The Imperial Federation

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WINDS OF CHANGE PART III – THE COLLAPSE CONTINUES: 1983

The entire country was in practical anarchy. Order had completely broken down and there was no official government. Inflation now stood at 3,000%. Looting was commonplace. All these were the sights of a dying nation. On June 1st, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan had had enough, and both seceded from the Soviet Union. By the time that same month was over, Ossetia, Tuva and Tajikistan had also broken off.

July 2nd marked the official end of the Soviet Union. Russia declared independence, and took with it Byelorussia and Kazakhstan. Kyrgyzstan and Siberia both seceded on that day. The Parliament of Russia then made an astonishing choice. They invited Vladmir Romanov, pretender to the throne of Russia, to return as constitutional monarch. Romanov accepted, and soon made his way to Russia on a plane from Mexico. Meanwhile, a Russian Prime Minister was ‘elected’, known as Alexei Sondolov, although the results of the election were dubious. Sondolov and his National Revival Party decided to allow for a policy of withdrawal, to allow for a stable Russian nation, rather than the chaotic mess it had become.

In August, Kazakhstan, Novgorod and Byelorussia seceded. However, this marked the end of the secessions. From here, Russia would be able to recover and eventually begin to reassert its influence over the former Soviet republics.

Confidence in the new Russian ruble had been revived, and banks were now beginning to reopen. Food prices began to fall. The Russian road to recovery had begun. However, conflict was still rife in neighbouring nations, and sometimes violence spilled over into Russian territory, although the new Russian army was usually able to deal with the intruders.

On October 1st, the Socialist Alliance came to an official end, with only Russia and Bulgaria having remained in the alliance. Very soon, Bulgaria would become engulfed in its own revolution. Responding to Imperial and ESZ criticisms, Sondolov held another election in which he won 67% of the vote, in far more believable circumstances than the previous election.

Some members of the National Revival Party suggested ESZ membership for Russia, but Sondolov was sceptical of joining the organisation which only 5 months ago had been firing missiles at Russian cities. What way Russia would go, only Sondolov could tell.

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WINDS OF CHANGE PART IV – ROLLBACK: 1983-1984

Secretary-General Mitterrand of the ESZ now saw an opportunity for ESZ expansion. Already, the three Baltic states had applied for membership. Finland may also be a viable nation for membership, given how the people had recently thrown off years of Socialist domination. Ukraine would be much harder to bring into the ESZ, given how many Ukrainians were viciously anti-ESZ, and the current civil war. Byelorussia would be even less feasible, given its pro-Russian stance. The Caucasus states might be a possibility. Mitterrand then heard that the ASPZ was planning to admit Siberia and Mongolia to the organisation, and it was decided to admit the Baltic States. On January 1st 1984, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania officially became members of the ESZ. This also meant the integration of Baltic forces into the ESZ command structure. France had already shown interest in setting up military bases in Latvia, perhaps even positioning nuclear missiles there.

On the subject of nuclear forces, Russia now only had 8,000 missiles, with many others having gone to the new states such as Siberia or Ukraine, where they were decommissioned. Germany had also agreed to disarm its nuclear force, with the threat of Soviet invasion having disappeared, presumably forever.

Sondolov also decided to take an interventionist approach to foreign affairs. Signs that Greece and Turkey were gearing up for war were clear, and Sondolov decided to send foreign aid to Greece, in an attempt not only to be rid of the hostile Islamist state that was already interfering in former Soviet territory, but to bring Greece into a sort of sphere of influence with Russia. Many old T-78 tanks were sold to Greece at scrap metal prices, although the Greek High Command doubted they would stand up to Turkey’s tanks, most of which were given to them by Britain and France pre-revolution and were superior in most aspects.

Imperial policy on the whole affair was rather murky. Secretary-General Anwar Sadat decided to close down some older airbases in Japan, which he no longer saw the need for, although one or two airbases were maintained. Sadat’s attention was also fixed on the situation in Turkey. Greece received large amounts of aid from the Federation, as did Iraq and Syria, the latter being assigned aid to try and pull them into the Imperial sphere of influence. British and Australian forces were redeployed to bases in Northern Iraq, lest a war should break out with Turkey.

