D-VA): Democratic Hold w/ 72%
Henry M. Jackson (ND-WA): New Democratic Gain w/ 43%
Harley M. Kilgore (D-WV): Democratic Hold w/ 51%
Philip La Follette (D-WI): New Democratic Gain w/ 41%
Frank A. Barrett (R-WY): Republican Gain w/ 50%

[Pyro]

President Thomas Dewey Chats With Vice President-elect Richard Nixon, November 5th, 1952

Chapter Three: The Unforeseen Threat

  President Thomas E. Dewey had confidently won his bid for re-election, confirming his seat in the Oval Office for four more years. Commanding the electorate with a 56% win, and in picking up those several Southern states, no longer had there been any doubts who was in charge. Dewey conquered the conservative legion in his own party, and now he had taken down the two challengers to his reign. President Dewey returned to his role as chief administrator, and began drawing up with Brownell his inaugural speech. In control of the tide, now was the time to press Congress for action.

  Democratic nominee Senator Richard Russell, Jr. was, in truth, hardly surprised to have lost. Yet when it came to his public image, the Georgian knew precisely how to save face. "Should we have had one single opponent," Russell uttered in his concession speech, "I stand confident that we may have turned the tables of federal intrusion and overreach. We must not condone this behavior in our party, and I join my colleagues in calling for an immediate censure of Mr. Kefauver. [...] For any Democrat who may wish to toss his or her membership and alignment in favor of conjoining with this fleeting fringe, I ask of the Democratic National Committee: Isn't it past due for a blacklist?"

 Russell hoped to squarely place the fault on Senator Kefauver in this instance, and many of his supporters promptly did so. Though there were those who point to other causes, immediately following the Georgian's speech, three Southern NDP offices were ransacked. Files had been stolen in two of these locations and one had its door painted with a racial epithet: likely due to Kefauver's views regarding segregation. As newsmen reported following this bleak November news, the divide within the Democratic column had not been washed away with the election.

  Senator Kefauver had delivered a quick and concise remark following his loss, simply commending President Dewey for his stellar performance and thanking his supporters for their resilience and determination. He did not mention his Democratic opponent. However, once the senator from Georgia made his declaration of war against the NDP, Kefauver opted to conduct a second address. Although the nation had unilaterally chosen Dewey for the presidency, the American public had not forgotten Estes Kefauver. The Tennessean's approval ratings remained untainted from the election, and both liberals and conservatives alike eagerly awaited his retort to Russell. Kefauver's response to Russell, later coined the, "In Defense of a New Democracy" Speech, is regarded by contemporary historians to be one matching the influence of William Jennings Bryan's "Cross of Gold."

  The New Democratic senator began his speech in a cordial, yet serious, manner. He stood in front of a wide-angled desk, wearing a bright tie and black jacket. "I speak before you today not as a candidate, nor a senator, but as a citizen. A citizen concerned with the direction of our country, and in possession of a proposal I hope to have your time with." Kefauver opened with a memory of hearing FDR on the radio for the first time, when the late president had been running for governor of New York. He stated that when President Roosevelt had drafted the New Deal, the conservative opposition rejected much of it -  before coming to the conclusion that such programs like Social Security were, "...necessary, of course! Could do with an adjustment here or there, they would say, but how could the United States go on without it?"

  Turning the conversation, the Tennessean pronounced that many of these radical ideas had been forthright rejected prior to their inception. "Integral members of the Democratic Party, of which I had been a proud affiliate for a great many years, embraced the New Deal and fought tooth-and-nail for these reforms. [...] Let there be no illusions. It has now become evident that our present Democratic Party is unrecognizable. I do not wish to speak ill of this present party, nor its representatives... I will, if you may, expand upon where I, and the Party of the New Democrats, do stand."

  Kefauver listed several bullet-points of the NDO platform, interjecting that President Roosevelt had endorsed such programs prior to his passing. "The right of an employee to work, the right to a fair income, the right to adequate medical care, the right to a decent public education. These proposals had made up the bulk of President Roosevelt's Second Bill of Rights. The Democratic Party has yet to move forward on these ideals, the New Democrats endorse this platform." Nearing the end of his finely-tuned eight-minute broadcast, the senator fired. "Ladies and gentlemen, this endeavor starts with you: our vigilant citizens. This election has concluded, but our work remains incomplete. Democracy has the strength embedded within it to thwart corruption, injustice and intolerance. Indeed, Senator Russell, I believe our 'fleeting fringe' can, in fact, build this New Democracy."

