Argentina Legislative Election 2017
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Velasco
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« Reply #50 on: June 25, 2017, 11:14:27 AM »

A question I would be interested to ask of the Argentine and other Hispanic posters here is to what extent if any questions of identity influence people's voting behaviour. Looking at this map of the first round of the 2015 election



it can be seen that Macri's strongest areas were Buenos Aires City, Buenos Aires Province outside the BA suburbs, the Región Centro (and Argentine Antarctica). Meanwhile the strongest areas for Scioli were the the BA suburbs, the South and most especially the North of the country. Now my understanding is that those areas where Macri were strongest are areas where the bulk of people's ancestry (like that of Macri himself) comes from European immigrants of the last century and a half whilst the strongest Scioli areas are where the population is much more descended from the population of the Viceroyalty of Rio de La Plate (which of course included Paraguay and Bolivia).

I made my own map of the first round collecting the data from that interactive map released byLa Nación. My map is not interactive, but it has the little advantage of colours looking nicer and clearer (full size through the link)

https://saintbrendansisland.files.wordpress.com/2017/05/argentina-2015.png

As for the patterns, with due caution, I would say that vote may reflect socioeconomic and geographic (rural/urban) cleavages. The poorer sections of the population, as well the peripheral and/or deprived areas supported the Kirchners in previous elections. However, race or ethnicity can hardly be considered a factor per se when you consider the structure of Argentinian demographics. According to official statistics 90% of the population is "white", 8.5% "mestizo" and 1.5% "amerindian". Also, as Alex said, Patagonia and large areas in the North weren't under the effective rule of the Viceroyalty of La Plata. Argentina fought a war in the XIX Century to conquer the Patagonia region, as the US did in the (North) American West. If I'm not wrong the remaining amerindian population in the southern provinces is very little, while in northern provinces like Jujuy next to Bolivia's border is much more relevant. Jujuy is the home province of Milagro Sala, the leader of the Tupac Amaru neighbourhood association, an amerindian woman and a kirchnerista. Oddly enough, Jujuy was the only province where Sergio Massa came first and the governor is from the UCR.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_groups_of_Argentina

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Milagro_Sala

Returning to map. Macri's strongest areas correspond to the cities of Buenos Aires and Córdoba, the Humid Pampa (rural sections of Buenos Aires, Santa Fe, Córdoba and Entre Ríos) and part of the semiarid Cuyo region (Mendoza). It could be said that the PRO has largely replaced the UCR as the party of the urban middle classes. Also, the Humid Pampa is the richest agricultural region of the country.

Daniel Scioli's strongest areas correspond (broadly) to Greater Buenos Aires (Comurbano), the southern and the northern provinces. As said before, the population in Patagonian provinces is overwhelmingly of European ancestry. As for the Santa Cruz province:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Santa_Cruz_Province,_Argentina#Economy

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Sergio Massa came in a strong third. As said before, he won in Jujuy and also came second in the neighbouring Salta (his running mate is the mayor of the provincial capital). I think that the patterns of the vote for his third party are the most difficult to understand. For instance, in Santa Fe province and the city of Rosario Massa performed much better than one could expect. Maybe transfers from the Socialists and the Broad Progressive Front?

I would appreciate more input from our Argentinian posters since the subject intrigues me though.
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sb95
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« Reply #51 on: June 25, 2017, 06:24:32 PM »

First of all, sorry if my english is not understood haha.
As for the patterns, with due caution, I would say that vote may reflect socioeconomic and geographic (rural/urban) cleavages. The poorer sections of the population, as well the peripheral and/or deprived areas supported the Kirchners in previous elections. However, race or ethnicity can hardly be considered a factor per se when you consider the structure of Argentinian demographics. According to official statistics 90% of the population is "white", 8.5% "mestizo" and 1.5% "amerindian".
Basically this. Differences in voting patterns between provinces has to do basically with socioeconomic factors that has existed since the integration of argentine economy to the global economy. As other latin american countries, economies were driven by the export of commodity products, basically one at first called "monocultivo" (e.g. coffee in brazil, sugarcane in cuba, salitre in chile then copper). In the case of Argentina cereals and then meat. The only region suitable for agricultural production of this commodities was the center region (pampas), that explains why european immigration was mainly concentrated there. Very few inmigrants went to other areas (in contrast with North America), specially to the northern provinces. This also happened in Brazil, as you see, european immigration was basically in the south, specially Sao Paulo state, the center of coffee production. The majority of the northern provinces have remained poor since then, in contrast with the more richer provinces in the center region.