Greece itself was led by Prime Minister Ioniko Chatzi, a nominal isolationist, determined to keep Greece out of the ESZ, but also to keep Turkey down, and possibly Bulgaria too, should the violence in that nation spill over into Thrace. His main concern however, was ‘that son of a bitch Dogulu’. The two nations had nearly gone to war in 1981, when Turkey threatened to invade Cyprus. Now Dogulu appeared to be aiming at bringing Cyprus under Turkish control once again. Despite being deeply unpopular among the Kemalists who resented his destruction of Turkey’s secularism, it was known that Dogulu should be able to hold on, unless a war would break out...

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THE RISE AND FALL OF DOGULU’S REGIME: 1979-1984

Dogulu had seized power in an unstable Turkey. After Kemal and Inonu, Turkey’s leaders had generally been incompetent and unable to hold together so many minorities in one country. In particular, the Greeks of Western Turkey, and the Kurds and Armenians in the East. Since 1951, a group known as the Kurdish Peoples Front had launched bomb attacks and hijackings of Turkish aircraft.

General Dogulu seized power and immediately suspended the constitution. He now declared Islamic law would rule over Turkey, and passed laws decreeing death sentences for ‘crimes’ such as apostasy. Public beheadings of blasphemers and criminals became commonplace. In addition, interest was made illegal, and all banks were forced to follow Sharia principles. Dogulu’s religious police made sure these laws were carried out. It wasn’t long before Dogulu could turn his attention abroad.

Dogulu soon began attacking Greece and Cyprus verbally, promising to crush them and restore Turkey’s ‘rightful power’. Greece began funding Ionian Greek partisans as a result, while Turkey funded Turkish militants on Cyprus. A proxy war of sorts had already begun as early as 1980. In 1981, Dogulu deployed parts of the Turkish navy off the coast of Cyprus, and threatened to invade the island to ‘free the oppressed Turks’. Greece immediately called up its reservists and agreed to place a division on Cyprus at the request of the government. Turkey did not expect Greece to react strongly, and backed down, but Dogulu was determined not to be humiliated again. Instead, he turned his attention to dealing with the Kurds and Armenian insurgents

By 1983, Dogulu’s reign had become even more autocratic. He had a new Islamic constitution written, and when Kemalists protested in Ankara, ordered soldiers to fire on them. Dogulu was on the verge of being in the face of a major revolution, and he thus decided to try and unite the nation by restarting the Cyprus dispute. On December 2nd 1983, Turkish forces landed on Cyprus and quickly defeated the Cypriot Army. In response, Greek aircraft hit airfields in Western Turkey, and Greek forces entered Turkish territory. Edirne was seized on the first day, and Greek marines landed on several small Turkish isles. Dogulu ordered his airforce up into the sky to eliminate the Greeks.

However, despite the Turkish Airforce having Hydras that were far superior to the MiGs the Greeks sent into the air, Turkey’s best pilots had been purged by the government. The well trained Greeks destroyed the Turkish force sent out to take them out, and even began bombing Izmir and Istanbul. Clearly, things were going badly for Turkey. Nevertheless, on land, Turkish forces were able to repel attacks towards Istanbul and a war of attrition had developed in the area.

That was until February, when Greek forces staged an amphibious landing around Izmir. Greek tanks soon rolled through the city, and Turkish forces had to be redeployed south to deal with this new menace. Meanwhile, full scale riots had erupted in many parts of the country, and it was clear that Turkey was falling apart. With Russia supporting Greece with equipment and money, while Turkey had no true allies, it was clear that the war was lost. On March 8th, Dogulu flew out of Ankara on his own private helicopter to Morocco, never to return. A new unity government signed a treaty with Greece that granted them all majority Greek areas in Western Turkey. The treaty was highly unpopular, but the alternative was a continued war with Greece which could not be won. The new Turkish government set about the search for allies...

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THE ALLIANCE SYSTEM: 1983-1990

The ESZ finally began to expand in the 1980s. With the admission of the Baltic States in 1984, a wave of new countries applied to join the ESZ. In 1985, Yugoslavia and Romania were admitted, and in 1987, Turkey and Albania. Finland also became a member in 1990. Increasingly, the ESZ came into conflict with Russia. In 1986, Russia, Novgorod and Byelorussia formed a counterunion and pledged themselves towards a common currency. Both sides also came into conflict over the Caucasus nations and the Ukraine. Sondolov won re-election in 1988, and pledged himself towards rolling back European influence. A free trade agreement with the Russophile Ukrainian government in 1989 helped bring Ukraine back into the Russian sphere of influence, and were it not for the victory of the National Coalition in 1990, Ukraine would probably have entered the Eastern Union.

