I've Seen America: If Al Gore Ran In 2008
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  I've Seen America: If Al Gore Ran In 2008
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Pericles
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« Reply #50 on: February 12, 2017, 01:26:11 AM »

TRANSITION

President-Elect Al Gore's Chief of Staff, former Senate Democrat leader Tom Daschle of South Dakota​
One of the first transition decisions by President-Elect Al Gore was the selection of Chief of Staff. Gore was always leaning towards one person, Tom Daschle, Daschle had served as leader of the Senate Democrats from 1995 to 2005(when he lost re-election in 2004) and for all but a one and a half years of that time had been Senate Minority Leader. Daschle endorsed Gore early in the race and informally advised his campaign. Gore thought that Daschle had what it took, he would be a smart, calm executive, like Gore in that regard, and with his congressional connections he could muster Democrat votes for Gore's agenda, votes that Gore would need. Daschle wasn't hard charging, but Gore thought that he would be the stable anchor for an administration destined to face extremely rough headwinds and challenges. He wasn't settled on Daschle though. Congressman Rahm Emanuel was floated, but Gore thought Rahm too abrasive, besides Rahm had endorsed Hillary Clinton. Rahm may not have wanted the job, he wavered on it and likely preferred to stay in the House and achieve his dream of becoming Speaker of the House. John Podesta had served as Chief of Staff to Bill Clinton, and he was thought suitable for the role. The problem was, Gore didn't warm to him. Donna Brazile was thought to be in contention for the role, but she decided not to do it. Gore decided he would go with Tom Daschle. Daschle accepted Gore's offer, and soon took the position as his Chief of Staff.

President-Elect Al Gore and outgoing President George W Bush share an awkward, but congenial, moment in the Oval Office​
Al Gore had won his mandate. Now he needed to implement it. The first phase of that would be the transition. Transitions, traditionally, went better for Republicans than Democrats because Democrats focused on policy and Republicans on management. And the transition indeed got off to a bumpy start with leaks from Goreland and disorganization. However, after that things got back on track, and cabinet selections began to be made. Of invaluable help to the transition was George W Bush, who did his best to ensure the transition was smooth. Bush saw the election, rightly, as a personal rejection. Gore had made it about how bad Bush was and run a buyer's remorse campaign, and he had won big, But Bush wanted to do his bit to mend fences and ensure Gore could get a good start. They met in the Oval Office on November 15th, and shared an awkward exchange. Bush marveled "I never thought that I would be succeeded by you, Al. Perhaps you'll be succeeded by John McCain!" The two laughed at that. Gore then replied "Turns out, I really did win the election. Eight years later though!" The Bush administration went out of its way to make the transition as seamless as possible for the incoming administration, earning accolades from Gore staff members and outside experts alike.

Gore nominee for Treasury Secretary, Lawrence 'Larry' Summers
In the Senate, Vice-President Elect Feingold resigned his Senate seat in Wisconsin. There would be no special election, it would occur with the 2010 Senate elections. Democrat Wisconsin Governor Jim Doyle appointed Tom Barrett to fill the seat. Gore began selecting his cabinet. He decided that Bob Gates would remain Secretary of Defense, continuing from the Bush administration. Gates brought continuity on Iraq, where he was in agreement with Gore's promise to withdraw, he lent an impression of bipartisanship, he offered political cover for tough decisions on standing up to the military brass and cancelling weapons systems and he was known as bipartisan, non-ideological and decent. One of the key choices was for Treasury Secretary. Despite Paul Volcker being speculated for the job, it was always a choice between Tim Geithner and Larry Summers. Summers had served as Treasury Secretary under Bill Clinton, and he had the experience necessary to brave the economic crisis. Geithner was at the center of it, directly involved in the bailouts at the Fed, and he had in depth experience of the crisis. Gore doubted that Geithner was 'ready for prime time'. While Summers had been forced to resign from Harvard in 2005 for un-PC comments about women in the sciences, Gore knew that Larry was ready for prime time and could get the economy back to health. On November 22, he announced that he was selecting the "eminently capable and qualified" Larry Summers for Treasury Secretary.