Talking about race is problematic, since the national statistics agency (INDEC) has never asked about ethnicity. When you see some research that says that argentinians are 90% european, they are talking about genetics. The majority of the population is either descendant of europeans or has "mixed ethnicity" between european-aboriginal population. That's why there are so many people with "european genes" but doesn't mean that 90% of the population is white. Ethnicity doesn't have the relevance that is has in the US for example, talking sociologically and politically. There is no "white" identitity as someone would say it "exists" in the US. I don't think it's a relevant factor, although it's true that people with darker skin are poorer, and you have more possibilities being white due to racism.

Returning to map. Macri's strongest areas correspond to the cities of Buenos Aires and Córdoba, the Humid Pampa (rural sections of Buenos Aires, Santa Fe, Córdoba and Entre Ríos) and part of the semiarid Cuyo region (Mendoza). It could be said that the PRO has largely replaced the UCR as the party of the urban middle classes. Also, the Humid Pampa is the richest agricultural region of the country.
As i said before, this was and is the richest region of the country, and where the majority of european immigrants settled. Because of being the richest, it also contains the biggest share of middle class voters. Culturally and politically middle class voters tend to be anti-peronist. Historically this regions were very competitive for the UCR. In northern provinces PJ is quite hegemonic, non-peronist parties are more competitive in urban areas, rather than in rural areas. This is paradigmatic maybe for european observers because normally conservative parties dominate in rural areas, and left-wing parties dominate in urban areas. As you see in the map, Macri won in the historical UCR districts (Pampas region, Mendoza + big urban centers in northern provinces).
However, it's difficult to delineate historical elections with current elections in some points due to the destruction of the political party system since 2001. UCR lost it's legitimacy as a party of power, PJ it's divided and politics have become extremely based on the popularity of political figures, rather than ideologies. This explains the Massa phenomenon.
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EnglishPete
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« Reply #52 on: June 25, 2017, 07:04:38 PM »


Talking about race is problematic, since the national statistics agency (INDEC) has never asked about ethnicity. When you see some research that says that argentinians are 90% european, they are talking about genetics. The majority of the population is either descendant of europeans or has "mixed ethnicity" between european-aboriginal population. That's why there are so many people with "european genes" but doesn't mean that 90% of the population is white. Ethnicity doesn't have the relevance that is has in the US for example, talking sociologically and politically. There is no "white" identitity as someone would say it "exists" in the US. I don't think it's a relevant factor, although it's true that people with darker skin are poorer, and you have more possibilities being white due to racism.

If its not a factor in Argentina I can understand that and I know that the 'racial classification' involve a lot more blurred lines than that of the United States and that these do not automatically equate to cultural identities. In Peru and Bolivia the Spanish speaking "Mestizos" who vote largely for the right are not much less "indian" genetically than the Indigenous language speaking communities who vote largely for the left but the cultural differences clearly impact voting behaviour.

You mention that in Argentina as elsewhere in Latin America "darker" people are likely to be poorer and "whiter" people more likely to be middle class and it makes me suspect that when in countries like Chile the left speak more of indigenous rights and the right speak more of "nuestra tradición  cristiana e hispánica" that they are making points with appeals to each of the two sides of Hispanic American cultural identity. If that's not an issue in Argentina then that's fine, I was just curious.
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sb95
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« Reply #53 on: June 25, 2017, 07:48:55 PM »


Talking about race is problematic, since the national statistics agency (INDEC) has never asked about ethnicity. When you see some research that says that argentinians are 90% european, they are talking about genetics. The majority of the population is either descendant of europeans or has "mixed ethnicity" between european-aboriginal population. That's why there are so many people with "european genes" but doesn't mean that 90% of the population is white. Ethnicity doesn't have the relevance that is has in the US for example, talking sociologically and politically. There is no "white" identitity as someone would say it "exists" in the US. I don't think it's a relevant factor, although it's true that people with darker skin are poorer, and you have more possibilities being white due to racism.