The ASPZ did better. Tuva and all the Central Asian states except Uzbekistan joined in 1985, and Russia had little interest in the ASPZ. Nevertheless, ASPZ forces were deployed to bases in Central Asia, especially in Kazakhstan.

The Imperial Federation and the Norfolk Pact both grew very little. The only nation to join the Norfolk Pact in this era was Haiti. However, the Caribbean Federation was leaning towards associate membership.

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RUSSIAN ELECTION OF 1988 AND IT’S AFTERMATH: 1988-1991

In 5 years, Sondolov had brought Russia from the verge of ruin to a respectable regional power. By doing this, he had reformed the Russian state drastically, creating a free market economy and doing away with the planned economy of old. Regulation on banks was removed, allowing them to operate more freely, and from 1986-1988, the Russian economy grew massively; another 20% of its GDP was made in just 3 years.

However, many now felt that Russia was ready to reclaim some honour on the world stage. Sondolov’s National Revival Party stressed the need for a strong financial sector and for a stable economy, but the Party for a Greater Russia was disinterested in these policies and was eager to expand abroad. To appease some of the less nationalistic PGR voters, Sondolov had formed a customs union with Byelorussia and Novgorod. With these countries in the Russian sphere, Sondolov also planned to bring these states into economic subjection by encouraging them to peg their currencies to the ruble. However, this had not come to fruition by the time the election was held.

The 1988 election itself was a National Revival victory, but as they had won only 48% of the popular vote, they were forced to form a coalition with the Worker’s Party to prevent the PGR coming to power. To many Russians, who had bitter memories of Ivanov’s reign of terror, this was making a deal with the devil, and it would almost certainly ensure a PGR victory in 1993.
Sondolov didn’t even last that long however.

In February 1989, Inkomsbank, Russia’s main private bank, closed its doors precipitating a yearlong economic crisis that deposed Sondolov due to his unwillingness to work with his Workers Party allies. In January 1990, a second election was held, which gave the PGR a 54% majority, and allowed their candidate, Vasili Fedotov, to assume power. Fedotov immediately began a more aggressive foreign policy, and in August 1990, agreed to a deal which annexed Novgorod to Russia, thus ending that states existence after just seven years of independence.

Many major institutions were nationalised by the government, and national service was introduced. Finally, Fedotov sought to expand the Eastern Union, thus beginning a new Great Game in the Caucasus.

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THE CAUCASUS ‘WARS’: 1989-1993

In 1989, both the ESZ and Russia had expanded their alliances to each other’s borders, and now, they turned their attention south, to the Caucasus. Little action took place in 1989 itself, although both sides were using their influence in the area to affect the Caucasus nation’s politics. Turkey proved to be an effective base for ESZ aid to the Caucasus. Georgia soon became an associate member of the ESZ, and Armenia also began to lean towards membership. Dagestan meanwhile leaned towards Russia and Fedotov. Azerbaijan remained hesitant to throw in its lot with either side, and soon ended up facing an insurgency, allegedly backed by Russia, to overthrow the government. This, along with the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, meant that Azerbaijan sought a non-interventionist approach to the conflict.

With the election of Fedotov, a campaign of assassination and bribery began in the Caucacus. Government officials in Georgia and Armenia were made targets of raids, corruption was rife, and desertion was openly encouraged by Russian radio broadcasting into the area. However, it would be north of the Caucasus that the spark would finally be lit...

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THE POWDERKEG – UKRAINE: 1991-1993

(Written in timeline format)

January 7th 1991: President Fedotov of Russia makes an angry speech condemning the Ukraine over its energy policy, which he claims steals Russian natural gas.

February 16th 1991: Operation FIREBAT I is carried out between ESZ and Ukrainian forces, against a simulated opponent. In response, Russia carries out military exercises of its own.

May 5th 1991: Aleksandr Zhukov, president of Ukraine, signs an accord with Russia, ending the gas conflict.

October 18th 1991: Operation FIREBAT II is carried out. Russia holds naval exercises with Greek forces in the Aegean.

April 7th 1992: Ukrainian forces open fire on Russian infantry supposedly violating the border. Seven Russians and three Ukrainians are killed. Fedotov calls for the annexation of the Crimea to Russia.