Richard Holbrooke, Gore choice for Secretary of State, in 2008​
Much of Gore's cabinet was a continuation from the Clinton years. Nearly half of his appointments were former Clinton appointees. It did make sense, despite the enmity between Gore and the Clintons. The Clintons had presided over a strong economy, peace and prosperity, and Gore was right in the middle, permanently linked to it having served for eight years as Vice-President. One Clinton carryover that would not be in Gore's cabinet was Hillary Clinton. The idea of having her in State had been raised to Gore, who shot it down, arguing that their sour relationship and her baggage and fame meant she would be wrong for the role. Gore weighed up Richard Holbrooke, Joe Biden and John Kerry. Gore weighed it up carefully, but in the end he decided on Holbrooke. Holbrooke had served as Balkan envoy and US Ambassador to the UN under Clinton, and he was one of the nation's most qualified and influential diplomats.

Senator Judd Gregg(R-NH), Al Gore's nominee for Commerce Secretary

Gore appointed his protege, Carol Browner, to head the EPA. Browner was a convert to the market-based cap and trade approach to climate change, and would be a key figure in the administration, especially with Gore's commitment to combating climate change. For Commerce, there was Penny Pritzker, a billionaire, and Republican New Hampshire Senator Judd Gregg. Pritzker, despite having been Gore's campaign finance chair, was initially favored by Gore for the position. However, Harry Reid suggested Gore instead appoint Senator Gregg, a Republican, to Commerce. It would be a show of bipartisanship when the nation needed it most, and Gore would look more moderate with Gregg. Gore liked the idea. He met with Gregg on December 10, and offered him the job. Gregg expressed reluctance given his diverging views with Gore. But Gore won him over, and it was announced that Gregg would be nominated for Commerce. Republican Bonnie Newman would be appointed to Gregg's seat, even though the Governor of New Hampshire was a Democrat, to avoid the appointment looking like an attempt to increase the Democrat Senate majority. Gore nominated Clinton supporter Tom Vilsack for Agriculture, and Arne Duncan went to Education.
Al Gore cabinet (still to be confirmed by Senate)
President: Al Gore
Vice-President: Russ Feingold
Secretary of State: Richard Holbrooke
Treasury Secretary: Larry Summers
Defense Secretary: Bob Gates
Attorney General: Janet Napolitano
Interior Secretary: Ken Salazar
Agriculture Secretary: Tom Vilsack
Commerce Secretary: Judd Gregg
Labor Secretary: Hilda Solis
HHS Secretary: Kathleen Sebelius
VA Secretary: Eric Shinseki
Secretary of Homeland Security: Jack Reed
Chief of Staff: Tom Daschle
EPA Administrator: Carol Browner
OMB Director: Peter Orzag
UN Ambassador: Susan Rice
US Trade Representative: Austan Goolsbee

Gore's cabinet choices had been made. On January 20, he would be inaugurated. In the mean time, he was already working with Congress on the pressing issues of the day. The stimulus, set to be at least hundreds of billions of dollars, was being prepped by Gore with Congress for him to sign as soon as possible. The economic crisis necessitated that his first task would be to stop the bleeding. Already though, Gore was looking ahead. Cap and trade was something he wanted passed in his first term. There was a whole host of priorities, from healthcare to immigration to foreign policy, that would require Gore's attention. Gore remained, despite the fevered attacks of some Republicans, a center-left politician, center being the key word. But he was surprisingly ambitious, though at the same time incrementalist. 'We can go ten meters with ten one meter steps, or five meters with one five meter step." Gore chose the former, but he was determined to go the whole ten steps. He had not made the decision to run again lightly, and he was determined to use this chance well.
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« Reply #51 on: February 16, 2017, 10:47:21 PM »