If its not a factor in Argentina I can understand that and I know that the 'racial classification' involve a lot more blurred lines than that of the United States and that these do not automatically equate to cultural identities. In Peru and Bolivia the Spanish speaking "Mestizos" who vote largely for the right are not much less "indian" genetically than the Indigenous language speaking communities who vote largely for the left but the cultural differences clearly impact voting behaviour.

You mention that in Argentina as elsewhere in Latin America "darker" people are likely to be poorer and "whiter" people more likely to be middle class and it makes me suspect that when in countries like Chile the left speak more of indigenous rights and the right speak more of "nuestra tradición  cristiana e hispánica" that they are making points with appeals to each of the two sides of Hispanic American cultural identity. If that's not an issue in Argentina then that's fine, I was just curious.
Yes, i agree with you. The white argentina myth and the idea that the country was built by european immigrants it's a vision that was constructed by the liberal-conservative regime from the 19th century and it stills persists. That doesn't mean that european immigration it's not  important in our culture, but other components of our culture related to our amerindian roots are somehow invisible due to this idea of a "european country in the south america" which is obviously false. Also Indigenous politics it's not as relevant as in Chile, Peru or Bolivia for example, it's rare to hear politicians talking about this topic. There is no big indigenous political /social movement neither.
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Velasco
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« Reply #54 on: June 26, 2017, 04:35:10 AM »

Yes, i agree with you. The white argentina myth and the idea that the country was built by european immigrants it's a vision that was constructed by the liberal-conservative regime from the 19th century and it stills persists. That doesn't mean that european immigration it's not  important in our culture, but other components of our culture related to our amerindian roots are somehow invisible due to this idea of a "european country in the south america" which is obviously false

That's what one of my best friends, who is from Argentina, says. Indeed, that 90% of "white" people is not necessarily "100% white". Anyway the countries of the Cono Sur (Argentina, Chile and Uruguay) are "whiter" than the rest of Latin America and have a larger proportion of people with European ancestry or genes. In the case of Argentina, I believe that the XIX Century wars diminished the indigenous population. Middle class individuals living in cities tend to be "whiter" than poor people living in rural areas or fled to Buenos Aires Conurbano. I believe that a good proportion of the descamisados ("shirtless", Peron supporters) was people with a skin colour darker than the Argentinian elites. Also, I think that the famous gauchos of the Pampas region must have a larger proportion of amerindian blood (thus they are darker too). The point is that identity politics based on ethnicity doesn't play a role as socioeconomic factors, geography or tradition. Except the aforementioned Milagro Sala of the Jujuy province, I can't recall politicians or "aboriginal" political movements  of importance.
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EnglishPete
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« Reply #55 on: June 26, 2017, 09:56:35 AM »
« Edited: June 26, 2017, 10:53:49 AM by EnglishPete »

To illustrate my point about the Brazilian 2014 election note the similarities in patterns of this map



With this dot map based on the 2010 census

http://patadata.org/maparacial/en.html

Not a 100% match but similar enough to not be seen as coincidental.
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FredLindq
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« Reply #56 on: June 26, 2017, 10:27:43 AM »

Regarding dissident peronists.
San Luis PJ dissidents (Saa brothers, ACF, PJ San Louis) works with FPV this year?
La Rioja PJ dissidents ( Menem FyL) is also with FPV?
But San Juan PJ-dissidents (ACF, PyT) is with Cambien

Is Alianza Conoromiso Federal (ACF) dead now?
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sb95
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« Reply #57 on: June 26, 2017, 12:04:50 PM »