November 2nd 1992: Fedotov once again calls for the annexation of Crimea, and threatens to use force against the Ukraine.
November 16th 1992: Ukraine calls up reservists, puts forces on high alert. Poland partially mobilises.

November 21st 1992: Russia, Dagestan and Byelorussia all begin full mobilisation.

November 27th 1992: The ESZ calls up reservists, and encourages member states to begin mobilisation.

December 1st 1992: The Imperial Federation begins mobilisation. Secretary Generals John Major (of the Imperial Federation) and Kohl (of the ESZ) agree not to take unilateral action against Russia.

December 11th 1992: President Benjamin Dennett of the US announces his nation’s neutrality in the coming conflict and calls for the ASPZ and the Norfolk Pact to take the same steps.

December 19th 1992: President Dennett offers to mediate between Ukraine and Russia. His offer is turned down.

December 23rd 1992: A Ukrainian Chimera I is shot down by Russian SAM along the border. President Aleksandr Zhukov makes an address to the nation in which he warns war may be inevitable.

January 17th 1993: Russian special forces are believed to have entered Ukrainian territory.

January 26th 1993: The ESZ begins general mobilisation.

January 28th 1993: Ukraine, Georgia and Armenia begin general mobilisation.

February 2nd 1993: Hungarian Premier Zsofia Kovacs offers to mediate between Russian and Ukraine. Her offer is turned down.

February 22nd 1993: Russia gives a final ultimatum to Ukraine to turn over the Crimea.

February 26th 1993: Ukraine officially rejects the ultimatum

February 28th 1993: First air duels of the war.

March 1st 1993: Ukrainian forces advance into Byelorussian territory.

March 2nd 1993: Russia declares war on the Ukraine.

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MARCH – ALL HELL BREAKS LOOSE: March 1993

On March 2nd 1993, Russia and Byelorussia declared war on the Ukraine. At about 2AM local time, MiG’s flew over Kiev and other major Ukrainian cities and dogfights with the Ukraine Air Force commenced. Russian tanks and infantry also began to stream into Ukrainian territory. President Zhukov of Ukraine announced emergency evacuations of cities near the border, including Kiev, and within a couple of hours, ESZ missiles had landed on Russian cities, signalling their entry into the war, and European artillery soon began pounding Russian cities, such as Petrograd, from Finland. It was clear that Russia now had a major war on its hands.

Additionally, Russian forces began to advance into Georgia and Armenia. The ESZ called an emergency meeting in which it was agreed that Georgia, Ukraine and Armenia would all be allowed to participate in ESZ military meetings to allow for better co-ordination between forces. It also agreed that all three nations would be admitted to the ESZ after the war.
The next day, Imperial forces from Britain landed at Turku in Finland and Talinn in Estonia, ready to serve against the Russians. Already, heavy fighting was breaking out as a European offensive in the Kola Peninsula and near Pskov broke out. Russian forces fought bravely but were generally outclassed in these battles. By mid-March, Russian forces were in full retreat along the borders with the Baltic States.

In the Ukraine, Russian forces performed better. Kiev fell on March 18th and the drive south soon resulted in the fall of Poltava and Cherkassy. The Ukrainian government fled to Romania three days before. Meanwhile, European tanks began to roll into Ukraine to aid the government in holding back Russian forces.

Russian forces in the Caucasus had more success. Georgia was almost completely occupied by the end of March, and Russian forces had begun to advance into parts of Turkey. The Imperial Federation was now concerned that a Russian offensive south could drive into Iraq and threaten the Federation’s oil supply. As a result, ANZAC and Canadian forces that were originally going to aid the Ukraine were redirected to aid Turkey in holding back Russia. Turkey was also facing a renewed assault from Greece, and the ESZ decided to make an offer to neutral Bulgaria: if it entered the war against Greece, it would be given Thrace back. This proved to be an irresistible offer, and on March 21st, Bulgarian forces invaded parts of Greece and bombed Greek positions.

By late March, Fedotov was displeased. Ukrainian forces were holding the line and even pushing into parts of Byelorussia. Russian allies had been incompetent, with the exception of Greece. Fedotov began to push for the annexation of Byelorussia and Dagestan into Russia.

In addition, the Norfolk Pact was proving to be obstructive to Russian aims. Although they remained neutral in the war, they were openly critical of Russia and its objectives.