INAUGURATION OF A NEW ERA

Al Gore is inaugurated as the 44th President of the United States
It was a brisk and chilly inauguration day on January 20, 2009, in Washington DC, and Al Gore took the Oath of Office. The crowd was large, estimates put it between 500,000 and 1 million. The day was marred by threats of a terrorist attack, and preparations were made to protect the President-Elect as Al-Shabaab was rumored to be plotting an attack on the inaugural. However, nothing came of it, and the inauguration went ahead as planned. Chief Justice John Roberts swore in Al Gore as the 44th President. Gore and Bush rode down Pennsylvania Avenue together. Neither was especially fond of the other, but both appreciated the other's support in the transition and now, 2000 was just a memory. They were cordial and Gore thanked Bush for his service to the nation, regardless of whether he agreed with all of Bush's decisions(he didn't). At 12:45 pm, Al Gore took the Oath. "I, Albert Arnold Gore Junior" continuing "do solemnly swear to faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States". After the Oath was done. Al Gore delivered his inaugural address to the nation. In his inaugural address, Gore sought to unite the nation, set out the defining principles of his presidency and move from the campaign to, finally, President of the United States. Gore declared "We gather here today for a new era in American history, one in which we move beyond the petty squabbling and failures of the past to action, real action. Through all of history, when we face great challenges as a nation, we have beaten them. I see no shortage of challenges for our nation. But, my fellow Americans, I know that we can beat them." Gore described "a nation on the brink", promising to "protect your jobs and create new employment for a prosperous America going into the 21st century", "a planet that is being fried," declaring "we must harness our collective courage to confront this challenge. America can beat climate change, free ourselves from the fossil fuels of old to become the clean energy superpower of the 21st century." Gore promised to "end the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, leaving behind stable and secure nations", "defeat the threat of terrorism and protect our homeland" and "bring our troops home." He said "We can bring healthcare to millions more Americans and lower its cost, rebuild our infrastructure, bring our troops home, lift the crippling burden of poverty from millions of Americans. bring our middle class back and preserve this one planet that we depend upon." Gore sought to portray himself as non-ideological, saying "As President, I am not interested in a government that is bigger or a government that is smaller. I am interested in a government that is better for our nation and for all Americans." Gore made clear that whatever his centrist rhetoric, he was ready to work with his opponents, but not for them. At the end, he declared "Let us move forward as a nation, to face our demons and beat them, and make America great again." Gore's address was judged to be successful, one of his strongest throughout his long career, and Tipper told him "That was a pretty good speech, Al."

President Gore and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, both would be dependent on the other to advance the Democratic agenda
Gore sought as President to project an image of action. With the economy in a rapid downturn, Gore needed to show that he cared and was taking action. This meant getting 'points on the board' and quickly advancing measures that benefited ordinary Americans. FDR had the first 100 days, and Gore knew that his first 100 days would be critical. Washington DC was a swamp, where big dreams went to die, but Gore saw an opportunity, with big Democratic majorities, to break through and get those points on the board. Chief among them was the stimulus, or American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009. Gore set out his agenda for the year, Climate change was his issue and he felt it deserved big action, not just itty bitty stuff, in 2009. Carol Browner advised that the administration go for cap and trade after the stimulus. Gore agreed, however his political advisers urged him not to. Cap and trade could be construed as a tax, even though it was the remedy to that dilemma and the more free-market solution to climate change, compared to a top-down carbon tax. A tax instead of jobs in a recession, for an issue far more abstract than jobs, it would crash the system. These were the people that Browner dismissed as 'hacks'. She complained that they focused only on winning elections and nothing more. That mindset, Gore felt, had been part of the reason that Bill Clinton, while popular, had not left a lasting policy legacy. Gore was adamant. "If not now" he asked "then when?" Nobody could answer that. From here things could only go downhill, majorities could only shrink, political capital could only disappear. Gore didn't want to look back in regret, in that he could have been transformational but failed to do so. No, he would do the stimulus, then cap and trade in late 2009.

