O Império Eterno

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I'm writing a timeline about the Empire of Brazil and so forth. This starts with the War of the Triple Alliance.

General notes:
The use of the term Parliament would be historically inaccurate, as the real term was General Assembly. But Parliament is easier.
The Prime Minister was President of the Council, but Prime Minister is easier.

The War with Paraguay

The Brazilian Empire had lost the east bank of the crucial Río de la Plata with the independence of the Cisplatina Province as the Republic of Uruguay in 1828. However, Brazilian businessmen, especially the Empire's richest man, the Visconde de Mauá, had important financial interests and the Viscount was practically Uruguay's bank.

Brazil supported the Colorado Party against its rival, the Whites (Partido Blanco). The Whites were supported by the Argentinian dictator Juan Manuel de Rosas. Claiming the right to control all traffic on the Río de la Plata, de Rosas alarmed Brazil but also France and the United Kingdom, who suffered from the terms imposed by de Rosas. Encouraged by France and Britain, and supported by the Colorados and Argentinian liberals, the Brazilians defeated de Rosas in the Platine War in 1852.

But even with Brazilian support, the Colorados lost the internal conflict in Uruguay to the Whites, formerly allies of de Rosas. But with de Rosas in exile, the Whites turned to Paraguayan dictator Francisco Solano López, who boasted the strongest standing army in the region.



By 1860, with the support of the new liberal government in Buenos Aires, the Empire conspired to replace the Whites with a Colorado regime. The two countries agreed to support each other in the eventuality that the Whites turned to Solano López for support. However, Brazil acted preemptively and sent troops into Uruguay to depose the White regime. Paraguay reacted by seizing Brazilian vessels on the Rio Paraguai and by attacking the province of Mato Grosso. Solano López, mistakenly expecting help from the Argentine opposition (caudillos), sent his forces into the Argentine Province of Corrientes to attack the Brazilian province of Rio Grande do Sul and Uruguay. Solano López found himself at war with both Argentina and Brazil. By 1865, the Allies had driven the Paraguayans out of Rio Grande do Sul and forced Solano López to fight a defensive war within Paraguay.

Fiercely defending their homeland, the Guaraní-speaking Paraguayans defeated the Allies at the Battle of Curupaity in September 1866. Facing opposition at home, Argentine President Bartolomé Mitre let the Brazilians solider on against a Paraguayan army nearly double, if not triple, their size. Solano López failed to counter-attack after his victory at Curupaity.

Facing defeat, Dom Pedro II assigned Marshal Luís Alves de Lima e Silva to command the Brazilian forces on October 10, 1866. Lime e Silva pursued the Paraguayans to Asunción, which fell to Brazil in early 1869. Solano López fled and was finally killed by the new Brazilian commander, the Emperor's son-in-law, Luís Filipe Gastão de Orléans, Count d'Eu; in March 1870. Brazil occupied a totally annihilated Paraguay until 1878 and installed an ally of the Empire, Cirilo Antonio Rivarola, as President of Paraguay.

Next: Political developments in Brazil and elections

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Crucial Political Years

The Emperor and his entourage had come to butt heads with the Liberal government and President of the Council Zacarias de Góis during the war years. In snap elections in December 1866, the Liberals had won a majority in both chambers. In July 1868, when Paraguayan defeat seemed certain, the divisions became very clear between Conservatives and Liberals and between Emperor and de Góis. de Góis' Liberals supported an immediate armistice with Paraguay and more lenient peace terms, while the Emperor and the Conservatives wanted nothing less than unconditional Paraguayan surrender and the annihilation of the López regime in Asunción.

Dom Pedro had the constitutional power to dismiss the President of the Council at will and there was no necessity for a cabinet to have a legislative support. Dom Pedro flirted with the idea of dismissing Zacarias de Góis and replacing him with a Conservative ally, Joaquim José Rodrigues Torres. However, rumours of such a move sparked considerable outraged from the Liberal Party's radical wing, which supported responsible government and a much reduced Moderating Power. In the end, the Emperor did not dismiss de Góis.

When the war came to an end in 1870, the Parliament's three-year term also came to an end; and a disputed electoral campaign ensued. The Liberal Party sought to campaign on the party's leadership during the war years, but the Conservatives disputed that record and campaigned on a staunchly nationalist platform, calling for a military occupation of Paraguay, but also advocated a fixed tariff at 40% and internal improvements.

Chamber of Deputies

Conservative 62
Liberal 47
Republicans 1

Senate¹

Conservative 29
Liberal 11

Due to record-high levels of support from veterans and military officers, the Conservatives swept to power in Rio de Janeiro with José Maria da Silva Paranhos as Prime Minister. The Republican Party, formed by the radical wing of the Liberal Party concentrated in Rio Grande do Sul and São Paulo, won its first seat in the Chamber.

