Gilded Ambitions: Concert of Europe Part V (Gameplay Thread)

[Dereich]

Treaty

Map Prepared by the Korean Cartographical Society
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TREATY OF SINGAPORE (1905)

An AGREEMENT between the Republic of KOREA and the Holy ROMAN Empire, establishing a formal state of peace and resolving all outstanding disputes

PREAMBLE
Whereas, desiring peace and reconciliation, recognizing the importance of dialogue and diplomacy, and emphasizing the need for genuine constructive engagement, the signatories have resolved to act in good faith to rectify past injustices and adopt an agreement that affirms the sovereign interests of all parties.

ARTICLE I. IMMEDIATE RESOLUTION.
• There shall be an immediate end to all hostilities between the signatories.
• A state of peace shall exist, which shall be defined by a lack of transgression upon the territorial and political sovereignty by and against either signatory, or upon the rights conferred in this agreement, for no less than 10 years.
• This agreement provides the settlement of all formal disputes between the signatories, who shall agree to undertake any new ones peacefully. To that end, the signatories shall periodically review the terms of this agreement once every 10 years.
• The signatories resolve to fulfill the obligations of this agreement in a reasonable timeframe.

ARTICLE II. ESTABLISHED BOUNDARIES.
• For the purposes of this agreement, the land seized by the Republic of Korea from the Holy Roman Empire in the year of the Gregorian calendar 1904 shall be referred to as the 'dispute territory.'
• The Republic of Korea shall withdraw from and return the dispute territory of Singapore and North Borneo (hereinafter referred to as 'Austrian colonial jurisdiction') to the control of Austrian colonial authorities.
• Recognizing the payment for Singapore has not been completed pursuant to the Treaty of Copenhagen, the Holy Roman Empire shall make arrangement to do so as stipulated by Article V.
• Accordingly, the Republic of Korea recognizes the sovereignty of the Holy Roman Empire over Singapore and North Borneo.
• Likewise, the Holy Roman Empire recognizes the sovereignty of the Republic of Korea over the Korean peninsula below the Amnok and Tumen river, the Sunwon Islands, and other concessions stipulated in Article III.
• For the maintenance of peace, the signatories shall renounce any existing claim upon which they have recognized as the other's sovereign territory.
• Further, it shall be the express wish of the signatories that self-rule may eventually be established in the dispute territory.

ARTICLE III. SPECIAL INTEREST.
• The Holy Roman Empire formally recognizes the special interest of the Republic of Korea in the welfare and security of Singapore and North Borneo and, pursuantly, makes the following concessions.
• The Republic of Korea shall have the right to access the proceedings of the colonial government by dispatching no more than 3 officers to oversee such proceedings. Such officers shall represent the interests of the Republic of Korea.
• The Republic of Korea shall have the right to station a permanent diplomatic mission in Singapore and Brunei.
• All subjects of Austrian colonial jurisdiction shall have those rights which are possessed by subjects of Austria proper, within reasonable confines of Austrian law.
• Ethnic Koreans residing under Austrian colonial jurisdiction shall have the right to obtain Korean citizenship, and renounce Austrian citizenship, or that of another nationality. To that end, Austrian colonial authorities shall permit the construction of several consular buildings within their jurisdiction, including courts.
• When a Korean national is accused of a crime in Austrian colonial jurisdiction, he shall be referred to a consular court, where he will be tried by a Korean official under Korean law.
• To ensure the effective execution of justice, consular courts shall cooperate closely with Austrian colonial authorities, and may, to the extent it resolves a backlog, refer nationals back to colonial courts.
• A plot of land shall be leased to the Army of Korea in Brunei for the construction of a military base, and stationing rights will be conferred therein.
• For the effectuation of the privileges and interests described in this Article, the Natuna, Bintan, and Anambas island chains shall remain in the possession of the Republic of Korea and are ceded for formal purposes.

ARTICLE IV. TRADING PRIVILEGES.
• A special economic zone shall be established between the Republic of Korea and Austrian colonial jurisdiction, wherein businesses and products based in or originating from the Republic of Korea shall be made exempt from taxes, duties, tariffs, and other fees imposed by Austrian colonial authorities.
• In prescribing rules for commerce, Austrian colonial authorities may not issue any that apply to Korean products, businesses, or nationals but not to Austrian products, businesses, or nationals, or vice versa.
• Austrian colonial authorities may not expropriate the property or wealth of a Korean business or national, except as punishment for a crime, which shall require the assent of a consular court.
• The proceeds of any expropriation shall be returned to the Republic of Korea, except when it is necessary to resolve a debt.
• A central bank shall be chartered for the administration of monetary policy in Austrian colonial jurisdiction, which shall be shared and boarded equally by Austrians and Koreans, and nationals of both shall receive preferential treatment in lending arrangements.
• The Austrian Gulden and Korean Won shall both be considered legal tender for all transactions and debts within Austrian colonial jurisdiction.
• The central bank shall provide exchange rate services to facilitate the expeditious conversion of currency and flow of capital.

ARTICLE V. JUST COMPENSATION.
• The Republic of Korea shall issue reparations for damages to property and life in the Battle of Singapore.
• The Holy Roman Empire shall share 15% of its customs revenue from the Austrian colonial jurisdiction with the Republic of Korea for 5 years to finish payment for the land, pursuant to the Treaty of Copenhagen.

REPRESENTING THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA:
x The Honorable 권중현, President of the Republic of Korea
x The Honorable 한규설, Secretary of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Korea
x The Honorable 김가진, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Korea at Singapore

X Graf Montecuccoli, Imperial Foreign Minister
X Baron von Ketteler, Minister Plenipotentiary

[Lumine]

The King-Emperor of France and the Empress of Québec are pleased to announce that their recent diplomatic dispute is at an end.

Thanks to the vital assistance of His Holiness Pope Alexander X, who kindly and selflessly offered his services as a diplomatic mediator, a private understanding has been reached that addresses past misunderstandings, and which preserves the honor of France and Québec alike.

Montréal and Paris consider the matter hereafter closed, and express their utmost thanks to His Holiness for preventing further escalation to the immense benefit of millions of Catholics across the world.

[YPestis25]

Urgent Dispatch from Stockholm

In light of profound threats emanating from the French government regarding the situation in Angola, all Scandinavian reservists are called up. All naval ships are put on a war footing. The ambassadors from Scandinavia’s allies in Prussia, Poland, Great Britain, Russia, Austria, Colombia and New Holland are called to the palace for immediate consultation.

[Chancellor Tanterterg]

Statement From the French Foreign Ministry: “The Kingdom of France can only assume Scandinavia’s actions are little more than a sad joke.  How else could one account for Scandinavia claiming to have been threatened by France when Scandinavia has been aggressively threatening French diplomats with ‘world war’ if the Kingdom of France did not acquiesce to the Scandinavian invasion and conquest of Portuguese lands.”

[GoTfan]

The French Ambassador to the Republic of Japan is summoned to the Presidential Palace for an explanation of recent actions.

[Dereich]

On behalf of the Holy Roman Emperor, I would like to thank my good friend, President Tokugawa, for his invaluable assistance regarding the conflict in East Asia. We are proud to continue our partnership with the Japanese Republic as described in the Treaty of Mutual Guarantee of 1901 and maintain our full guarantee of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic. We furthermore accept the generous offer to participate in the Japanese Railway Competition and, in consideration for the tremendous gains he achieved in the Treaty of Guadalajara, will recommend the participation of the RÁBA Company who have been at the forefront of innovation in the field of petroleum-fueled rail carriages.  

[GoTfan]

Statement from the Japanese Foreign and Naval Ministries

In light of France's lack of a satisfactory explanation for recent actions, the Japenese Navy is ordered into defensive positions around Aceh, the Philippines and the Home Islands.

[Attorney General, Senator-Elect, & Former PPT Dwarven Dragon]

Statement from His Majesty the King

While reaffirming that Prussia will follow its obligations through agreements such as the Baltic Defense League and the Central European Common Market, His Majesty would express that a World War over insignificant territory is in no one's interest, and Prussia will not use troops for any offensive operation in this regard.

Trade Plans

While there is not a formal new treaty at this time, the Kingdom of Prussia will generally seek to expand Trade with France, the U.K., and the Ottoman Empire, to the extent doing so will not violate existing agreements such as the Central European Common Market

[oldkyhome]

CONVENTION ON THE PROTECTION OF PRIVATE PROPERTY AND INTERNATIONAL INVESTMENT

The High Contracting Parties the Kingdom of Scandinavia and the Empire of Quebec: 

Believing that peace, security, and progress in the world can only be attained and ensured by fruitful cooperation between all peoples on a basis of international law and mutual confidence;

Appreciating also the importance of encouraging commercial relations and promoting the flow of capital for economic activity and development;

And considering the contribution which may be made towards these-ends by a statement of principles of conduct relating to foreign investments;

Have resolved for this purpose to conclude the present Convention.