President Al Gore holds an event with Republican Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger of California in support of the stimulus​
Even before he took office, Gore was taking action. The stimulus was being full speed ahead by the Democratic Congress, so Gore could sign it as soon as he took office. However, Republicans threatened to filibuster the bill in the Senate, where the Democrats only had 58 votes, 2 short of surviving a filibuster without Republican votes. Gore needed to lure at least 2 Republican votes in, preferably more. Arlen Spectre and Olympia Snowe were receptive, and so were several other moderate Republicans. Initially, Gore offered no tax cuts, arguing that, as many economists did, tax cuts were not truly stimulative and would only be used to pay down debt and not spend and so revive the economy. However, the Republicans wanted tax cuts in the bill, and argued that they would help stimulate the economy by helping the middle class and help Gore too. Gore then agreed to put $250 billion in tax cuts for the middle class into the bill. Gore met with the Republican caucus three days before Inauguration Day. He told them that "You can't govern to help people and listen to Rush Limbaugh. There has to be a choice." Gore was sending the message that they could be a talk show party or a governing party. However, most had already made the choice, and not the one Gore wanted. Republicans dedicated themselves not to compromise but confrontation, as the base turned right, so did the party's politicians. For most, Al Gore was politically radioactive. Gore sought to pass the stimulus with the little support he had from Republicans, and press that Republican governors such as Arnold Schwarzenegger and Charlie Crist for the stimulus. In a political masterstroke, on January 29, Gore held an event on Capitol Hill with Schwarzenegger and Crist, and they urged Congress to pass the stimulus "as quickly as possible" to "save jobs and protect the livelihoods of millions of Americans."

The stimulus passed the House, though with only 10 Republican votes. It now entered the Senate, where Republicans threatened a filibuster. It was an $858 billion bill, and included direct spending in infrastructure, education, health, and energy, federal tax incentives, and expansion of unemployment insurance and other social welfare provisions. Of note was billions invested in renewable energy, Gore claimed the bill was a "major step forward to creating clean energy jobs and shifting America towards clean renewable energy." Gore sought to woo Republican Senators to his support. Arlen Spectre's big issue was cancer, having survied two bouts of Hodgkin's lymphoma. He pushed for, and got a 34% increase, worth $10 billion, in the NIH budget(National Institutes of Health). Senators Collins and Snowe of Maine were also swing votes, and oddly enough they insisted that spending be cut, not added from the bill. In the end, the stimulus passed the Senate 64-35, with 6 Republican votes; Arlen Spectre of Pennsylvania, Olympia Snowe of Maine, Susan Collins of Maine, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Mel Martinez of Florida and George Voinovich of Ohio. On February 14, President Al Gore signed it into law. The stimulus was under fire on cable TV, and Republicans sought to portray it as a wasteful boondoggle for special interests. Yet, it was a significant achievement on Gore's part. It was a big economic stimulus that was much-needed, but it also invested billions in science, education, renewable energy. Gore thought that he was hard done by that it all had to go in one bill, if it had been five landmark pieces of legislation then he may have gotten more credit. But one it was, because in the congressional swamp that was how it had to be done. Gore now hoped it would produce the economic results he was banking on.
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« Reply #52 on: February 18, 2017, 12:06:46 AM »

FOREIGN POLICY RESET

Newly-confirmed Secretary of State Richard Holbrooke's official portrait, 2009​
Al Gore entered office with America's international reputation at its lowest ebb in decades. The unilateralism of George W Bush, who invaded Iraq without the support of the UN or many of America's traditional allies, had damaged America's reputation abroad. Gore had talked about a 'foreign policy reset' in the campaign and sought to work through, and not outside of, global forums like NATO and the UN, unlike Bush. Gore and his foreign policy team saw the key objectives of his foreign policy were to win the war in Afghanistan and reset relations with the Muslim world. The Senate easily confirmed Gore's nominee for Secretary of State Richard Holbrooke, who did not get a single vote against his nomination. Most of Gore's cabinet was easily confirmed, though Summers and Sibelius were targeted, Sibelius was attacked by anti-abortion groups, and Republicans tore into their former colleague, Judd Gregg. But even they were confirmed. Gore and Holbrooke made clear that after 8 years of Bush, there was a new establishment in town, and the Gore-Holbrooke foreign policy would mark a clear break with the Bush years.