José Maria da Silva Paranhos, Viscout of Rio Branco, a former Liberal, was a member of the Conservative Party's reformist wing. His cabinet included competent and young politicians, including the abolitionist João Alfredo Correia de Oliveira in Finances.

The government worked to stimulate the growing national industry by raising the tariff on foreign products to 40% while eliminating import taxes on new raw materials. During this period, the Brazilian economy; dominated largely by coffee, sugar cane and dairy products; diversified as an industrial sector developed.



Paranhos, despite pressure from abolitionist voices in the legislature, resisted important changes in the slave labour laws that would anger the slave owners, an important constituency. However, in 1871, the Paranhos government passed the Free Stomach Law (Lei do Ventre Livre) which freed all newborns born from slaves at age 8, though owners had the option of using their labour until they reached 21. This very conservative law, opposed by the Republicans as being symbolic more than practical, was nonethless opposed by the coffee-growing elite of Brazil in the Provinces of São Paulo and Minas Gerais. In the Chamber, the law passed with 65 in favour and 45 opposed - 30 of which were from the provinces of São Paulo, Minas Gerais and Rio de Janeiro. The vote split more along provincial and economic lines than along party lines, with the 45 opponents including Conservatives as well as Liberals. In the Senate, the law's passage was much easier, with 33 in favour and only 7 opposed, all but two of which represented the three aforementioned provinces.

Internal improvements at being at the centre of the Viscount of Rio Branco's electoral campaign in 1870 and he did follow suit on his ambitious agenda. His government ordered the constructions of thousands of kilometres of railway lines, and inaugurated a telegraphic line linking Brazil with the Old Continent. He also carried out the country's first national census in 1872, which established the country's free population at 8,419,672 (around 85% of the total population, 15% being slaves). Ethnically, the census reported, 39% were mulattoes, 38% were white, 11% black and 5% caboclos (white and Indian mix).

The Conservative government also introduced a liberal judicial reform with a more liberal Criminal Code and extended habeas corpus.

In foreign policy, Brazil swallowed important amounts of Paraguayan territory, as did Argentina. In Asunción, Brazilian occupation forces, the largest force of occupation in the country, overshadowed Buenos Aires' troops. The Brazilians and Argentines installed a  government led by the Paraguayan Legion, a group of cosmopolitan and American-educated liberal democrats, which sought to institute a democratic and liberal regime in the poor and ravaged country. However, the Legion was unsuited to govern and the occupiers, despite their squabbles, ruled behind the scenes and kept the supporters of former President Solano López as far away from power as possible.

In Brazil, the country prepared for the 1873 general elections. The Liberal Party, recently divided on the abolitionist question between its liberal democrat wing and it's coffee wing, sought to downplay the issue by adopting a very ambiguous stance on the question and focusing on a reformist agenda. The Conservatives, too, were split on the abolitionist question. After all, plantation owners made up 50% of each party's membership. Only the Republicans could adopt an unambiguous stance on slavery.

¹ The Senate was, basically, nominated by the Emperor.

Next: 1873 elections and aftermath

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Era of Crisis

The Liberals and Conservatives avoided the question of slavery during the election, both being happy with the current status and both defending the Free Stomach Law. As was common, the Liberals and Conservatives had very little divergences, and their only major disagreements were on the question of institutional reform, the Liberals supporting a very conservative and gradual reform of the state apparatus, while the Conservatives rejected any liberalization or decentralization. The Republican Party sought to appeal to the small urban, abolitionist educated class, though there was little taste, even among them, for such a radical party. In the end, the voters elected Conservative electors, which in turn re-elected a Conservative-dominated legislature.

Chamber of Deputies

Conservative 61 (-1)
Liberal 47 (nc)
Republicans 2 (+1)

Senate

Conservative 30 (+1)
Liberal 10 (-1)

Emperor Dom Pedro II kept the Viscout of Rio Branco in office for a second term. However, the government soon faced two crises.

Firstly, the Brazilian throne, which, according to the Constitution of 1824, was linked to the Catholic Church in Brazil; came into conflict with the Vatican. Pope Pius IX had adopted the dogma of papal infallibility, which came to odds with the Brazilian throne's control over the Catholic Church in Brazil. Furthermore, the Church opposed the Freemasons, of which the Viscount of Rio Branco was a prominent member. In 1874, the President of the Council had two bishops arrested and sentenced to four years of hard labour, a move which shocked Rome but also Petrópolis. The move divided the population and the political class. The population was split between those who opposed the Viscount's actions and those who supported him, the latter being seculars, intellectuals and Freemasons. The Liberals, once again, took an ambiguous stance on the issue and contented itself by saying that the parliamentary opposition had no say in the affairs of the Church in Rome or Rio.