Article I
Every state shall at all times ensure fair and equitable treatment to the property of the nationals of the other states. Such property shall be accorded the most constant protection and security within the territories shall not in any way be impaired by unreasonable or discriminatory measures. 

Article II
Every state shall at all times ensure fair and equitable treatment to the investment and ownership interests of the nationals of the other states. Such investment and ownership interest shall be accorded the most constant protection and security within the territories shall not in any way be impaired by unreasonable or discriminatory measures. 

Article III
No state shall take any measures against nationals of another state to deprive them directly or indirectly of their property, investment or ownership interest except under due process of law and provided that such measures are not discriminatory or contrary to undertakings given by that state and are accompanied by the payment of just and effective compensation. Adequate provision shall have been made at or prior to the time of deprivation for the prompt determination and payment of such compensation, which shall represent the genuine value of the property affected, be made in transferable form, and be paid without undue delay.

Article IV
Parties to this convention shall consider this convention binding on both parties to this convention as well as non-parties to this convention. The parties resolve to undertake all efforts including economic and military countermeasures to rectify any state’s violation of Articles 1, 2, or 3.

Article V
The present Convention shall, as from the date of its entry into force, be open to accession by any state regarding Articles 1 through 3. A state will be permitted accession regarding the full convention by agreement of the High Contracting Parties.

x John IV, King of Scandinavia and Emperor of Africa

x Han Gyu-Seol, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Korea

[oldkyhome]

Treaty

Jeju Agreement (1902)

In pursuance of PEACE and AMITY between the Republic of Korea and the Kingdom of France, both parties (hereinafter the "High Contracting Parties") do affix their signature to agree to the following terms:

Article I. Korean Neutrality.
1. The Republic of Korea shall establish a policy of neutrality in the Franco-Chinese War and, accordingly, forgo any and all interference in the Franco-Chinese War.
2. The Republic of Korea shall not supply China or France with arms, ammunition, military equipment, or manpower for the duration of the conflict.
3. In return, the Kingdom of France shall ensure the safe passage of unarmed trade vessels from Korea to China and vice versa.
4. The Kingdom of France reserves the right to conduct certain inspections on vessels bound for China from Korea (or vice versa) for arms, ammunition, military equipment, or manpower for the duration of their blockade.
5. The High Contracting Parties shall coordinate and take reasonable steps to facilitate the unburdened flow of commerce and goods and to ensure all inspections are conducted swiftly and non-invasively.

Article II. Trade Relations.
1. The High Contracting Parties shall coordinate the establishment of new maritime trade and supply networks connecting India and Korea.
2. The High Contracting Parties shall establish an official rate of exchange between the French Franc, the Indian Rupee, and the Korean Won based on relative market value and purchasing power.
3. The Republic of Korea shall reduce its tariffs on French spices, cotton (and processed textiles thereof), raw iron, steel, jute products, and wine by 33%.
4. The Kingdom of France shall reduce its tariffs on Korean rice, tea, ginseng, silk (and processed textiles thereof), pearls, mother-of-pearl products, and livestock hide and skins by 33%.
5. On all other goods, tariffs shall be reduced by 15%.
6. The Republic of Korea shall begin the process of opening mainland ports to French trade.
7. The Republic of Korea reserves the right to apprehend and detain merchants possessing or distributing opium.

Article III. Miscellaneous.
1. Both parties individually reserve the right to terminate this agreement 90 days after written notice to the other.
2. The Kingdom of France reserves the right to terminate this agreement immediately if a Korean trade vessel is found transporting arms, ammunition, military equipment, or manpower within its blockade.
3. A non-aggression pact between the Kingdom of France and the Republic of Korea is established for a period of 5 years.

x Han Gyu-Seol, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Korea

(originally made private for reasons that have since expired)

[GoTfan]

The Korean Ambassador is summoned to the Presidential Palace immediately.

[GoTfan]

The President is satisfied with the Korean explanation and considers the matter dropped.

[Chancellor Tanterterg]

Treaty

Jeju Agreement (1902)

In pursuance of PEACE and AMITY between the Republic of Korea and the Kingdom of France, both parties (hereinafter the "High Contracting Parties") do affix their signature to agree to the following terms:

Article I. Korean Neutrality.
1. The Republic of Korea shall establish a policy of neutrality in the Franco-Chinese War and, accordingly, forgo any and all interference in the Franco-Chinese War.
2. The Republic of Korea shall not supply China or France with arms, ammunition, military equipment, or manpower for the duration of the conflict.
3. In return, the Kingdom of France shall ensure the safe passage of unarmed trade vessels from Korea to China and vice versa.
4. The Kingdom of France reserves the right to conduct certain inspections on vessels bound for China from Korea (or vice versa) for arms, ammunition, military equipment, or manpower for the duration of their blockade.
5. The High Contracting Parties shall coordinate and take reasonable steps to facilitate the unburdened flow of commerce and goods and to ensure all inspections are conducted swiftly and non-invasively.

Article II. Trade Relations.
1. The High Contracting Parties shall coordinate the establishment of new maritime trade and supply networks connecting India and Korea.
2. The High Contracting Parties shall establish an official rate of exchange between the French Franc, the Indian Rupee, and the Korean Won based on relative market value and purchasing power.
3. The Republic of Korea shall reduce its tariffs on French spices, cotton (and processed textiles thereof), raw iron, steel, jute products, and wine by 33%.
4. The Kingdom of France shall reduce its tariffs on Korean rice, tea, ginseng, silk (and processed textiles thereof), pearls, mother-of-pearl products, and livestock hide and skins by 33%.
5. On all other goods, tariffs shall be reduced by 15%.
6. The Republic of Korea shall begin the process of opening mainland ports to French trade.
7. The Republic of Korea reserves the right to apprehend and detain merchants possessing or distributing opium.

Article III. Miscellaneous.
1. Both parties individually reserve the right to terminate this agreement 90 days after written notice to the other.
2. The Kingdom of France reserves the right to terminate this agreement immediately if a Korean trade vessel is found transporting arms, ammunition, military equipment, or manpower within its blockade.
3. A non-aggression pact between the Kingdom of France and the Republic of Korea is established for a period of 5 years.

x Han Gyu-Seol, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Korea

(originally made private for reasons that have since expired)

x Louis XX De Bourbon, The Most Christian King-Emperor of France, Defender of the Christian Faith, and Protector of Latin Europe

[oldkyhome]

Treaty

Natuna Revision (1905)

A REVISION of the earlier Treaty of Lampang between the Republic of KOREA and the Republic of THAILAND pursuant to Article III, Clause 3:
1. Clauses 2, 3, and 4 of Article I of the Treaty of Lampang are struck.
2. The Republic of Korea and the Republic of Thailand shall form an alliance, pledging to come to the defense of the other in the event of any attack from a foreign belligerent.
3. For the effectuation of this agreement, the Republic of Thailand shall recognize the nearby Natuna, Bintan, and Anambas island chains as the sovereign territory of the Republic of Korea.

x Han Gyu-Seol, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Korea

[Spamage]

Treaty

Natuna Revision (1905)

A REVISION of the earlier Treaty of Lampang between the Republic of KOREA and the Republic of THAILAND pursuant to Article III, Clause 3:
1. Clauses 2, 3, and 4 of Article I of the Treaty of Lampang are struck.
2. The Republic of Korea and the Republic of Thailand shall form an alliance, pledging to come to the defense of the other in the event of any attack from a foreign belligerent.
3. For the effectuation of this agreement, the Republic of Thailand shall recognize the nearby Natuna, Bintan, and Anambas island chains as the sovereign territory of the Republic of Korea.

x Han Gyu-Seol, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Korea

X- President Yut Khongyu of Thailand

[Dereich]

The Imperial Household is pleased to announce the engagement of His Majesty, Emperor Maximilian Hapsburg-Lothringen, to the eminent Princess Viktoria Wettin of Saxony.

The Imperial Household is pleased to announce the engagement of Prince Henry Hapsburg-Lothringen to Queen Emilia Bourbon-Orleans. His Highness, Prince Henry, would yield his claim to the Imperial throne in so wedding Queen Emilia. The Emperor stands ready to assist his brother and future sister-in-law in the rebuilding and rejuvenation of Mexico.

In light of the ongoing uncertainty regarding the Empire's dear friends in the Kingdom of Scandinavia, the Imperial and Royal Armed Forces are placed on high alert should mobilization become necessary. Furthermore, known foreign agents in Imperial and Royal cities believed to have committed acts of lese majeste or active efforts to shake the unity of the Emperor and his subjects are placed under house arrest until the current crisis has past. Letters, decrees, and pronouncements from foreign agents to those within the Habsburg Domains are to be reviewed and withheld if suspected of decreasing Imperial and Royal cohesion. Members of the clergy, due to previous hostility, are not exempt from this order.