The first foreign policy issue Gore needed to deal with was to ensure that the global recession did not become a global depression. In 1933, FDR had rejected the idea of a global solution to the Great Depression, and instead looked inward for domestic solutions. The 1933 London Economic Conference proved a failure Gore however did not have that luxury, and in April 2009 a global economic conference of the G-20 was held in London. The emrgency 2009 meeting was the largest meeting of global leaders facing an economic crisis since the failed 1933 meeting. Indeed, the press thought it was a failure, as most countries refused to provide more troops for Afghanistan or take up Gore's call for a stimulus, as he had done. Gore's speech at the event was also underwhelming.However, substantively, the event was a success. The G-20 agreed to spend $1 trillion to bolster each other's financial institutions and $500 billion for the IMF to help stabilise the global economy. There were also none of the failures of the 1930s; no squabbling, fatal miscommunication or rush to protectionism. The withdrawal from Iraq went well, the US withdrawal of troops from Iraq continued full speed ahead, as per the 2008 Status of Forces Agreement that President Bush had negotiated (and was set to expire in 2011) Violence fell to its lowest level since the beginning of the war, at just 139 American deaths, half the 2008 fatalities. Gore only held two meetings about Iraq in 2009, in a reflection of the increased stability of the situation there. This enabled him to focus his foreign policy on Afghanistan and winning the war there.

Defense secretary Bob Gates, at West Point, 2009
The Gore administration saw a power struggle between Bob Gates and Richard Holbrooke. President Gore valued Gates's experience and that he offered bipartisan cover for controversial decisions. Gore was closer to Secretary Holbrooke, who had worked with longer and trusted more. Gates disdained Holbrooke as ineffective, while Holbrooke thought Gates was insufficiently loyal to the administration, and they clashed on Afghanistan policy and in other areas. Gore usually sided with Holbrooke, due to his closeness with him, and Gates was left frustrated at his inability to gain traction in the administration. He was never expected to stay on permanently, and Gates resolved to be gone by 2011, so Gore could replace him outside of an election year.

One pressing foreign policy issue President Gore faced was the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The last two administration's attempts to negotiate a peace in the region had flopped, and the situation had only deteriorated. President Gore was committed to the security and survival of Israel, and in his first speech on the topic in February 2009 he condemned the Palestinians, saying that they "should not be excused from their responsibility for the violence we have seen in recent years, nor for the failure of the peace negotiations. To reach a true peace, we must acknowledge both sides are responsible for the conflict and both must give ground for the long-term good." Negotiations in the region had ground to a standstill. Gore appointed George Mitchell to be special envoy to Israel-Palestine, to avoid Holbrooke getting bogged down in the region as Condoleeza Rice had. This enabled him to focus on the bigger picture as Secretary of State. Gore urged Israel to dismantle the settlements in the West Bank, however no progress was made there. The White House was also deeply frustrated with the Palestinians, who refused to give any ground until the settlements were removed, and they expressed disbelief that they expected to get "a camel for a goat." Despite Gore's increased push on the settlements(though a continuation of Bush-era policy) his standing in Israel was steady. Netanyahu, while not Gore's preferred choice for Prime Minister of Israel, got along well with the President. Gore had received 80% of the Jewish-American vote in 2008, and was trusted by that community. However, that could not ignore that the administration's main strategy in Israel-Palestine was to try create the foundations for a peace when conditions improved.