Regarding dissident peronists.
San Luis PJ dissidents (Saa brothers, ACF, PJ San Louis) works with FPV this year?
Is Alianza Conoromiso Federal (ACF) dead now?
Yes, the kirchnerist PJ wing in San Luis is now under the Saa Brothers ticket. But this is not a ideological coincidence between them, it's just to not lose power in San Luis. The ex-governor (Poggi) is now going under the Cambiemos ticket and it's very competitive. Also, the provincial government is having a bad relationship with the national government. I read that in exchange of this support, they will finance part of Cristina's campaign in BA province. But maybe is just a rumour.
La Rioja PJ dissidents ( Menem FyL) is also with FPV?But San Juan PJ-dissidents (ACF, PyT) is with Cambien
The PJ dissidents are basically local leaders, of local factions, they are not really organized on federal level, for some of them is more beneficial going with Cambiemos others under FPV. It's not really about ideologies sadly, it's more about not losing their seat or there political power.
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FredLindq
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« Reply #58 on: June 26, 2017, 12:08:50 PM »

But Menem is going with PJ i.e. FV in order to gwtoa out of jail card? Cambienos won in La Rioja 2015?

And the ACF off San Juan and San Luis is dead?

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EnglishPete
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« Reply #59 on: June 26, 2017, 12:20:37 PM »

Regarding dissident peronists.
San Luis PJ dissidents (Saa brothers, ACF, PJ San Louis) works with FPV this year?
Is Alianza Conoromiso Federal (ACF) dead now?
Yes, the kirchnerist PJ wing in San Luis is now under the Saa Brothers ticket. But this is not a ideological coincidence between them, it's just to not lose power in San Luis. The ex-governor (Poggi) is now going under the Cambiemos ticket and it's very competitive. Also, the provincial government is having a bad relationship with the national government. I read that in exchange of this support, they will finance part of Cristina's campaign in BA province. But maybe is just a rumour.
La Rioja PJ dissidents ( Menem FyL) is also with FPV?But San Juan PJ-dissidents (ACF, PyT) is with Cambien
The PJ dissidents are basically local leaders, of local factions, they are not really organized on federal level, for some of them is more beneficial going with Cambiemos others under FPV. It's not really about ideologies sadly, it's more about not losing their seat or there political power.
I've noticed that Party structures in Argentina (as in several other Latin American countries) is very decentralized and federalist. Is there any parties that try to organise along a more centralised nationwide model of political party?
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sb95
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« Reply #60 on: June 26, 2017, 12:26:02 PM »

But Menem is going with PJ i.e. FV in order to gwtoa out of jail card? Cambienos won in La Rioja 2015?
Sadly Yes. And to the 2 question yes, Cambiemos won in 2015, but the PJ is competitive in La Rioja, we'll see the results.

And the ACF off San Juan and San Luis is dead?
In San Juan i think they were quite irrelevant, his main political figure Basualdo, is now on Cambiemos, he was with Massa before. In San Luis is not dead, they are in government, the thing is that the ACF is not really a party is a coalition of parties, were the PJ is part of.
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Velasco
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« Reply #61 on: June 26, 2017, 12:33:05 PM »

But Menem is going with PJ i.e. FV in order to gwtoa out of jail card? Cambienos won in La Rioja 2015?

And the ACF off San Juan and San Luis is dead?

2015 election.

The first round results in La Rioja were: Scioli 36.2%, Macri 31.7%, Massa 26%, Rodríguez Saá 3.3%, Del Caño 1.7%, Stolbizer 1.1%

In the second round Macri got 56.5% and Scioli 43.5%

It's obvious that most of the people voting for Massa in the 1st round switched to Macri in the 2nd. Massa didn't endorse anyone, but said that the country needed a change.

Adolfo Rodríguez Saá got a very poor result in the 2015 election. Nowadays Compromiso Federal is a non-entity outside San Luis.