[oldkyhome]

We congratulate our friends across the Sea for their creative initiative in the Pacific Railway Competition, and we graciously accept their invitation to participate. A most adept Korean-led team will be formed and contest the prize. We wish luck to all other nation-participants.

[Spamage]

 

1905 News of the World

WAR OF THE THREE EMPERORS
NATIONS MOBILIZE FOR DRAMATIC STRUGGLE!

Habsburg Soldiers Heading Towards France, 1905
(Source: Wikimedia Commons)

  Tensions had risen and abated in Europe for half of a decade. For year after year in the new century the continent seemed on the cusp of war. The Pampeano Affair in 1901, the death of Clement XIV in 1903, and the buildup to the Treaty of Rome in 1904 had all seen the diplomats of Europe dance on the edge of abyss, narrowly avoiding disaster each time. Perhaps the ability to flirt with, yet avoid, war had desensitized the governments to the very real risk of peril they faced. 1905 would see this sense of security shattered. The Rubicon has been crossed; blood has been spilled. The Angolan Affair itself never truly materialized, France calling off any invasion of the Portuguese Republican territories in Africa. Yet, the saber-rattling had shaken Scandinavia and convinced King John IV that Paris could no longer be trusted. Stockholm, in concert with Vienna and London, would act. This decision was only cemented further with terrorism on the soil of Scandinavia and her allies, increasing their paranoia in dealing with France. Rather than wait for war to come to the homeland, Stockholm organized preemptive action. May 5th, 1905 is a date whose implications will no doubt be felt for years.
   General warfare has at long last come to Europe, the continent at its most militarized since the Great Eastern War decades ago. Indeed, aside from brief intervention in the War of the Regency, Europe has not seen a full-scale conflict between France and Austria since the War of the Austrian Succession in the 1740s. That conflict was fought with cannons and cavalry, now war has become yet more destructive. The future hangs in the balance as France and her Iberian allies contend with the Triple Alliance of Scandinavia-Britain-Austria, all the while Russia watches silently from the east. The Allies have won extensive victories in Italy and the Low Countries as France mobilizes to fight once more; the public outraged by the assault. This toxic combination of nationalism, religion, and political ruthlessness has utterly changed the world. The fight has been dubbed the ‘War of the Three Emperors’, the crowned sovereigns leading their realms into the struggle.

The April Crisis
   War did not come upon the continent overnight, the early part of 1905 seeing a gradual increase of tensions on a wide variety of fronts. April 1905 would prove to be one of the most dramatic months in European history, an extended web of crises coalescing into general warfare. While the Angola Affair proved to be the breaking-point, it was preceded by a series of dramatic developments rocking the region in the opening months of the year in Ireland, the Church, and assassination attempts in the various allied capitals.

The Church Simmers
   While Ireland stabilized in the second half of 1905, it was not for a lack of Papal meddling. Relations between the Vatican and London were near rock bottom, many British officials personally blaming the pontiff for the unrest there.  Alexander X contributed to the growing crisis, openly praying for those either killed or imprisoned by British authorities following the final surrender of the rebels.
   Austria was not blind to their own vulnerabilities. Unwilling to allow the anti-government cardinals to spread their poison, Louis-Henry took several decisive steps. In late March, just days after the disturbances in Ireland, the errant cardinals in Prague, Munich, and other cities were placed under house arrest and prohibited from performing services. Statements from Alexander X were formally censored, publishers prohibited from printing his growing string of subversive rants against the established order. While the government was keen to emphasize its continued obedience to Catholic doctrine, the Vatican was seemingly to be sidelined in the Austrian Church.
   Incensed, the Pope doubled down. Weeks later, on April 2nd, he decreed that the College of Cardinals would be expanded yet further by 20 more appointees. Though it was within the purview of the Papacy to enact reforms such as this, there was widespread feeling among the conservatives in the Church that this naked partisan stacking of the body was illegitimate. Nevertheless, Alexander formally pushed 4 more radical cardinals on Austria, naming loyalists and revolutionary clerics to the sees of Pressburg, Lemberg, Budapest, and Vilnius. Reiterating the Vatican’s continued support for the Irish nationalist cause, Patrick O’Donnell of Cork was also promoted. Another radical was appointed to Šiauliai, meant to serve as a rebuke to Stockholm for meddling in the affairs of the Church. Indeed, for while Scandinavia and the majority of its possessions are overwhelmingly Lutheran, this is not the case in predominantly Catholic Lithuania. Pranciškus Karevičius began to spread nationalist filth from the pulpit as had been done in both Ireland and the Habsburg Monarchy. The cracks in the Treaty of Rome were at this point becoming growing chasms, just months after the agreement had been signed.

Assassinations Afoot
   April 6th was the coronation day for King John IV in Uppsala. The city was flooded with spectators, Scandinavian royalists, and foreign dignitaries all wanting to partake in this major historical moment. A mass procession, featuring representatives of Scandinavia’s plethora of colonial possessions, awed those assembled. John IV himself appeared in full regalia, flanked by his wife Alexandra of Hesse-Darmstadt, his mother Charlotte Romanov, and brother Prince Frederick. The Uppsala Cathedral was crowded to capacity as John sat upon the Silver Throne, named King of Scandinavia and Emperor of Africa.
   It seemed the day was perfect, until it wasn’t. The ceremonies were erupted by a blast A young, addled Danish 18-year-old woman emerged from the crowd after the ceremony, charging the royal carriage in a suicide bomb attempt. John IV himself was merely grazed, furthest from the blast, experiencing only mild slicing his arm, but the situation was more serious for Charlotte. The newly-crowned Emperor could only watch in horror as his mother collapsed into a pool of blood, a shrapnel having pierced her chest.
   Cursory investigation after the blast revealed that Dagmar Overbye, a crazed Danishwoman, was responsible. In the immediate crackdown, a conspiratorial ring was revealed. Overbye had not acted alone; her ballistics were too advanced for that. Instead, several suppliers of the explosives were arrests. Ideologically they ran the gamut, but all seemed to be discontented drifters. Some killed themselves before apprehension, though others failed in the attempt. After extended interrogation a bizarre story emerged. One person in the network confessed they had been approached by a Serb who had supplied the materials, though this detail strained credulity. What quarrel did Stockholm have with Belgrade? Serbia, for its part, vehemently denied any role and denounced the perpetrators. Scandinavian authorities, with the growing backdrop of the diplomatic crisis, blamed France, though no solid link was established. John IV, now without both of his parents, became even more obstinately Francophobic, convinced that Versailles had a role in the death of his mother. The King-Emperor remained in his coronation regalia, covered in his mother’s blood, the remainder of the day as a testament to his enduring rage for the attempt on his life. France, meanwhile, denied any involvement, correctly pointing out there was nothing tying it to the attack.
   A second attempt emerged in London a week later, ratcheting up tensions further. An Irish nationalist turned himself in at Scotland Yard on April 10th, confessing to having been recruited to kill himself, Queen Mary, and her family in an attack similar to the one perpetrated in Uppsala. Getting cold feet at the last minute, he turned on his compatriots that would see him kill himself in pursuit of their national cause. A wide conspiracy was revealed here as well, orders having come not only to murder the Royal Family, but instigate an explosion similar to the Gunpowder Plot. Just a couple years on from a similar attempt in Beijing, officials discovered a substantial cache of munitions concealed in the outskirts of London. Parliament, led by the newly-elected Prime Minister Parker, was vocal in its condemnation of the situation. Yet again, Serbians would be implicated.
   Paranoia began to rule the streets of European capitols, security being massively upgraded in most cities. Whatever the suspicions against France expressed in Stockholm and London, Paris itself was the site of another assassination attempt.  Personal support for Louis XX was boosted by an attempt on his life in Paris on April 17th, a member of the Blue Lily organization lobbing a bomb at his automobile as he was driven to Notre Dame for Palm Sunday services. The would-be assassin was slain in a shoot-out with the Sons of St. Louis, dying alongside whatever secrets he may have possessed. To the French government, the incident was a potent reminder that enemies lurked within as well as without.
   Vienna was on high alert, but would conspicuously be the only major capital city without an attempt made on the life of the sovereign. Indeed, some would question why the Serbian plotters in the various other realms had not targeted Maximilian V and Louis-Henry, the rulers they arguably had greater reason to quarrel with than the sovereigns of Scandinavia or Britain.

Angola and the Outbreak of Hostilities
   Thus, it was against the backdrop of growing tension that the fate of the Portuguese colonies came under question. The Angola Crisis emerged from a Scandinavian declaration of protection to the Republican regime operating in exile, igniting intense opposition from Paris, who saw the government there as an illegitimate breakaway regime. There was a general expectation that the war of words would become a war of deeds. Governments issued heated missives as the continent seemed on the brink.
   Stockholm, already rattled by the attempt on the life of the King-Emperor, determined not to back down. Even as it became clear that France would not challenge the status quo for the time being, the threatened naval invasion not materializing in late April, the diplomatic calculus had changed. Unwilling to wait around until they, or their Portuguese Republican allies, were attacked, John IV determined it was time to act. There would be war. Plans for a strike against Louis XX and his regime were set, going into effect in early May.