The main foreign policy crisis Gore faced was Afghanistan-Pakistan. The situation there had deteriorated, with the Taliban regaining strength, and it had been treated as a secondary war to Iraq. Gore faced demands from the generals and the Pentagon for additional troops on the ground, a troop surge as had worked in Iraq in 2007. Gore feared that it could become another Vietnam and consume his presidency, and he was determined to win the war without unnecessary loss of blood and treasure. Dealing with Af-Pak would take up much of the second half of 2009, and there, most of all, was a true reset needed.
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Terry the Fat Shark
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« Reply #53 on: February 19, 2017, 01:58:22 AM »

This is really interesting! I've often thought about what would happen if Al Gore had run and I simulate this sometimes in President Infinity Wink
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Pericles
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« Reply #54 on: February 19, 2017, 03:09:50 AM »

This is really interesting! I've often thought about what would happen if Al Gore had run and I simulate this sometimes in President Infinity Wink

Thanks. How far does Gore get on President Infinty? What are your predictions for the Gore administration?
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Terry the Fat Shark
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« Reply #55 on: February 19, 2017, 03:11:24 AM »

This is really interesting! I've often thought about what would happen if Al Gore had run and I simulate this sometimes in President Infinity Wink

Thanks. How far does Gore get on President Infinty? What are your predictions for the Gore administration?
the furthest he got one time was 416 Electoral Votes iirc. I think he will pull the United States rapidly out of Iraq ( probably faster than Obama) and will be much faster in terms of environmental issues than President Obama was.
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Pericles
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« Reply #56 on: February 19, 2017, 03:20:00 AM »

This is really interesting! I've often thought about what would happen if Al Gore had run and I simulate this sometimes in President Infinity Wink

Thanks. How far does Gore get on President Infinty? What are your predictions for the Gore administration?
the furthest he got one time was 416 Electoral Votes iirc. I think he will pull the United States rapidly out of Iraq ( probably faster than Obama) and will be much faster in terms of environmental issues than President Obama was.

Environmental will definitely feature, but not sure about Iraq.
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« Reply #57 on: February 21, 2017, 03:07:23 AM »

AFGHANISTAN=VIETNAM?

President Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan and his rival Abdullah Abdullah
Gore's relationship with Hamid Karzai was cold. Karzai had had twice monthly teleconferences with Bush, where Bush had read through a list of things that needed to be done and Karzai would solemnly promise to achieve them, and then nothing would get done. The new administration saw the calls as a waste of time, and ended them. The White House was increasingly frustrated with Karzai, who they saw as incompetent and unhelpful, while Karzai felt disrespected by the President. The 2009 elections were repeatedly delayed by Karzai. When they were finally held, they were a disaster. The administration's fears of violence did not come to fruition, instead Karzai stole a million votes and rigged the election. It took weeks to sort out the returns and convince Karzai to hold a runoff. Frustratingly, Karzai's margin was big enough that he would have won even without the theft, all it did was undermine the legitimacy of the government and the US efforts to stablize Afghanistan. Karzai's opponent, Abdullah Abdullah, threatened to withdraw from the runoff if the head of the Independent Election Commission(IEC), Azizullah Lodin, was not sacked. Then, it came back from the brink. Holbrooke pushed for a power-sharing deal between Abdullah and Karzai. Karzai and Abdullah were reluctant, but strong-armed by the US, Karzai relented. On October 25, several weeks before the planned runoff, the two candidates jointly announced the power-sharing agreement, with Karzai remaining President and Abdullah taking an important position in the government. It was the ideal outcome for the US, they had 'clipped Karzai's wings', increased the influence of reformists, got a government that a majority of Afghans could get behind and restored the legitimacy of the democratic process there.