Currently the main 'dissident' peronist faction is the one led by Sergio Massa (and De la Sota in Córdoba). The UNA Rioja list and 1País -Somos San Juán are aligned with Massa, if I'm not wrong. I guess the Massa faction is part of the Justicialist Unity Front of the San Luis province.
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sb95
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« Reply #62 on: June 26, 2017, 12:34:44 PM »

Regarding dissident peronists.
San Luis PJ dissidents (Saa brothers, ACF, PJ San Louis) works with FPV this year?
Is Alianza Conoromiso Federal (ACF) dead now?
Yes, the kirchnerist PJ wing in San Luis is now under the Saa Brothers ticket. But this is not a ideological coincidence between them, it's just to not lose power in San Luis. The ex-governor (Poggi) is now going under the Cambiemos ticket and it's very competitive. Also, the provincial government is having a bad relationship with the national government. I read that in exchange of this support, they will finance part of Cristina's campaign in BA province. But maybe is just a rumour.
La Rioja PJ dissidents ( Menem FyL) is also with FPV?But San Juan PJ-dissidents (ACF, PyT) is with Cambien
The PJ dissidents are basically local leaders, of local factions, they are not really organized on federal level, for some of them is more beneficial going with Cambiemos others under FPV. It's not really about ideologies sadly, it's more about not losing their seat or there political power.
I've noticed that Party structures in Argentina (as in several other Latin American countries) is very decentralized and federalist. Is there any parties that try to organise along a more centralised nationwide model of political party?
The UCR is more organic as we say in spanish. More centralised nationwide as you said before, but it also has strong political figures that decide the candidates and stuff like in other parties, specially in the more caudillo-style type of provinces. But as you said before, party structures are very decentralized and very weak due to the elections being based on popularity of the candidates rather than ideology
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EnglishPete
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« Reply #63 on: June 26, 2017, 01:28:57 PM »

Regarding dissident peronists.
San Luis PJ dissidents (Saa brothers, ACF, PJ San Louis) works with FPV this year?
Is Alianza Conoromiso Federal (ACF) dead now?
Yes, the kirchnerist PJ wing in San Luis is now under the Saa Brothers ticket. But this is not a ideological coincidence between them, it's just to not lose power in San Luis. The ex-governor (Poggi) is now going under the Cambiemos ticket and it's very competitive. Also, the provincial government is having a bad relationship with the national government. I read that in exchange of this support, they will finance part of Cristina's campaign in BA province. But maybe is just a rumour.
La Rioja PJ dissidents ( Menem FyL) is also with FPV?But San Juan PJ-dissidents (ACF, PyT) is with Cambien
The PJ dissidents are basically local leaders, of local factions, they are not really organized on federal level, for some of them is more beneficial going with Cambiemos others under FPV. It's not really about ideologies sadly, it's more about not losing their seat or there political power.
I've noticed that Party structures in Argentina (as in several other Latin American countries) is very decentralized and federalist. Is there any parties that try to organise along a more centralised nationwide model of political party?
The UCR is more organic as we say in spanish. More centralised nationwide as you said before, but it also has strong political figures that decide the candidates and stuff like in other parties, specially in the more caudillo-style type of provinces. But as you said before, party structures are very decentralized and very weak due to the elections being based on popularity of the candidates rather than ideology

I think that may be partly to do with political structure. I've noticed that countries with parliamentary and semi-presidential systems tend to have much more centralised party structures than countries with fully Presidential systems, especially is those countries are Federations as well.

Then you've got, as you say the whole caudillo archetype which, as I understand it, goes back even before Columbus to the Spanish conquest of Andalusia and the Canary Islands. Culture influences political structures which in turn influence culture.
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FredLindq
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« Reply #64 on: June 26, 2017, 01:49:20 PM »

So there are five peronist lists in Buenos Aires province?
Unidad Ciudadana , FPV Kirchernists and Compromiso Federal
•Frente Justicialista, the other Kirchnerista Coalition. Formed by the Partido Justicialista (i.e. the Peronist Party) -but without any real support from most PJ/FPV mayors-, and a bunch of small irrelevant and unknown parties.
            -One list for the primaries will be led by Florencio Randazzo, another by some random dude who works for Ishii (Ishi is a mayor of a Grand Buenos Aires)
•1País. The Massa-Stolbizer (who will both run in one list for the Senate race) alliance, formed by Massa's Frente Renovador, two progressive parties (whoare not a formal part of the coalition), Stolbizer's GEN.
•Frente Unión Federal, a coalition of two small Peronist parties
•Frente Unión por la Justicia Social, formed by non-kirchnerista Peronist parties Celeste y Blanco (the party that ran De Narvaez's campaign in 2011) and Propuesta Federal para el Cambio (an old name of Pro's wing in the Province)
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FredLindq
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« Reply #65 on: June 26, 2017, 03:24:07 PM »