The Low Countries
   The General War began quietly in quiet and unassuming fields of Groningen on the morning of May 5th, 1905. Thousands of Scandinavians crossed the French border into the northern Netherlands, joined shortly afterwards by British divisions on-hand to support the liberation of the Low Countries. Groningen, a Scandinavian outpost in the region as recently as 30 years ago, fell within the morning as news of the invasion swept across the French-aligned world. The placid fields and countryside echoed with the pounding of Scandinavian boots and the clopping of their horses in tow. They swept into a region wholly unprepared for their advance, an offensive from Scandinavia catching French officials by surprise, most assuming the Angolan Affair had abated.
   As France mustered its men and prepared their defenses amid the chaos, the invaders swooped south. They found a region in anarchy. The Netherlands erupted into an orgy of violence upon word of the Anglo-Scandinavian assault, the remaining Dutch population taking out decades of pent-up frustrations on the French colonizers. ‘La Haye’ (the Hague) burst into flames as Dutch resistance bands battled it out in the streets with French officials and ‘Citizen’s Guards’. Across the northern Netherlands, in particular, recently-constructed Catholic churches have been firebombed, while priests and missionaries are hanged on sight by mobs of vengeful locals. Many Néerlandais (as the French-speakers have been dubbed) elected to flee rather than face retribution under Scandinavian occupation, the roads to the south inundated with tens of thousands seeking safety behind friendly lines. Northern French cities such as Brussels, Lille, Amiens, and Reims have been crowded with these dispossessed refugees.
   The triumph for the allies in this theater was the fall of Amsterdam on May 20th, the old Dutch capital opening up its harbor to allied vessels and providing a key supply hub for operations in the region. It was at this point the House of Orange resurfaced, thirty years later. William-Frederick, deposed as a child in the 1870s with the socialist revolution and having spent the next three decades in exile at the Scandinavian court, was reinstated in Amsterdam as King William V of the Netherlands. After 29 years of French occupation, he proclaimed the rebirth of Dutch Independence, giving a dramatic speech harkening back to the days of William of Orange and Maurice of Nassau. There has been a concerted push to undo the Francization policies of the past few decades, a wave of nationalist fervor sweeping the dramatically-reduced Dutch populace. Even the use of the word ‘Pays-Bas’ was prohibited as his government pivoted to ultra-nationalism. Meanwhile, despite the unsettled nature of the conflict, the newly-established Dutch regime wasted no time in proclaiming a constitution, vowing elections after the war was concluded, and arresting known French officials remaining in reach.
   As the allied forces reached the Rhine, they found the French forces far more capable at slowing their advance, the initial shock of the assault wearing off and Paris mobilizing the populace for war. While still unable to prevent a crossing of the Rhine (the British breaching that natural barrier at Nijmegen), the rate of advance began to slow. While Northern Brabant was still generally sympathetic to the invaders, the further south the Anglo-Scandinavian forces moved, the less restive the French subjects. Successes continued, albeit at a greatly reduced rate and much higher cost. Eindhoven fell on July 10th, 1905. Antwerp endured a brief siege, the French garrison refusing to surrender for more than two weeks, before it fell in mid-August. The summer ended with battles at Ghent, Bruges, and Ostend seeing the Scandinavians going toe-to-toe with the increasingly entrenched French positions. While each of these cities fell in turn, it was not before they had been gutted by the initial fighting. Brussels sits on the frontlines, the city shelled by both sides and turning into a hellacious warscape. While the victories here have been significant, Paris remains but a blip on the horizon.
   Yet, the Austrians would not be wholly absent in this theater themselves, the Northern Imperial Army supporting operations in Belgium from the west. Luxembourg, Liege, and the Ardennes were the primary Imperial gains as the year came to a close, the bulk of their operations instead being concentrated on France proper and the Italian theater.

Italy: Restorations and Excommunications
   The peace in Italy, seeming to have finally been achieved with the Treaty of Rome in 1904, was abruptly shattered by the outbreak of hostilities. Simultaneous to their operations elsewhere, Austrian forces crossed the border into Padania on May 5th, 1905. Church bells rang all throughout Milan as the reality of the situation dawned. War was upon the region once more.
   Padanian officials, still reeling from occupation by their Neapolitan foes, were utterly incapable of slowing the initial push. The region, so recently ravaged by bloodshed, now fell under Austrian control. Habsburg operations were rather straightforward. Modena fell on May 20th, Genoa on June 5th, and the great city of Turin on July 18th. The reactions of the public ran the spectrum. Unlike the Netherlands, French control over this portion of Italy has lasted for more than a century, in concert with unceasing Francization efforts. A significant proportion of the populace therefore identified as loyalist. Diehard reactionary-socialists have fled into the countryside and vowed continued resistance, targeting railways and attempting to assassinate Habsburg officials sent to govern the occupied territories. Others, of more an Italian nationalist inclination treated the Austrians as liberators, hoping to see the end of French control in Padania once and for all. French officials organized a response to the losses as the summer began, finally getting sufficient manpower on the frontline to slow the Austrian advance as it reached the Alps and Savoy proper, but there is little doubt that initial Austrian gains have been impressive. The Po Valley now sits wholly under the control of Vienna for the first time in living memory.
   Yet, war would not be confined merely to the north. Despite misgivings and worry that the realm had not sufficiently recovered from the prior conflict, King Alfonso and Prime Minister Enrico Corradini of Etruria united to join the fray on the side of their new ally in Vienna. Etrurian divisions smashed south, determined to reverse their national humiliation. The Papal States and French dominions, so recently erected, were rocked to their foundations. Rome fell easily within several weeks, Alfonso entering his old capitol in a triumph and Papal flags being torn down and burned in St. Peter’s Square. Alexander X was conspicuously absent. From there, the Etrurians turned south. French divisions were united under the command of General Raoul Le Mouton de Boisdeffre but, isolated in a region that detested them, were repeatedly defeated. As they retreated, they were met with an outpouring of hatred on the part of the murderous populace in many villages. The Battle of Naples was followed by the Battle of Salerno and then the Battle of Cosenza. The French forces in southern Italy ended the year isolated in Calabria, finally finding a point where they could catch their breath and form defensive positions. Yet, the Etrurians themselves were unable to land a fatal blow, weakened as they were by the late Franco-Neapolitan War that had so recently concluded.
   The Papacy was incensed by the developments. Alexander X and the Papal Court resurfaced in Ajaccio, having somehow managed an escape to Corsica amidst the chaos. The Pope wasted no time in issuing a formal excommunication of Archduke Louis-Henry, young Emperor Maximilian V, King Alfonso of Etruria, and King Sigismund IV of Poland. In scathing terms, the Pontiff denounced them for acting against the Church, Papacy, and Treaty of Rome. Their lands were placed under interdict, formally prohibiting the celebration of Mass within their borders. Despite the gravity of this, there was little evidence that prelates on the ground were obeying the Pope’s decrees at this point. Going yet further, the Pontiff reasserted Papal claims to supremacy over the Holy Roman Empire. Maximilian was denounced as a usurper, Alexander instead naming Louis XX of France as ‘Emperor Ludwig V of the Holy Roman Empire’. This news was widely suppressed on the Austrian home front, Vienna having preemptively censored any communiques issued from the Vatican for more than a year. The breach between Vienna and the Vatican has been completed, neither side seeming willing to back down amidst the breakdown of relations.

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The Central Front
   The bulk of the Austrian offensive pushed into France from western Germany, crossing into Alsace and the surrounding region. Strasbourg, Colmar, and Mulhouse fell with a whimper in the initial assault. The Battle of Nancy saw the remnants of the French border forces seek to delay the advance of the Austrians with limited success. While they would not succeed in saving the city from Habsburg occupation, the steel of their resistance warded many Habsburg commanders off of what was viewed as a costly push on Paris through intense resistance in the region in between. It also bought time to mobilize the French populace, though that effort was undoubtedly hampered by the territorial losses in Italy, the Netherlands, and on this front.
   Versailles, thrown into a panic at news of the assault, viewed the central front as most crucial for the survival of the French cause. While losses in the Netherlands and Padania were lamentable, they were not the core of the realm’s strength. France proper fueled the reactionary-socialist juggernaut, therefore its defense was to be of paramount importance. Thus, it was to the Central Front that the bulk of initial French conscripts were sent, seeking to stabilize the situation. They would succeed, albeit at a heavy cost, thousands perishing in firefights with the invaders.
   Unwilling to subject themselves to a death march on Paris, especially after the potential intensity of French resistance was demonstrated at the Battle of Nancy, the Austrians determined to secure their position in eastern France. Besancon fell in good order, as did Macon, Langres, and Dijon. The occupation was a culture-shock for the French populace, accustomed as it had become to living under Louis XX’s absolutism at this point. Hardcore loyalists refused to leave their homes, while members of the Blue Lillies outed themselves by openly collaborating with the Austrians.
   As on the other fronts, the initial hectic pace of gains began to slow as France mobilized and sent its men to the frontlines. While Habsburg commanders would dream of linking up with the Italian front, the two armies tantalizingly close to one another, French entrenchment brought the advance to a close by the end of the year. Nevertheless, the government of Maximilian V could look with satisfaction on their tremendous gains over the past year. Still, more work remains if the reactionary-socialist cause is to be humbled.