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APRIL – RUSSIA STRIKES BACK: April 1993

On April 1st, Russian forces began a general counteroffensive on all fronts. Ordered by Fedotov to try and bring the war back into his favour, the offensive was highly successful at first against overextended ESZ forces. In the Ukraine, ESZ line broke, and Dnepropetrovsk fell to the Russians. However, the Russians did not dig in but instead carried on, and instead were faced with a counterattack which successfully wiped out all the gains they had made in the Ukraine.

Russian forces also pushed around the Pskov area, and into parts of Poland. However, newly arrived German and Polish divisions ensured that these gains were temporary, and by April 9th, the Russians were back in retreat.

In the north, Finnish, British and French forces were driven from the gates of Petrograd, but managed to hold the line just south of Viipuri. At this point, the ESZ and Imperial Federation’s worst fears were confirmed. Russian aircraft had dropped bombs filled with sarin on Allied forces. Gas masks were quickly deployed, and very few lives were lost, but nevertheless, it took its toll. Russia also launched bombing raids with chemical weapons, on Helsinki, Warsaw, Berlin and Sevastopol. The Allies responded in kind by bombing Petrograd, Smolensk and Moscow with chemical weapons.

Polish, German and Czechoslovak forces switched to the defence in the centre, and it was here that the poor quality of Russia’s Byelorussian allies was proven. Having been badly equipped and demoralised from the destruction of their homes and the deaths of their friends, many simply surrendered in the face of the enemy. When Minsk itself fell to the Allies on April 19th, Fedotov signed a declaration annexing Byelorussia, and within three days, the unoccupied parts of the nation had been transferred to Russian control. Russian forces soon launched counterattacks to regain lost territory, but these proved ineffective.

It was in the South that the Russians truly triumphed. On April 15th, Russian forces entered Iraqi territory, having pushed south through Turkey. They were met by fierce resistance from Australian, Canadian, New Zealander and Iraqi forces, but these proved to be incapable of stopping the Russian steamroller, and Mosul fell on April 19th. By the end of April, Baghdad itself was under attack from Russian forces.

Turkey was coming under heavy attack from two sides. Its lines in the east were breaking from the Russian assault, and they were only able to hold the line against the Greeks. However, Greece was beginning to suffer too. Crete had fallen to Canadian forces, and British forces had now landed at Salonika. Yugoslav and Bulgarian forces advanced south, meeting stiff resistance from Greek fortifications, but nevertheless, by May, the Greek lines had begun to crack.

The Norfolk Pact was increasingly worried by Russian successes, especially in the Middle East. It was now believed that if Iraq and Kuwait fell, Russian forces would move on into either the oilfields of Persia (British owned) or the Nejdian oilfields (US and British owned). ANZAC, Canadian and Iraqi forces had so far failed to hold back the Russians, and President Dennett decided to sign an agreement with the governments of Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, and the Trucial States, allowing the US to base aircraft in their territory. Britain, usually hostile to the expansion of foreign influence in what it considered the ‘Imperial Gulf’, reluctantly overlooked the agreements. On April 22nd, the agreement with Kuwait was expanded to allow foot soldiers to be placed in Kuwait, and several divisions of US Marines were sent to the Gulf.

The ASPZ was also considering its options. Iran was seen as a major interest of the alliance, and if the Abadan oil fields were to fall, it could pose a major threat to the ASPZ’s oil supply. India was pushing for the ASPZ to take action, as was Pakistan (though more reluctantly). Japan and Korea also wanted to see action taken against Russia. However, the Central Asian states had close relations with Russia and did not want a war, while other nations remained disinterested.

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MAY – STANDSTILL: May 1993

The war in the Ukraine was now one mainly of tank battles. The use of infantry was now considered too wasteful in the Ukraine area, where chemical weapons were being used more than on any other front. Although European forces succeeded in recapturing Poltava, the war had generally declined into attrition in the Ukraine. Both sides now focused on bombing and shelling each other into submission, as well as the occasional tank manoeuvre.

In the north, Allied forces pushed back, and had now reached the gates of Petrograd. Forces advancing from the Baltic States had reached the southern suburbs of the city, and now a siege began. It was believed that Fedotov himself was in Petrograd. The city would see some of the most vicious and bloody fighting of the entire war.