Kefauver Urges Civilian Participation, Interest Grows in New Party
Chicago Tribune, November 27th, 1952

Russell Offers No Retort to Kefauver Speech
The Sacramento Bee, November 29th, 1952

[Pyro]

President Dewey Speaking on Racial Inequality, January 20th, 1953

  Christmas had passed and snow had fallen all throughout D.C. President Dewey now worked day and night with his chief advisors toward a monumental inaugural address. Dewey's first address had settled the nation following an intense election, and it managed to satisfy in this regard. The president now hoped to accomplish a great deal more in this term than his first, knowing Congress now aligned with him.

  Dewey delivered his speech to a roaring public on January 20th, 1953. Although few portions of it were groundbreaking or unprecedented in any way, it certainly set in motion a new heap of policy proposals. Number one on Dewey's checklist was, as it had been all throughout his presidency, "securing our national defense" and "protecting democracy's sovereignty from ulterior tendencies." Alongside the Conservative Coalition, President Dewey proposed an increase in military spending to offset recent developments in the Soviet Union.

  The Dewey Administration oversaw the creation and successful testing of the first Hydrogen Bomb in November. Eons more powerful than the atomic weaponry utilized by the United States in World War II, the incumbent administration now possessed enough power to blow apart half the planet. The president, along with the bulk of both major political parties and much of the population, believed that remaining one step ahead of the Soviets would secure the safety of the nation. In other words, things were headed in this direction regardless of whom the sitting president had been.

  Second on the president's agenda were steps towards racial equality. "Our findings across three administrations report blanket prejudice..." in relation to public schooling and transportation. Dewey declared that local governments and educational institutions which do not carry out the "equality" stipulation in Plessy v. Ferguson, nor the "equal protection" clause of the Fourteenth Amendment shall be "guided" to do so. The president's vagueness on this point sat uncomfortably with civil rights activists, many of whom remained skeptical of Washington's authenticity. Activist and sociologist W.E.B. DuBois reflected on this key moment in Color At Dusk in which he recalled the,"ongoing Two-Faced persona," of the Dewey Administration, and its "insistence something be done, all while accomplishing nothing."

  Dewey's third chief pillar called for a continued flow of steady economic reforms. For the sake of assisting businesses driven into bankruptcy by the growth of monolithic corporations, the president called for Congress to pass "definitive" anti-monopoly legislation. He called into question the validity and effectiveness of the existing anti-trust laws and demanded an overhaul of the entire system. "When Main Street thrives, America thrives." All together the speech lasted roughly two-thousand words and ended without much hurrah or exclamation.

  While the president had, according to his memoirs, rather enjoyed serving in his role and believed his programs were worth the effort, he did not look forward to serving with Richard Nixon. The two had butted-heads with the Checkers fiasco and Dewey was wary of Nixon's magician-like ability to manipulate those around him. However, firing his vice president was no longer an option. Doing so would tarnish the rickety alliance between the president and Taft's conservatives and completely halt any chance of Congressional progress. Dewey, therefore, took this opportunity to appoint as many loyal allies as possible in his new Cabinet. If he was unable to fire Nixon, he could at least outnumber him.

The Dewey Cabinet: Second Term

Office		Name
President		Thomas E. Dewey
Vice President		Richard M. Nixon
Sec. of State		Charles A. Halleck
Sec. of Treasury		Wayne Morse
Sec. of Defense		Arthur W. Radford
Attorney General		Hugh Scott
Postmaster General		Arthur E. Summerfield
Sec. of Interior		Nelson Rockefeller
Sec. of Agriculture		Ezra T. Benson
Sec. of Commerce		Philip Willkie
Sec. of Labor		James P. Mitchell

President Dewey Inaugurated For Second Term, Calls for Greater Defense
The New York Times, January 21st, 1953

Dwight Eisenhower Accepts Role as U.S. Ambassador to United Nations
The Washington Post, January 30th, 1953

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Great updates! That's a *lot* of liberals in Dew-man's cabinet!