The second crisis faced by the Conservative government was the rising strength of the Brazilian military following the War with Paraguay. Prior to the war, they were politically negligible but the war had inflated their ranks excessively and the officers became important players in Brazilian politics. The Emperor and the Viscount of Rio Branco, both civilians, failed to understand the military's growing importance. Facing a tough economic situation, the government of the Viscout of Rio Branco froze wages, slowed promotions to a crawl. The military establishment demanded promotions, a higher status, higher wages and a military reform including obligatory military service - they noted that the quality of the military was on the decline. The military, which had carried the Conservatives to victory in 1870 and 1873, turned away from the government. The Liberals, saw the opportunity and jumped on the military bandwagons' by supporting the military's demands.

Next: How do these crises end? If they do...

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I'm waiting until somebody sends me the actual election results from OTL before continuing this. So it's temporarily on hold, hopefully for not too long.

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I wonder if you going to continue this timeline to the second half of 20th century, will we see some familiar faces (just like imperial Prime Minister Kubitschek )

Oh, yes, certainly. Also expect good ol' Vargas to play an important role, if not more important role.

I meant to write an update tonight but I'm a lazy piece of crap.

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Stable Governance

In August 1875, shortly before the scheduled 1876 elections, Emperor Dom Pedro II fired the President of the Council, the Viscount of Rio Branco. The Emperor knew that the President of the Council was growing unpopular with the population, the military and hardline Catholics in particular. In his place, he named a popular war hero, Luís Alves de Lima e Silva, Duke of Caxias (a Conservative) as President of the Council. At the same time, he dissolved the Chamber of Deputies in September 1875.

The campaign, once again, was uneventful due to the lack of practical ideological differences between the parties. The personality of the Duke of Caxias worked wonders for the Conservatives within the military community, and even the previously unhappy officers grew warmer to the governing Conservatives. The Liberals, who lacked a clear platform once again, led a campaign which varied from province to province. In Rio Grande do Sul and São Paulo, the Liberal candidates for the Chamber and Provincial Legislature played on those provinces modern liberal democratic sentiments by promising an electoral reform and decentralization. In the cotton-growing Northeast, the Liberals played on the slaveholders' opposition to abolitionism by portraying the Conservative Party as the enemy of the plantation owner. Only the Republicans had a clear program.

Chamber of Deputies

Conservative 68 (+7)
Liberal 41 (-6)
Republicans 1 (-1)

Senate

Conservative 31 (+1)
Liberal 9 (-1)

The Conservatives won a strong victory on the back of a failed Liberal strategy and strong support from the population and military for the personality of the new President of the Council, the Duke of Caxias.



President of the Council: Luís Alves de Lima e Silva, Duke of Caxias (Conservative)

Serving both as President and Minister of War, the Duke of Caxias knew how to please the military interests of which he was a member. He increased military pay, unfroze promotions and increased the defense budget. In addition, he made sure that the cadets stayed in ranks and outside of the reach of conspiring Republicans. In this mission, he surrounded himself with loyal monarchist officers: Polidoro Jordão, Manuel Marques de Sousa and Manuel Luís Osório. However successful within the officers' corps, the military reform only worsened Brazil's deficit.

Outside of the military realm, the Duke of Caxias maintained the same policy as that of his predecessor. No decentralization, electoral reform or abolition of slavery.

At the same time, a significant extra-parliamentary republican current was developing. In 1876, a number of important figures of the civil society influenced by positivist ideals signed a Republican Manifesto (Manifesto Republicano) and established the newspaper A República in Rio de Janeiro. Their attempts to infiltrate positivism in the military and specifically within the cadets and young officers were met by strong resistance from a military which was increasingly monarchist.

At the same time, the Liberals were slowly but surely reforming and increasing in popularity. Under the leadership of a former President of the Province of São Paulo, José Antônio Saraiva. The Viscount did not make slavery a major issue (though he was against the slave trade and had some abolitionist ideas), but rather presented himself as a reformist.

The 1878 elections provided a better chance for the Liberals than ever before. The economic outlook was weak, the government generally perceived as poor, and there was a desire for institutional reform.