Or 6.
Because
•Cambiemos, formed by Pro (Macro's party), UCR,  CC-ARI (Carrió), FE (a small dissident Peronist party led by a labor union leader) i.e. som dissident Peronist elements

What are the opinion polls saying for BA???

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Velasco
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« Reply #66 on: June 26, 2017, 04:24:33 PM »
« Edited: June 26, 2017, 04:29:02 PM by Velasco »

What are the opinion polls saying for BA???

According to Clarín, polls predict a three cornered contest in the senatorial election between Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (Unidad Ciudadana), Esteban Bullrich (Cambiemos) and Sergio Massa (1País). CFdK comes first and the second place would be fought between Bullrich and Massa. Florencio Randazzo would come in a distant fourth, followed by Néstor Pítrola (Workers' Left Front) and the rest of candidates.

https://www.clarin.com/politica/dicen-ultimas-encuestas-provincia-buenos-aires_0_ryp7oEBmW.html

Then you've got, as you say the whole caudillo archetype which, as I understand it, goes back even before Columbus to the Spanish conquest of Andalusia and the Canary Islands. Culture influences political structures which in turn influence culture.

Caudillo is a Spanish word that refers to a leader -whether military, political or ideological- that commands a group of people. It's a person that exercises leadership providing guidance to an organisation, a community or an entire nation. The word is commonly used for XIX and XX Century leaders, Caudillismo in Latin America is a fascinating phenomenon with an interesting history. I am curious to know what do you understand as the caudillo archetype and its origins you date in the conquest if Andalusia and the Canaries, although I'm afraid this subject could be off-topic.

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EnglishPete
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« Reply #67 on: June 26, 2017, 07:00:35 PM »

What are the opinion polls saying for BA???

According to Clarín, polls predict a three cornered contest in the senatorial election between Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (Unidad Ciudadana), Esteban Bullrich (Cambiemos) and Sergio Massa (1País). CFdK comes first and the second place would be fought between Bullrich and Massa. Florencio Randazzo would come in a distant fourth, followed by Néstor Pítrola (Workers' Left Front) and the rest of candidates.

https://www.clarin.com/politica/dicen-ultimas-encuestas-provincia-buenos-aires_0_ryp7oEBmW.html

Then you've got, as you say the whole caudillo archetype which, as I understand it, goes back even before Columbus to the Spanish conquest of Andalusia and the Canary Islands. Culture influences political structures which in turn influence culture.

Caudillo is a Spanish word that refers to a leader -whether military, political or ideological- that commands a group of people. It's a person that exercises leadership providing guidance to an organisation, a community or an entire nation. The word is commonly used for XIX and XX Century leaders, Caudillismo in Latin America is a fascinating phenomenon with an interesting history. I am curious to know what do you understand as the caudillo archetype and its origins you date in the conquest if Andalusia and the Canaries, although I'm afraid this subject could be off-topic.

Well to start with what were Cortes and Pizarro and other conquistador leaders if not Caudillos? It is often said that the concept of 'caudillo' comes from the reconquista, of a warlord leading a band to grab territory from the Moors in El Andalus or indeed later the Canaries for them and for the Crown of Castile. The conquest of the Spanish Indies was seen as a continuation of the same process, warlords and their bands grabbing land from the heathens for their own benefit but also for the Crown of Castile and the Catholic Church. The Spanish Indies were classified as being part of the Crown of Castile just like the reconquered in El Andalus and Canaries rather than being legally 'colonies' as the British territories in North America were.

That's just what I've read anyway, the Reconquista is not an area of expertise for me, others will know more.