France at Home
   News of the assaults on May 5th was viewed as the blackest of tragedies by the Frech public. As Paris received word of defeat after defeat, a genuine sense of despair gripped the capital. Louis XX himself was reportedly completely stunned by the development, falling into a shock and sealing himself away in the Chapel of Versailles for more than 24 hours of prayer with his bishops. He emerged a man determined to fight. He was the heir of Charles Martel, Charles VII, and Henry IV. France would not fall meekly into foreign occupation so long as he remained on the throne. The kingdom mobilized to defend itself in the chaos, dispatching thousands of its young men to the front once more. This time the carnage would be occurring within their own borders.
   Whatever the criticisms of Louis XX and his diplomacy, the unilateral attack of the Allies was viewed by the French people as an act of utter treachery. No attack had occurred against Angola, how was such a dramatic assault justifiable? The news of losses in Asia, perhaps utterly fatal a year or two ago, was wholly overlooked as people saw France proper under threat. Bolstered by a wave of nationalistic fervor, propaganda beseeched on the public to defend the homeland. Thousands of men diligently answered the call, the nation gearing up to defend itself from the onslaught. It would be the commitment of these men that would slow the advances on the various front lines by the end of the year. Their courage would be all that kept Paris and Versailles from becoming mere barracks for soldiers of occupation.

Iberia
   Developments in Iberia had been the ostensible cause of the conflict, specifically the future of the Portuguese colonies. Yet, the theater itself was rather quiet for the duration of 1905. Those French forces remaining in the region cooperated with their Spanish allies to stamp out more of the guerilla resistance. Militias in northern Spain and Portugal were shown little mercy by the new government as stability was brought about by force. While tiny pockets would continue to carry on the struggle, their situation growing ever more desperate, the bulk of the Portuguese and Spanish rebels have been disheartened by their foreign abandonment, even more apparent now that general war has broken out and yet no further aid has materialized.
   Portugal, meanwhile, was reconstituted as an ‘independent’ kingdom under the reign of the Dauphine. Maria of Portugal, wife of Louis XX’s son, was crowned Queen Maria II in the burnt-out husk of Lisbon in early summer. France had attempted to assuage European concerns by promising the throne of Portugal to either the prospective second son of the new queen or her eldest daughter, giving the kingdom the veneer of independence. Maria II, for her part, has been a pliant ally of her father-in-law. Aside from declaring war on the Anglo-Austrian-Scandinavian alliance and overseeing the appointment of ministers, she had done little independently. Shortly after her coronation the new queen returned to her husband at Versailles, keeping the existing regents empowered to govern in her name on day-to-day decisions. The Portuguese Revolution has been rolled back, the restored monarchical government reinstituting many of the policies of the old regime and restoring the Church to its influential position in the life of the realm.
   The outbreak of war to the north was not ignored by Iberia. King Henry VI of Spain wasted no time in declaring his full-fledged support for his cousin in Versailles. The Kingdom of Spain, battered as it was by the horrors of the recent civil war, would stand on France’s side in the European conflict, Spanish divisions being placed on the outskirts of Habsburg Gibraltar and formally placing that outpost of Maximilian under siege. Portugal would send some of its meager forces to assist on this operation. The Catholic-Republican regimes in Catalonia, Sardinia, and Sicily, seeing that a triumphant Austria was unlikely to sanction their survival, threw their lot in with the French cause as well, though their contributions were limited by a Habsburg-Etrurian blockade of the various Mediterranean islands.

Vultures Descend: Crisis in the East
   France’s whole attention would be focused on the situation in Europe, for better or worse. This left the remnants of their Asian empire surpremely vulnerable to foreign assault. After several years of truce, with no end to the conflict seeming to be in sight, the Chinese and Durrani elected to invade the remnants of the French Raj, tiring of waiting for an elusive peace. The remaining port cities folded easily, while the Sultan dynasty defeated the French-appointed usurpers to the south. French Orissa was occupied by China, while Gujarat was held by the Afghans. Aid from Japan, who would take action themselves, would help the Chinese occupy Ceylon as well.
   Not to be left out, and unwilling to see other regional powers improve their position relative to themselves, Japan stirred themselves, pouncing on the entirely overlooked French outposts at Sumatra and Borneo. Under the guise of protecting the outposts from either the rapacious New Hollanders or the expanding Chinese, forces landed in the coastal cities and declared the islands under Japanese occupation. Here, developments would be a bit more complicated. The crafty Sultan of Aceh, on the back foot in his own territory, sent men to rile up Southern Sumatra with news of the Japanese assault, turning the conflict into a war of national liberation against oppressive colonialism, be it European or Japanese. He would have limited success, the chaos of the Aceh War spilling into the south, though the diluting of his forces also meant that his strength in his own realm did decrease markedly.
  

Greek Revolution!
Democracy Suspended Following Military Coup

Soldiers of the Expanded Greek Army, 1905
(Source: Wikimedia Commons)

   Greek politics had never truly recovered from the Bulgarian invasion as the 1905 election approached. The Turkish-Bulgarian invasion had been an utter humiliation, the government only being saved by the intervention of the Austrians and Scandinavians. Both King Constantine II and the democratic, parliamentary political establishment were discredited by the debacle. Neither had foreseen the assault, nor had they been effective in handling it. The Army, despite its own significant role in defeat, sought to place all the blame on government leadership, arguing that they had been underfunded and sidelined in the lead-up to war. To a nationalist populace, one wanting to arm itself to the teeth, this was all they needed to hear.
   1905 marked the first elections since the war had concluded. 1901, just prior to the eruption of the Greco-Bulgarian War, had seen a center-left coalition of the reformist liberals and moderate socialists assume control of government. Both King Constantine II and incumbent Prime Minister Georgios Theotokis held off from calling an election as long as they were able, but the term was mandated to end in early 1905. Theotokis had been wary of the conservatives winning the election and reversing his reforms, what he faced instead was a very different beast.
   The Greek conservatives were discredited as much as the other political factions, for they had joined in an emergency ‘Government of National Unity’ at the start of the conflict. Instead, the right was roiled by the appearance of a new, more muscular political movement. General Panagiotis Danglis, notable for his defense of Corinth against repeated Bulgarian assaults, led the ‘National Cause’. He campaigned as a war hero, but one committed to eradicating Greek weakness. ‘Not another 1902,’ was his slogan at mass rallies held throughout the country, with his platform consisting of a muscular rearmament and mandatory military service. He vowed that under his watch Greece would never be caught unawares, nor would ‘insipient and corrupt bureaucrats’ be allowed to thwart the nation’s efforts for self-defense. Danglis pointed to several very real allegations of corruption against the incumbent government to paint the picture of a leadership more focused on personal enrichment than national glory.
   Danglis and his propositions ignited alarm from both the existing political forces and King Constantine II. The general was openly broaching many Greek taboos, questioning ‘subservience’ to Scandinavia, the usefulness of the parliamentary system, and the capability of the Crown to govern. Sufficiently worried by the growing strength of the movement, Prime Minister Theotokis mustered his political allies as the ‘United Left’, seeking to beat back the swelling support for the war hero. Yet, his campaign was dogged by the surfacing of various documents alleging he had been bribed by Turkish officials and that the Greek government had privately agreed to cede its claims in Anatolia. While the veracity of these materials was questioned, it only further served to cement the narrative of the current government as corrupt and incompetent.
   There was a secondary undercurrent in this campaign. Not for nothing, despite the aid of Stockholm in restoring Greek borders in 1903, there was a sense by some Greeks that they were a weak lackey, beholden to the interests of their patron to the north. Indeed, a sort of insipient resentment permeated Greek society, some subjects chafing against this sense of impotence. Danglis himself did not help matters, arguing that Constantine II was a secret Lutheran alongside his mother, Queen Josepha of Hesse-Darmstadt. Theotokis and his opponents sought to counter, rebutting with praise for Stockholm and condemning Danglis as a radical sympathizer. The whole realm held its breath as votes were counted in early April.