Chamber of Deputies

Liberal 65 (+24)
Conservative 45 (-23)
Republicans 0 (-1)

Senate

Conservative 29 (-2)
Liberal 11 (+2)



José Antônio Saraiva became President of the Council. His cabinet was not homogeneous, and was specifically noted for the inclusion of Manuel Luís Osório as Minister of War. Manuel Luís Osório was a well-liked officer within the Army but also a noted monarchist. He had been a close ally of the defeated Conservative President, the Duke of Caxias (who faded into retirement).

With the military's desires kept under control with a military officer as their Minister, the Liberal cabinet could embark on certain administrative reforms. Firstly, the government passed the Saraiva Law, which amended the electoral law to allow for a more democratic electoral system. Voters now directly elected an electoral college which elected deputies to the Chamber of Deputies. In addition, the vote was extended to former slaves and non-Catholics, although the illiterates lost their vote.

The government did little in regards to slavery, maintaining the status-quo. Certain Liberal deputies but also intellectuals founded the Brazilian Society against Slavery in 1880, which was dedicated to the abolition of slavery. Its leader was the famous abolitionist author, Liberal deputy, and monarchist; Joaquim Nabuco.

Next: Crisis, reform and progress

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Crisis, Reform and Progress

In early 1880, the Minister of War, Manuel Luís Osório, died. His death was a major blow for the government and it hurt the government's military strategy. The President of the Council, José Antônio Saraiva. The President's choice for the job was a little-known military professor and journalist (and also a rumoured Conservative), Antônio Eleutério de Camargo. The officers were unhappy about the choice, but many still saw him as preferable to a "civil parliamentarian", which the military resented.

Five months before the 1881 elections, the unofficial Conservative leader and former President of the Council, Luís Alves de Lima e Silva, Duke of Caxias, died. This death came not only as a major setback for the Conservatives, which had maintained a sizeable share of the Triple Alliance War veterans' vote with the character of the Duke of Caxias, but also to the monarchist sentiment in the military. After Manuel Luís Osório, the Duke of Caxias' death was an important blow to the "monarchist caucus" of the military and the progress made by the monarchist camp in the military threatened to come undone by these deaths.

Left without a strong leader, the Conservatives proved no match to the Liberals in the 1881 election for the Chamber, the first held under the direct system provided by the Saraiva Law. The number of seats in the Chamber was increased from 110 to 150.

Chamber of Deputies

Liberal 95 (+30)
Conservative 55 (+10)

Senate

Conservative 28 (-1)
Liberal 12 (+1)



José Antônio Saraiva continued as President of the Council. His cabinet remained largely the same as the pre-election cabinet, and Antônio Eleutério de Camargo kept the War Ministry. At the War Ministry, de Camargo mantained a policy of neutrality and status-quo: he resisted pressures from the officers to increase funding even more and pressures from parliamentarians to prevent officers from intervening in political matters. Indeed, since the Paraguayan conflict, the officers had started to win election to the Chamber and Senate and intervened in political matters. Their intervention was opposed by a number of civilian parliamentarians, both Liberal and Conservative.

However, the main issue facing the Saraiva government was the eternal question of slavery. There was a mounting polarization on the issue. On one side, abolitionist concentrated in the Republican Party but also in the Liberal caucus (Joaquim Nabuco) demanded abolition of an institution they saw as "backwards". On the other hand, conservative plantation owners grew worried about these calls for abolition or reform and became increasingly reactionary. To deal with the divisive issue, Dom Pedro II named the Minister of Justice, Sousa Dantas, to draft a report concerning slavery. The report was due in 1884. Rodolfo Epifânio de Sousa Dantas, his son, was named Minister of Justice to replace Dantas, who wished to involve himself fully in his commission.

Meanwhile, various municipalities nationwide took the first steps in the process of abolition. Acarapé in Ceará became, on January 1 1883, the first municipality to abolish slavery. On September 30 of the same year, Mossoró in Rio Grande do Norte abolished slavery, due to the work of an influential businessman in the area, Joaquim Mendes.

The government continued the old agenda of national development. As exports rose and median income increased, so did literacy. In addition, the telephone, a new American invention, entered Brazil. In 1883, the first municipal telephone system was inaugurated in Fortaleza, Ceará.

Shortly before the 1884 elections, Saraiva announced his resignation, following backroom pressure from certain Liberals. Two candidates to succeed Saraiva were discussed. Franklin Dória (former Minister of War) represented the older, more right-wing faction of the Liberal Party. On the other hand, Lafayette Rodrigues Pereira (former Minister of Justice) represented the modern, progressive wing of the Liberal Party. Pereira, however, was a former republican and his name appeared on the 1876 Republican Manifesto. In the end, Franklin Dória was elected by acclamation.