But the attention of the world, especially the US, remained fixed on the Iraq campaign. On May 4th, Russian forces entered Baghdad triumphant. The build-up of US forces was sped up by order of the President, and by May 10th, 50,000 US troops were in the Gulf. The USAF also began its first bombing raids on Russian forces in the area, with aid from British and Pakistani forces that were now arriving in Kuwait. On May 22nd, the Russians reached Basra, and the Allies began a ferocious battle to hold the city. That same day, the United States officially declared war on Russia, thus bringing the Norfolk Pact onto the allied side. US forces soon moved north to aid the defenders of Basra, and on May 28th, the Russians broke off the assault.

Greece finally broke in May. On May 9th, Greek officers broke into Prime Minister Chatzi’s room and shot him five times. The following day, an armistice was declared, and Greece was put under joint Anglo-French occupation.

The relief of this on Turkey’s western front meant that Turkish forces were able to be moved east. A renewed offensive, coupled with the rising of Kurdish insurgents meant that Russia struggled to get supplies to its army in Iraq, except by air. It became more and more likely that the Russian army in the south would be cut off and destroyed.

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JUNE AND JULY – THE ADVANCE: June-July 1993

As June began, European forces edged nearer and nearer to Kiev. Most of the Ukraine had now been liberated from Russian occupation. A general retreat had begun in the area, and the use of chemical weapons also began to fall off as Russia ran out of sarin and tabun. However, a whole new weapon was about to be used.

On June 11th, three Russian nuclear missiles were fired, destroying the cities of Lodz in Poland, Stuttgart in Germany and Tabor in Czechoslovakia. The devastation was horrific, and in revenge, 5 missiles, three American and two British were fired, destroying the Russian cities of Archangelsk, Magnitogorsk, Kerch, Tsaritsyn and Gorky. Looting broke out across the affected areas, and there was a serious danger of revolution in parts of the 4 countries hit with nuclear missiles.

However, Russia’s industrial base had now been destroyed. An additional 20 nuclear missiles were fired at Russian nuclear depots, thus annihilating Russia’s nuclear capability. It was clear that Russia could now no longer win the war. On June 21st, the Tsar shot himself, to the complete surprise of Fedotov. But Fedotov himself was now surrounded in his bunker in Petrograd. On July 11th, he declared Russia a republic, and himself President, and 2 days later, he was killed by American and British soldiers. The Union Jack, the Stars and Stripes, and the flag of Finland were raised over the remains of his bunker.

It was now clear that the war in Iraq could not be won for Russia. On July 1st, the commander of the forces in Iraq surrendered the entire army group to the Allies. In addition, a new ESZ offensive drove into Georgia and Armenia liberating these nations from Russian occupation.

On July 14th, Kulikov was made the new President of Russia. He promised to carry on the war, but it was clear that Russia could not carry on. The battle for Petrograd raged on, but the Russian defenders were now cut off from food and were fighting a losing battle. Many civilians resorted to cannibalism to avoid starvation.

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THE BITTER END AND THE PEACE OF RIGA: 1993-1994

August, and the last defenders of Petrograd fought on desperately. However, they now fought merely for their own survival. Kulikov himself was killed on August 8th by a sniper, and another new government came to power, led by General Ryzkhov. An armistice was signed on the 20th, and the war was over.

Negotiations for a peace treaty began almost immediately, at the capital of Latvia, Riga. It was now clear that Russia posed a threat to peace in the world in general, and that it must be partitioned to ensure peace in Europe. The final treaty was finally agreed to on November 19th. The terms are as follows:

• The Russian republic is dissolved. The independence of Byelorussia, Novgorod, Georgia and Armenia are all reinstated.
• The nations of Muscovy, Tver, Pskov, Suzdal, Ossetia and Kalmykia are to be created.
• The boundary of Europe is set as the Urals.
• Byelorussia will cede a large portion of land in the south to Ukraine.
• A European Reconstruction Committee will be set up to organise the repair and reconstruction of areas devastated and destroyed by the war.
• Greece will lose all territory in Anatolia to Turkey, Thrace to Bulgaria, and Cyprus to the United Kingdom. It will be occupied by Imperial forces for 5 years, and will not be allowed to join the ESZ until 1998.
• Ukraine will be admitted to the ESZ on Jan 1st 1994, Georgia and Armenia on Jan 1st 1995 and Bulgaria on Jan 1st 1997.

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Alright folks, this was originally written back in 2008-2009, and I finished the update you see above in April 2009, a year ago. I'm planning on going back through this and putting images in, as well as election maps for the US etc.

Would there be any interest in more updates? I remember planning for this to go on to the 100th anniversary of the Imperial Federation's foundation.