Greek Parliamentary Election, 1905: 235 seats (118 needed for a majority)
National Cause (Far-Right Nationalist): 101 seats (+105)
United Left (Broad Left-Wing): 94 seats (-51)
People’s Party of Greece (Traditionalist Conservatives): 28 seats (-53)
Revolutionary People’s Party (Far-Left Communist): 12 seats (-1)

   There was a sigh of relief with the election results. While the rise of Danglis and the far-right was alarming, they had been thwarted from achieving an absolute majority. The United Left and the People’s Party seemed both determined to form a government keeping the extremist elements out, in line with coalition-building practiced elsewhere for decades. Constantine II made his political preferences clear, inviting Theotokis to a personal audience where government formation was discussed. This was problematic as the King had refused to give Danglis the first crack at forming a government, a serious slight to the leader of the largest political party in the Parliament.
   What Constantine and Theotokis had not counted on was the black rage expressed by National Cause supporters. Fraud was alleged, sympathetic newspapers filled with stories of ballot-stuffing operations on the part of royal officials. Mass protests exploded in many major cities, citizens railing against the ‘tyranny of the elites’ within a week of the election. This all came against the backdrop of growing hostilities in Europe, Danglis publicly alleging that Stockholm would drag Greece into war with France against its will. Matters came to a head on April 17th, just two weeks after the vote as Parliament was convening in Athens for its opening session.  
   The city ground to a halt, throngs of Danglis’ supporters preventing the assembly from reaching a quorum. They were met with leftist counter-protests seeking to protect Greek democracy. The city was a mess. Not only was the entirety of the National Cause faction absent out of protest, but so were several other dozen delegates stranded by the chaos in the city. Constantine II had enough, calling in the military to crack down, restore order, and protect Greek democracy.
   The King had severely miscalculated. At this point the military effectively operated independently. Konstantinos Sapountzakis, Head of the Army General Command, heard the orders, but refused to act on them. While himself somewhat of a mainstream conservative, greatly opposing Theotokis’ social reforms, he was sympathetic to the National Cause.  Instead, the leader of the Greek military appeared publicly with Panagiotis Danglis, the two leaders joining arms and calling for ‘the restoring of the Greek spirit’. Sapountzakis’ men did flood the city, but they bypassed the crowds. Instead, they inaugurated a sudden assault on the Parliament and the frightened delegates within, unilaterally shelling the building. The overwhelmed delegates inside were then treated to a brutal storming, dozens of unarmed officials killed in the act of lopsided violence. The Coup of April concluded with the arrest of those remaining members of the United Left. Prime Minister Theotokis was shot on sight, his body left on public display in an open show of defiance to the old order.
   Panagiotis Danglis and his fellow elected National Cause delegates convened the night of the coup in the smoldering ruins of the Parliamentary House. Danglis was elected Prime Minister unanimously, the body then passing a series of emergency measures suspending the constitution, limiting the powers of Constantine II, and formally giving the Prime Minister indefinite emergency powers.
   In the following days, brutal raids were carried out against the homes of officials appointed by Theotokis or openly loyal of him. The mayor of Thessalonica himself was murdered on April 22nd, alongside several dozen other minor officials who have gone missing and are presumed dead. All throughout the country the efforts of supporters of the deposed government were brutally suppressed, live rounds shot into the mobs attempting to topple Danglis and his radical shift. Loyal civilians, meanwhile were given extrajudicial powers to arrest or punish their fellow subjects who expressed consternation with the developments.
   King Constantine, his wife Maria Clara of Serbia, and the whole of the Greek Royal Family were placed under de facto house arrest. The sovereign was removed from the public eye, consigned to a symbolic figure, and made into virtual hostage as the democratic government he and his father had created was dismantled piece by piece. As the summer progress, the royal likeness was slowly phased out of society. Images of the king were removed from classrooms, public places, and even government offices. It was clear Danglis wanted no potential sources of challenge to his new regime.
   Danglis wasted no time in pushing through his reforms. In somewhat of an irony, he adopted many of the policies championed by his Turkish rival Ahmed Muhtar Ataturk during his seizure of power. Political parties and elections were suspended indefinitely. Danglis lowered the conscription age and made military service mandatory. Diplomatically, the alliance with Scandinavia was suspended after the assault on France on May 5th, Athens instead adopting what was seen as a policy of nominally pro-French neutrality. Indeed, the Habsburg Ionian Islands suddenly seemed rather vulnerable. Still, Greece made no military moves, the government instead focusing more intently on the Romanian-Bulgarian War rather than the broader European conflict to the west.
   Greece has been destabilized, the crown and democratic leadership swept aside in stunning fashion and dramatic brutality. As the full implications of the Greco-Bulgarian War are felt, Stockholm for its part has been unable to effectively respond, distracted by the general war against France. Indeed, not for nothing many have argued there are French fingertips all over the Coup of April, though this argument risks minimizing the very real anger felt by Greek society after the events of 1902-3. How Scandinavia, Austria, Russia, Turkey, or France responded remains to be seen. Nonetheless, a new man rules Greece, far more active than his predecessors in seeking national glory.

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Parties, Elections, and Politics: 1905

Newly-Seated Prussian Parliament, December 1905
(Source: Wikimedia Commons)

Prussia
   The decision of Frederick-Louis to call for elections brought energy to the Prussian political scene, new dynamics surfacing as the public genuinely felt vested in the government. Coupled as the vote was to the broad social reforms championed by the Crown, there was a genuine sense of elation for many of the early months of 1905. This would not last long, the positive atmosphere abruptly dissipating with the outbreak of the War of the Three Emperors. Prussia, given its location, was wholly surrounded by combatants, all watching Berlin’s decisions very carefully.
   As a result of this atmosphere of diplomatic unease, the campaign was heated. Three factions emerged in Prussian society. The internationalists called for an honoring of the alliance with Vienna and active aid against France, as Saxony was doing. The pragmatists were more moderate, backing the current approach of the crown. Finally, there was the opportunists. Scornfully nubbed the ‘Neo-Prussians’, they believed that Berlin ought to avenge the humiliations of the past century and plunge headfirst into a war against the powers that have kept the realm down for decades. Generally, in Prussia, the liberals were aligned with the internationalists, the conservatives with the pragmatists, and more radical nationalist elements with the opportunists.

Prussian Parliamentary Election, 1905: 400 Seats (200 needed for a majority)
Royal Union (Conservative): 210 seats
People’s Progress (Liberal): 124 seats
Worker’s Solidarity Movement (Socialist): 54 seats
Junker League (Reactionary): 12 seats

   Indeed, despite the intense campaigning and political discussion, the results were somewhat anti-climactic. Stability would rule the day in Prussia it seemed. The Royal Union, as the name suggests, was a fairly pliant conservative movement that sought to defer to the Crown on most matters. While not opposed to Frederick-Louis’ opening of society, it is expected that they will be a voice of restraint moving forward. How their electoral success will pan out, and what it will mean for Prussian domestic policy, remains to be seen.

Russia
   1905 opened with tremendous activity in Russia, Milyukov and his government confirming the court ruling barring the United Labor Party from participating in the 1906 elections. Indeed, continued pressure against the left was demonstrated through the expulsion of nearly a dozen members of the YLP. The conservative and Suvorinist wings of the coalition were appeased by this development, while the the move balanced those further to the left fearing creating a political vacuum. Argunov himself was left untouched, treated by the government as an unwitting dupe. Defiant, he pivoted and formed a new political movement, the Socialist Labor Party of Russia.  
   The far-right was dealt a blow of its own with the High Court taking aim at their attempt to skirt facets of the Extremism Act. In a unanimous ruling, Russia’s ‘hunting lodges’ were all unilaterally suspended, authorities given the right of confiscating all weapons possessed by these organizations. The Court went further though, arguing that the distribution of the old Nevsky’s Sword stockpiles was itself illegal, giving authorities full permission to track down and confiscate the arms distributed throughout the republic. It was like a thunderclap to the political scene. Purischkevich railed against the ‘overbearing Court’ but avoided any sort of arrest or censure as little direct evidence emerged implicating him to the schemes. While several of his deputies have been arrested in the crackdown on illegal weaponry, he remained free. Russian news was dotted with radical extremists holing up in remote corners of the countryside trying to protect their stashes from authorities, occasionally ending in shootouts that saw dozens wounded or killed.
   Nonetheless, no violence on the scale of the upheavals caused by the left emerged. For Purischkevich, the sacrifice of Nevsky’s Sword was worth it if it meant saving his political cause. While the prosecution of nominal allies and subordinates was frustrating, many close to the leader believed that he would merely pardon them upon assuming office, convinced as they were that the right would hold all the cards in the upcoming vote.
   Yet, the domestic squabbling in Russia became somewhat of a sidenote after May 1905. The outbreak of war in Europe utterly engrossed most facets of society, many naturally wondering what role, if any, Moscow would play in the exploding crisis. Reactions ran the gamut, not necessarily following ideological lines. The most popular position was one of inaction, Russia not dirtying its hands with blood. Purischkevich himself gave voice to this sentiment, arguing the War of the Three Emperors was the result of ‘Germanic decadence’ infecting the rest of the continent. ‘Russia would to best to keep herself out of such nonsense.’ Some liberal allies of Milyukov saw the struggle as that of Scandinavian and Austrian liberty against French despotism, while facets of Russia’s socialist movement openly sympathized with the French cause. Other, opportunistic conservatives wanted a backstabbing of Austria and Scandinavia, using their focus on the west to liberate fellow Slavs.
   Against all of this is the buildup to the 1906 Russian Elections. Both the Duma and the presidency will be up for grabs for the first time since the constitutional revisions at the turn of the century. With the elimination of the Russian literacy requirements in the new constitution, it is expected that the political scene will shift in new and unforeseen directions.
   Candidates already began to declare themselves at the close of 1905. Purischkevich, carefully avoided being implicated in the fallout of the High Court’s ruling. He announced his candidacy in November. Surrounded with former bureaucrats with an axe to grind against Milyukov, the firebrand has sought to soften his image. While still espousing many radical positions, he has worked to make himself more appealing to the Russian middle class. For the conservatives, Suvorin the Younger has stepped aside at his father’s behest, paving the way for Mikhail Rodzianko to be the All-Russian nominee. Resigning from his post as Minister of Transport, Rodzianko has the unique appeal of being Ukranian, potentially giving him an advantage in that region’s vote. There was some consternation among the liberals over Rodzianko’s perceived betrayal of their movement. A joint-ticket had reportedly been on the table behind closed doors, especially after the outbreak of the War of the Three Emperors. President Milyukov, for his part, has not made any indication of whether he will seek reelection as the liberal candidate, or retire and pave the way for one of his proteges. Finally, the left, despite the setbacks of the past years, determined to run their own candidate. Despite their differing degrees of radicalism and opinions on socialist policy, the broad United Left alliance was formed between the various splintered Russian parties of that political persuasion. At a raucous and heated joint convention held in St. Petersburg, Gleb Krzhizhanovsky, a relatively unknown and therefore untarnished, low-level politician was elected their nominee.