In February 2009, President Gore ordered a troop surge of 20,000 troops to Afghanistan to bolster the 36,000-strong force currently in that country. Gore declared that "the situation in Afghanistan has deteriorated, and the Taliban and Al-Qaeda have regained a foothold in the Afghanistan-Pakistan region. This threatens the stability of Afghanistan, and ultimately the security of the United States, exposing us to the threat of more attacks like 9/11. Our forces in the region must be backed up to be able to defeat the Taliban and bring stability and security to Afghanistan." General McKiernan told Gore that more troops still would be needed. Gore feared that he would suffer from 'mission creep', escalating the war without a clear purpose or exit strategy. He wanted a civilian strategy too, to provide the political leadership necessary to enable Afghanistan and to enable Afghanistan to become a self-sufficient democracy. The military told Gore that a military solution would be needed before a political solution could be effective. The surge in Iraq, contrary to Gore's campaign rhetoric, had been wildly successful. Gore recognised that, and saw the potential for a similar approach in Afghanistan.

President Gore ordered a 'surge' of thousands more US troops into Afghanistan
Gore still had not reached a decision though. However, the key was that while there were many in his administration pressing for a surge, including the military and Secretary Gates, there were no doves on the other side close to Gore arguing against it. Holbrooke leant towards a surge, he was only undecided on the exact scope and how long it would last. Vice-President Feingold expressed opposition to a surge, but he was sidelined in the administration, and anyway he did not have any major foreign policy experience. On August 20, Feingold said on Meet the Press that he "could not support" a surge, and that "the only sensible course is to end this disastrous war and let the Afghans rebuild, or we will only fuel the expansion of terrorism." He had gone too far for Gore, having signaled a potential break with the administration. He received a furious dressing down from the President and was sternly warned "don't ever step on my toes again." While it was always apparent Gore would fall down on the side of a surge, the details of the plan were far less clear. Gore told McKiernan that he would not accept a plan that dragged on the war without light at the end of the tunnel and increased, not reduced, Afghan dependency on US military might. On October 1, Gore gave preliminary approval to a military plan to send 50,000 new troops to Afghanistan over the next 2 years. The withdrawal would begin at some point before the 2012 election, Gore set 2017 as the year, when he hoped he would leave office, as the year that all US troops would leave Afghanistan. Gore reluctantly brought into the military's vision. Afghanistan needed to be stable, more troops were needed for that, and the US could not afford to leave a bleeding Afghanistan behind. The Soviets and the international community had done that in the 1990s, and that enabled the rise of the Taliban and 9/11. But Gore was equally determined to avoid his presidency getting bogged down in the Afghanistan quicksand. He gave a speech on the subject at West Point on October 28. He announced that 50,000 US troops would go to Afghanistan, and that "a timetable for withdrawal will be set in the coming months and years, and it is my intention to begin the withdrawal before the 2012 election." Gore's substance was escalating the mission, but from his rhetoric you may have thought he was drawing it down. "America has born too high a price for a war with no end in sight" Gore declared "We owe it to our brave troops to give them a mission that can succeed, or end the mission." He declared "We will begin the devolution of responsibilities to the Afghan people and government. Afghanistan can only be stable and secure through the work of Afghans, not our military forces." Gore did not talk of the glory of war, no Bush-like language of the glory of the cause. He made plain the "true price of war" in blood and treasure. He gave no definition of victory in Afghanistan or the overall War on Terror. He declared "We must begin on the path to peace and not on endless unwinnable wars." The rhetoric may have been considered misleading. However, Gore did not think so. He believed that only a surge could truly bring peace, or as Nixon once said, 'peace with honor'. Now, Afghanistan would make or break his hopes and his plans.
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Pericles
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« Reply #58 on: March 02, 2017, 10:51:24 PM »

HANDLING THE MESS

Treasury Secretary Larry Summers argued against a populist policy on Wall Street bonuses
In March, the bonuses story suddenly got hotter. It was reported that AIG had given $165 million in bonuses to top executives even as their company crashed and the global economy with it. Gore, encouraged by his political advisers, took an aggressive tone on bonuses. He declared that the bonuses were "reprehensible" and "it's just intolerable what they(Wall Street) think they can get away with. We will be looking into every legal avenue towards getting those bonuses back." However, Gore, while outraged, saw that any policy solution would be counterproductive. President Gore took an increasingly populist tone on bonuses, lambasting the "irresponsible, bloated corporate greed" of Wall Street. Wall Street increasingly saw Gore as the enemy, who unfairly scapegoated them to score political points. They were right about the political points part, though Gore would take issue with the 'unfairly' part.