It does seem to me clear however that when the archetype of the Caudillo re-emerged in the XIXth century hispanic America it was an archetype drawing very much from the Spanish side of the American heritage. (but as you say this is a bit off topic)
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« Reply #68 on: June 26, 2017, 08:02:13 PM »

So there are five peronist lists in Buenos Aires province?
Unidad Ciudadana , FPV Kirchernists and Compromiso Federal
•Frente Justicialista, the other Kirchnerista Coalition. Formed by the Partido Justicialista (i.e. the Peronist Party) -but without any real support from most PJ/FPV mayors-, and a bunch of small irrelevant and unknown parties.
            -One list for the primaries will be led by Florencio Randazzo, another by some random dude who works for Ishii (Ishi is a mayor of a Grand Buenos Aires)
•1País. The Massa-Stolbizer (who will both run in one list for the Senate race) alliance, formed by Massa's Frente Renovador, two progressive parties (whoare not a formal part of the coalition), Stolbizer's GEN.
•Frente Unión Federal, a coalition of two small Peronist parties
•Frente Unión por la Justicia Social, formed by non-kirchnerista Peronist parties Celeste y Blanco (the party that ran De Narvaez's campaign in 2011) and Propuesta Federal para el Cambio (an old name of Pro's wing in the Province)


Yes, but only the first three are serious parties, no one has ever heard of the last two

And peronistas have a very weak formal presence within Cambiemos in the Province (FE is a very tiny party)
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FredLindq
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« Reply #69 on: June 27, 2017, 02:01:22 AM »

So 2 senate seats to UC and 1 to Cambieos or 1Pais?

Is it possible to see wich candidates on the Cambienos list that are from UCR, PRO, ARI etc? The same for 1Pais? UNA, GEN etc
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Alex
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« Reply #70 on: June 27, 2017, 05:52:26 AM »
« Edited: June 28, 2017, 03:57:29 AM by Alex »

So 2 senate seats to UC and 1 to Cambieos or 1Pais?

Is it possible to see wich candidates on the Cambienos list that are from UCR, PRO, ARI etc? The same for 1Pais? UNA, GEN etc

Buenos Aires Province is not a safe seat and there have been very few opinion polls so far, and the elections are still too far away anyway
Cambiemos (i'll only mention the first few candidates for deputies for each party as they'll be electing 35 of them)
       Candidates for Senators: Esteban Bullrich (Pro) - Gladys González (Pro)
        Candidates for deputies: Graciela Ocaña (Confianza Pública, her own center-left party)  Héctor "Toty" Flores (CC-ARI), Guillermo Montenegro (Pro), Marcela Campagnoli (CC-ARI), Fabio Quetglas (UCR)
Carlos Fernández (UCR)
1 País:
      Senate: Sergio Massa (Frente Renovador), Margarita Stolbizer (GEN)
      Deputies: Felipe Solá (FR), Mirta Tundis (FR), Daniel Arroyo (FR), Ignacio De Mendiguren (FR) Liliana Schwindt (FR), Jorge Sarghini (FR)
(Massa got way better results in the 2015 election than Margarita)
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FredLindq
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« Reply #71 on: June 27, 2017, 07:35:09 AM »

Thanks!

Do you have this info regarding the senate elections in the other seven provinces?
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Lexii, harbinger of chaos and sexual anarchy
Alex
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« Reply #72 on: June 27, 2017, 10:47:37 AM »
« Edited: August 12, 2017, 08:26:35 PM by Alex »

San Luis:
Unidad Justicialista:
      Senate: Adolfo Rodriguez Saá (Compromiso Federal) Eugenia Catalfamo (CF)
       Deputies: Karim Alume (Movimiento de Integración y Desarrollo) Victoria Rosso (currently in the Rodriguez Saa cabinet), Alberto Geraiges (from the non-teaching staff labor union at the National University of San Luis
Cambiemos:
  -List A:Senate: Claudio Poggi (Avanzar) - Gabriela González Riollo (Pro)
          Deputies: José Riccardo (UCR), Ingrid Blumencweig (Avanzar),            Federico Fonzar (Pro)
  -List B: Senate: Toni" Lorenzo (UCR) - Graciela Nanci Uranga
            Deputies: Claudia “Paty” Farabelli (UCR), Mario Raúl Luco (UCR), Mario Omar Trivelli