Turkey Acts!
Joins Iranians in Struggle Against Durrani Expansionism

Pro-Government Demonstration in Bursa, 1905
(Source: Wikimedia Commons)

   The Durrani invasion of Iran continued in 1905, Timur III seeking to either reinstate the remnants of the Qajar Dynasty or bring the nation wholly into his orbit. Initial results continued to be promising. The Iranians, for all their valor, were outnumbered and outmatched. The Durrani could rely on a growing base of manpower and cohesive home front, whereas Iran proper was tottering on the verge of collapse. Durrani cavalry raids smashed Iranian infrastructure, while a mass push against the Iranian heartland was enacted.
   Yet, at this juncture came the salvation of the Persian Republic. The Turkist Empire, unwilling to see the regional balance of power tilted so strongly in favor of the Afghans, had been plotting behind the scenes. Ataturk himself promised 40 divisions to Persia, the men being deployed to the frontlines just as the Afghans launched their assault. The Turks, themselves battle-hardened from the Greco-Bulgarian War, turned the tide. At the Battle of Kerman, the Durrani invasion was brought to a sudden halt, thousands of Afghan soldiers perishing amidst punishing Turkish artillery barrages. Whatever their advantages on fighting in rough terrain, Timur III’s men were outgunned and outmaneuvered. The victory at Kerman was followed by similar reversals at Sabzevar in the north and Bampur in the south, the Durrani forced to retreat back to the east. By the time the government in Delhi got ahold of the situation, much damage had been done, the joint Turkish-Persian forces even crossing into Durrani territory, nabbing portions of Baluchistan and destabilizing the monarchy.
   The reversal was terrifying for the government in Delhi. With their conquest of French India and the initial successes in Iran, many had come to see the Durrani Empire as an invincible juggernaut. Surely, if the French had been unable to withstand their blows, the Iranians were doomed to lose? While it took two nations to halt their push to the west, a defeat was a defeat. Perhaps the Afghans were not as steeled in the ways of war as had been feared? No one took greater note of this than the Indian Princes. They had bolted from French protection under the assumption that the Durrani were undefeatable. Yet, with their loss in Iran and the utter collapse of the remaining French positions on the subcontinent, what was necessarily to stop them from making their own bid for power? While peace endured at the end of the year, there were growing questions about whether the Afghans were truly up to the task of absorbing such a vast empire and conducting a war at the same time. Even beyond the regional vassals, such as Assam and Gwalior, there are reports from remote villages of refusals to pay taxes to the Durrani government or shelter officials.
   Turkish aid came at a crucial time, completely undermining the Durrani attempt to subjugate the newly-established Persian Republic. There was little question in the minds of most leaders in Tehran that the capitol would have been lost otherwise. Instead, the situation at home could be stabilized. Indeed, aid on the frontlines to the east provided Tehran with the opportunity to deal with the Luristan rebellion once and for all. Diverting several dozen divisions from the frontline, they smashed west into the breakaway region and put an end to ideas of Lur independence. Khorramabad, the capital city of this fledgling state, was captured in the late summer. As their chaotic rebellion collapsed, hundreds of Lur leaders fled to the relative safety of Scandinavian Iraq rather than face retribution. By the close of the year, the region had been largely pacified, Persian officials reassuming governance and seeking to instill their newfound republican ideals on the population.
   Ataturk’s intervention has utterly reshaped the situation in the Near East. Bursa and Tehran, thought to be mortal enemies as recently as 5 years ago, have now become allies against the ever-expanding Durrani state. Indeed, the two governments have been effusive in their mutual praise, pinning their historical tensions on the deposed Ottoman and Qajar dynasties. More subtle has been the Turkish influence over the Persian Republic as a result of their growing ties. Leadership has slowly inched away from promises of elections and greater liberalization, instead emphasizing the need for dramatic and targeted modernization of Persian society.

Bulgarian-Romanian War

Mobilized Bulgarians, 1905
(Source: Wikimedia Commons)

   Despite the outbreak of war to the west, Russia demonstrated restraint when it came to the Romanian situation. Rather than intervening and seeking to smash the reactionary government of Augustus II, Moscow instead elected to stabilize the Republican-held Moldavia. The Romanian Republicans were coerced, perhaps somewhat against their will, into abstaining from offensive operations against their Royalist foes in Wallachia. While 20 Russian divisions did cross into Republican territory, that itself being a substantial development, no offensive materialized. Yet, even though Russia did not act, that did not mean their allies would be so passive. Word emerged soon enough that yet another war had begun in the Balkans.
   Bulgaria, still nursing wounded pride after having to give up so many of its Greek gains, found another opportunity for glory in the form of the Romanian Civil War. Even with the clear establishment of a truce between the Republicans and the Royalists, Augustus II remained in a far weaker position than he had prior to the outbreak of the conflict. Tsar Charles of Bulgaria determined to capitalize on this. Under the guise of ‘stabilizing the situation’ and ‘protecting ethnic Bulgarians’ he declared his intent to intervene against Romania. Yet, Bucharest had been warned, their French allies having passed along whispers that something was afoot.
   Still, the Bulgarian numbers were somewhat overwhelming. Romania’s strength had been sapped by defections and infighting over the past few months. Dobruja, the region Sofia had been salivating after for decades, easily changed hands in the initial offensive. More challenging for the Bulgarians was crossing the Danube, the Romanians having erected substantial defenses along the north shore of the river. Indeed, it was clear to the Romanian government how vulnerable Bucharest was, given that city’s proximity to the Danube. Augustus II and his soldiers blew the bridges over the river rather than see them used to occupy their homeland, while Bulgarian attempts to cross by boat were repelled several times over. The river, so crucial to both nations, became a bloody no-man’s-land as shelling commenced across the length of it. Attempts by the Bulgarians to cross further to the east were bogged down by the swampy nature of terrain, while a late-in the year Romanian push to the south similarly failed. Thus, the first year of the Romano-Bulgarian War concluded with Dobruja occupied by Bulgaria but no decisive blow struck against Bucharest.