The financial crisis by now had leaked into the rest of the economy. Millions of Americans faced the threat of foreclosure. Bush's 'Hope for Homeowners' program had been an unmitigated failure, helping only a few hundred homeowners. Gore sought to help the homeowners facing foreclosure. Gore allocated $120 billion of TARP money to foreclosure mitigation, despite Summers's fears that the TARP well could run dry. However, the unemployed, those with mortgages far beyond their ability to pay, and speculators were excluded from the policy. In March 2009, Gore announced a plan to spend $320 billion on foreclosure mitigation, focused on subsiding those that were judged to have a shot at staying in their homes. The plan, the Home Owner Protection and Foreclosure Prevention Act (HOPFPA), colloquially known as the 'foreclosure bailout' was introduced to Congress. Gore saw that, despite the political risks, a depressed housing market would drag down the entire economy and that only a strong government-led response, as had taken place under FDR, could solve the crisis. Conservatives attacked the foreclosure bailout, arguing it bailed out irresponsible buyers and created a moral hazard. and that it would be bailing out the 'losers' putting taxpayer money at risk.

Rick Santelli's famous rant against the foreclosure bailout, pictured above, showcased conservative opposition to the President's plan to combat the housing crisis
On February 22, in an attack on Gore's foreclosure plans, CNBC commentator Rick Santelli delivered a fiery rant on the CME floor. "You know, the government is promoting bad behavior! Why don't you put up a website to have people vote on the Internet in a referendum to see if we really want to subsidize these losers' mortgages? Or would we like to, at least, buy cars and buy houses in foreclosure? Give 'em to people that might have a chance to actually prosper down the road, and reward people that could carry the water instead of drink the water. (cheers from traders) This is America! How many of you people want to pay for your neighbors mortgage that has an extra bathroom and can't pay their bills? Raise their hand! (boos from traders) President Gore, are you listening?(trader in background "How about we all stop paying our mortgage? It's a moral hazard)" This gave the impression that many Americans were opposed to aiding people facing foreclosure. However, Santelli and the commodity traders were not representative of a majority of Americans, and a Gallup poll in March showed 56% in support of Gore's plan to 39% opposed.

However, the strident rhetoric from conservative Republicans created an impression opposition to Gore's plan was stronger than it actually was. Many moderate Democrats feared that bailing out the 'losers' would hurt them in the 2010 midterms. Republicans mounted intense opposition to the plan, and protests occurred against it. Gore's White House failed to communicate their message to the American people and let the Republicans take the narrative. Intense lobbying from the administration ensured it would pass Congress. The House passed the HOPFPA on May 1 with 237 in favor to 198 opposed. It got 2 Republican votes, while 18 Democrats voted against it. In the Senate, the Republicans threatened a filibuster. However, Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania defected from the Republican Party to the Democrats in April 2009, saying "As the Republican Party has moved farther and farther to the right, I have found myself increasingly at odds with the Republican philosophy and more in line with the philosophy of the Democratic Party." That Specter would likely have been beaten by conservative challenger Pat Toomey in a Republican primary also played a part. The plan needed just 1 more vote to get over the line. Olympia Snowe was intensely lobbied by Gore, and on May 15 she came out in favor. The Senate passed the HOPFPA on May 17 60-39. Gore signed it into law the next day, creating the Home Owners Protection Agency, modeled on FDR's Home Owners Loan Corporation. Gore hoped that it would enable him, like FDR, to overcome the economic crisis unscathed and bring America's economy back. That remained to be seen.
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« Reply #59 on: March 03, 2017, 07:57:05 AM »

Seems Gore's facing considerable opposition, but thanks to Congressional Dems he's getting propositions through
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