Frente de Izquierda
GEN
Izquierda al Frente
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Lexii, harbinger of chaos and sexual anarchy
Alex
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« Reply #73 on: June 27, 2017, 08:32:19 PM »

First polls since they announced the candidates

June 25-26, Analogias, a polling group with kirchnerista leanings
Buenos Aires Province, Senate race
Cristina Kirchner - Jorge Taiana (Unidad Ciudadana) 33,8%
Esteban Bullrich-Gladys González (Cambiemos) 24,1%
Sergio Massa-Margarita Stolbizer (1Pais) 16,8%
Florencio Randazzo-Florencia Casamiquela(Frente Justicialista) 4,5%
Néstor Pitrola - Andrea Datri (FIT) 1.5%
Pino Solanas - Josefina Pouso (Creo) 1.5%
Others: 4.5%
Doesn't know: 13.3%
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Lexii, harbinger of chaos and sexual anarchy
Alex
Junior Chimp
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« Reply #74 on: June 28, 2017, 04:44:46 AM »
« Edited: August 12, 2017, 08:21:07 PM by Alex »

Buenos Aires City:
Vamos Juntos
  Elisa "Lilita" Carrió (CC-ARI), Carmen Polledo (Pro), Fernando Iglesias (CC), Juan Manuel López (CC), Paula Oliveto (CC), Alejandro García (Pro), Facundo Suárez Lastra (UCR), Joanna Picetti (Pro), Jorge Enríquez (Pro), Patricia Holzman (Pro), Agustín Giustinian (Pro).
Evolución
  Martin Lousteau, Carla Carrizo (UCR), Álvaro de Lamadrid (UCR), Mariano Genovesi (UCR)
Unidad Porteña
   -Unidad Ciudadana, Daniel Filmus (FPV)Gabriela Cerruti (Nuevo Encuentro), Juan Cabandié (FPV/La Cámpora), Carlos Heller (Partido Solidario), Gisela Marziotta, Gustavo López (Forja), Gabriela Alegre (FPV), Lucrecia Cardozo, Augusto Costa, Francisco Cafiero (PJ), Juliana Sette, Daniel Gollán, Juan Pablo O'Dezaille
   -Ahora Buenos Aires, Itai Hagman(Patria Grande), Elizabeth Gómez Alcorta (PG)
   -Honestidad y Coraje, Guillermo Moreno (La Néstor Kirchner), María Lucila "Pimpi" Colombo (LNK), Adrián Andreatta, Rubén Zampini.
Avancemos hacia un País Mejor
  Matías Tombolini, Florencia Arietto (FR), Raquel Vivanco (Libres del Sur)
Frente de Izquierda
   Marcelo Ramal(PO), Laura Marrone (Izquierda Socialista), Patricio del Corro (PTS)
Autodeterminación y Libertad
   Luis Zamora, María Cecilia Martínez
Izquierda al Frente
    Alejandro Bodart (MST), Marina Robles (Nuevo MAS), César Latorre (MST)
Convocatoria Abierta por Buenos Aires,
   -Popular y Socialista: Claudio Lozano (Unidad Popular), María Elena Barbagelata (Partido Socialista)
   -La Dignidad Izquierda Popular: Claudio Klejzer, Victoria Mafalda Sánchez
Proyecto Sur
   Enrique Viale,  Damián Solanas
Partido Humanista  
   Pablo Baqué, Mariana Lettis
Partido Socialista Auténtico
   Adrián Camps, Analía Marín
Partido Federal
   Patricia D'Aste, José Sanfilippo
Partido Acción Ciudadana
   José Antonio "Pocho" Romero Feria (former governor of Corrientes)
Bandera Vecinal
    Enrique Alberto Fantini
Partido Federal
    Perennial candidate Juan Ricardo Mussa
Partido El Movimiento , four different lists

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