Mexico: The Crisis Continues

Zapata and the Republicans Enter Mexico City, 1905
(Source: Wikimedia Commons)

   There was genuine hope within Mexico that the Treaty of Guadalajara would finally bring some semblance of stability to the realm. Quebec had been relatively merciful in the treaty, despite Mexico’s unconditional surrender. While a good deal of territory was surrendered most of it (such as Liberia, California, and Cuba), had only been acquired several years prior after peace with Louisiana. The loss of the imperial title was lamentable, but in truth was not a material concession. Princess Fernanda signed the agreement, confident that she would be able to bring the outstanding rebel factions to heel. Luis II, the deposed emperor, was quietly shipped off to exile in Quebec as his sister now sought to rule in the name of her niece.
   From the start there were complications. News of the Habsburg match, meant to indicate that Mexico still had foreign friends and was capable of autonomous diplomacy, provoked outrage in France. Louis XX had already felt left out in the cold by the Treaty of Guadalajara, to have his rival in Vienna now poised to gain a Mexican ally was intolerable. France dispatched a sizable portion of its fleet to blockade Mexico in April, albeit in a targeted fashion. Vessels from Scandinavia, Austria, Colombia, and Mexico itself were prohibited from reaching Mexican ports. Despite intense protests, from Colombia in particular, Paris then extended this operation to the Pacific Ocean as well. Using the Quebecois port of San Francisco, Isla Socorro, and the Panama Canal as bases of supply, Mexican commerce was slowly strangled in the spring. French moves here not only diluted its naval presence in Europe at the outbreak of the war, but also brought yet another wave of instability to Mexico.
   Fernanda was under intense scrutiny. Zapata and his allies looked on with suspicion as many former Augustinians quickly laid down their arms and received a royal pardon in the north. Indeed, with the Treaty of Guadalajara and the deposition of the Red King, the Catholic Republicans and liberal Augustinians broke ranks once more. All throughout the northern provinces, the Mexican Army began to mop up most of the rebel-held territories as the spring came to a close. By the end of the year there would be pockets of Catholic-Republican resistance in the far north, albeit far weaker than it had been in years.
   Opposition now came from a different quarter, the factions most loyal to the deposed Luis II. In Southern Mexico, in particular, there was growing concern about the direction of Fernanda’s government. Many feared that she would roll back many of the Red King’s reforms, especially the controversial ones relating to private property, indigenous rights, and internal price controls. Fernanda, stubborn and determined to achieve results, seemed to confirm this by promulgating a series of royal decrees aiming to do just that. Limited capitalist enterprise was to be encouraged, tariffs lowered to encourage commerce, and foreign firms invited to invest in Mexico. She reportedly reintroduction of capitalist characteristics as necessary to get the Mexican economy back off the ground. Elections, long-promised, were delated until 1907 to give her time to restore order and general administration.
   All it took to light the latest spark of rebellion was foreign meddling. Emiliano Zapata was a busy man, secretly meeting privately with diplomats from a wide variety of governments. While most of these talks went nowhere, France and Colombia were both seen as promising potential allies. Zapata, at this point becoming even more of a committed republican, was somewhat cautious. He only wanted to act when he felt as though he had a sufficient chance for success. When the French blockade of Mexico took Colombia out of the equation, he was all too happy to take Versailles’ financial and material aid, deemed substantial enough to get his rebellion off the ground. In the leadup to his bid for control he and his allies stoked fears all throughout Mexico that Fernanda, despite her biological relationship to the Red King, was a reactionary extremist who would roll back the clock in Mexico to the 1880s. This could not be allowed to happen.

[Spamage]

   Fernanda was no idiot, shutting down Zapata’s newspapers in Mexico City and having the printing presses smashed in mid-May. She then dispatched several detachments of men to Valladolid to arrest Zapata and his allies on June 2nd, 1905. That city being the hometown of her rival, the local populace came out in force, expelling the men from the cities. Reportedly the people, some wielding only rocks and machetes, beat back several attempts by Fernanda’s men to breach the city. Events began to move quite rapidly over the next several days. Zapata, emboldened by the support of the public, gave a fiery speech denouncing Fernanda as the ‘Great Traitor’ of the Mexican cause on June 7th. She was blamed for the Treaty of Guadalajara, the roll-backs of the Luis Reforms, and the continued economic misery. While he expressed his admiration for young Queen Emilia, Zapata argued that a child was no fit ruler of Mexico. Instead, he proclaimed the United States of Mexico, being greeted with thunderous applause from the assembled crowd. Within hours the provinces of Guerrero, Oaxaca, and Chiapas, held by Zapatista loyalists, joined the cause of rebellion. Southern Mexico, the only corner of the realm not touched by war, has descended into rebellion as Zapatista allies seek to defend the Red King’s legacy.
   Mexico City demonstrated its indifference to the royal family, mobs forming and calling for the deposition of Fernanda on June 10th-13th. The National Assembly, now only staffed by loyalists to Fernanda with the opposition assembling its own Congress at Valladolid, saw that the city was no longer safe. An emergency resolution moved the capital to Tampico, the Royal Family relocating to the relative safety of the northern port city. Fernanda did not stand alone, the states of Coahuila, Tamaulipas, Veracruz, and far-off Central America reaffirming their support for her government. She maintained the bulk of the now-neutered army of Mexico, including most generals and strategists. Meanwhile, the Republican cause was bolstered by Zapata’s triumphal entry into Mexico City on July 2nd.
   The summer and fall would see inconclusive engagements on either side. While the Republicans successfully secured most of Jalisco, that land ravaged by the Quebecois invasion just last year, their operations further to the south floundered, the people of Guatemala and Honduras proving more royalist in inclination. Fernanda, for her part, has called for foreign aid, but the French blockade and arming of the Republicans has greatly complicated matters. Still, she had a victory of her own to point to with the successful Royalist defense of Veracruz in October, defeating both a popular uprising and an attempt by Zapata’s men to nab the lucrative port city. If, or how, the governments in New Orleans and Montreal respond to this next round of Mexican bloodshed remains to be seen. For better or worse, the Mexico anarchy drags on into another year, misery washing over the country.

Developments in Africa

British Soldiers During the Final Push into New Brandenburg
(Source: Wikimedia Commons)

Sokoto
   War continued to plague the Sahel in 1905, Britain responding in force to the surprise assault of the previous year. 30 divisions were disembarked, rapidly reversing the situation around Lagos and the Delta as the Caliph and his men retreated. As they restored order on the ground, colonial officials were frustrated by the general unwillingness of the Nigerians to risk it all in a decisive engagement. Indeed, the locals proved somewhat elusive, conducting raids and then melting back into the countryside. The Caliph himself returned to his capital and then moved beyond British intelligence networks, clearly organizing something. This would become clearer as news arrived from other realms nearby.
   Despite the setback of the British counteroffensive, Muhammadu Attahiru I continued to portray himself as the Mahdi. Sokoto reasserted its old overlordship against relatively defenseless former vassals further inland, Kanem-Bornu, the Wadai Sultanate, and the Bagirmi. The heads of these minor realms pledged themselves to the cause, vowing to not rest until the liberation of Africa was complete. To that end, raiding commenced all along their borders with both Britain and Scandinavia, Stockholm being embarrassed by several assaults on minor colonial officials and the murder of tribal allies in Central Africa. Muhammadu Attahiru, meanwhile, sidestepped the British invasion by occupying more remote holdings along the Niger River to the north.

Cape Chaos: Death Throes of the Republic
   The year did not start well for New Brandenburg, the Habsburg forces on the Suez finally capturing the isolated army sent to block the canal. While fighting was brutal, the men holding out despite extreme pressure, all knew how it would end. The battered garrison surrendered on March 10th, 1905, ending this bizarre saga. The South Africans had only been partially successful in their aims of blocking the waterway, shutting down operations in the second half of 1905 and suitably damaging the Suez to guarantee it was closed for the first half of 1906. Yet, by the end of the year the wreckage had been cleared and the canal reopened to maritime traffic, becoming a crucial outpost in the War of the Three Emperors.
   The fighting in this region descended to even lower levels. The New Brandenburgers opened the year with a series of chemical attacks against the entrenched British positions, seeking to use the vile weaponry to compensate for their smaller numbers. There was initial promise, British generals having underestimated the depravity of the Cape Prussians and their lines initially being thrown into disarray. Behind the lines, this Cape offensive was accompanied with widespread guerilla activity, hundreds of British civilians killed or wounded in barbaric attacks behind the lines.
   Yet, Britain had strength on its side. While the chemical weapons had been surprising, they were not the shocking tool of war they had once been decades ago. With the deployment of gas masks and other preventative supplies, the British embarked on a brutal counter-offensive, seeking to smash the insolent Cape Republicans once and for all.
   In this they succeeded. For all their resistance, the New Brandenburgers were far better at operating a war of resistance than a general conflict. Wissmann and his government could only flee into hiding as the British smashed through the Brandenburger lines and swept into their interim capital. The regular armed forces of the South Africans descended into infighting and desertion as uncertainty over the future arose. Wissmann was reportedly determined to carry on the fight from the countryside, but found himself betrayed by ostensible allies who had tired of his cruelty, falling into British hands in November 1906. The New Prussian government has collapsed into anarchy, bands of guerillas determined to carry on the struggle but oftentimes just as opposed to one another as they are to the invaders.
   With Wissmann’s arrest came tales of barbarity and atrocities. Early 1906 had seen the Cape Republic stoop to a new low in terms of atrocities. The President reportedly organized ‘British safaris’, drugging captured prisoners-of-war and then releasing them into an enclosed area where Brandenburger soldiers and civilians hunted them down, forcing other prisoners to watch. Wissmann himself reportedly partook in this deplorable affair, alienating many of his more sensible subordinates. While it was initially hoped this bizarre story was embellished, British soldiers were able to identify the site of this cruel act. Whatever the developments in the War of the Three Emperors, the British public brays for blood. There must be justice for their prisoners.