Next: Dantas Report and 1884 Elections

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Era of Division

The Sousa Dantas Report on the slavery problem was due in June 1884, however, the Liberal government tried to delay its publication as much as possible since it knew that its publication would have important effects on the 1884 elections. Finally, in July 1884, the report was released after the Emperor's intervention. The elections were due for August 1884.

The report recommended abolition through a gradual process. Firstly, it demanded stricter application of the Law of the Free Womb passed in 1871 by the Paranhos Conservative cabinet. Secondly, it set 60-years old as the age limit for a slave, after which the owner would need to free the slave. Controversially, the report did not mention compensations to owners following abolition.

That same year, Ceará abolished slavery (March 25) and was soon followed by Amazonas (July 10).

The 1884 election was focused on the issue of slavery, and the slave owners attacked the Liberal government for its abolitionist policies. They turned to the Conservatives, although the Conservative parliamentary leadership also supported gradual abolitionism. In a close election, the Liberals held power while the Republicans re-entered the Chamber.

Chamber of Deputies

Liberal 80 (-15)
Conservative 68 (+13)
Republicans 2 (+2)

Senate

Conservative 28 (-)
Liberal 12 (-)



Franklin Dória kept his cabinet, but his staunch abolitionist policy became unpopular within the Liberal caucus and the Conservatives became more and more opposed to his policies. In addition, the military started to oppose him since he wished to restrict the officer's involvement in politics. The Emperor finally decided to fire Dória's cabinet (January 1, 1885) and replaced him with an old Liberal Senator João Lustosa da Cunha Paranaguá, Marquis of Paranaguá. His government was one of conciliation and it did not take any stance on slavery, at risk of dividing his party once more. Franklin Dória became Minister of Foreign Affairs, far from the realm of abolition.

The cabinet of conciliation divided the party's left-wing, led by Lafayette Rodrigues Pereira who did not agree with the government's cautious policy towards slavery and urged abolition as soon as possible. Even Sousa Dantas, now Minister of Finance in the Paranaguá cabinet, showed his dissatisfaction with the cabinet's slavery policy.

The Liberals were divided, and the Emperor finally decided to force the government to a snap election. The Liberals went into the campaign divided, and were faced by a new Conservative leader, João Maurício Wanderley, Baron of Cotegipe. The Baron of Cotegipe had served in Conservative cabinets in the past and represented the moderate and progressive wing of the Conservative Party. With his personality and cross-party support, and the division of the Liberals and the absence of a real Liberal leader, the Baron of Cotegipe led the Conservative Party to one of its largest landslides in Brazilian history.

Chamber of Deputies

Conservative 99 (+31)
Liberal 49 (-31)
Republicans 2 (-)

Senate

Conservative 31 (+3)
Liberal 9 (-3)



Slave owners had turned to the Conservatives hoping that they would lead a conservative policy vis-a-vis slavery. They were sorely mistaken. With support from his friend, ally and former Liberal Prime Minister José Antônio Saraiva; the Baron of Cotegipe played a major role in the passing of the Saraiva-Cotegipe Law (passed on . The Law, also known as the Law of the Sexagenarian, freed all slaves above the age of 60 with some compensation to owners. The law was more symbolic, since few slaves lived to age 60 and if they did, their masters would be more than happy to free them at 60. However, the symbolism shocked and slave owners started resisting any attempts to free slaves. Most anti-abolition protests were peaceful, but in 1887 the abolitionist Carlos de Lacerda was attacked and seriously wounded in a Rio theater.

The slavery question divided the Conservative caucus and in March 1887, the Emperor fired João Wanderley and replaced him with a new figure, the Conservative João Alfredo Correia de Oliveira. João Alfredo Correia de Oliveira was an abolitionist and represented the Conservative Party's most progressive faction. With support from Liberals and the regent, Princess Isabel, he was determined to have the issue of slavery and abolition solved during his term.

Next: Crossroads

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João...: 1885
João...: 1885-1887
João...: 1887-

That's funny. Never saw that.

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The Golden Law

Slavery's economic viability was in sharp decline by 1888, and a growing number of slave owners were intelligent enough to realize that the institution was living its final years. In addition, abolitionism had made gains in all layers of Brazilian society, from the urban liberal elites (many of which leaned Republican) to the circles of influences of the Imperial Family but also the military. Indeed, the military, notably Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca, were influenced by abolitionist thought and they refused to pursue runaway slaves, always increasing in number. In addition, many saw the abolition of slavery as the only option to attract European immigrants to Brazil to develop Brazil's new industrial centres. These people, concentrated in societies destined to attract European immigrants, argued that potential immigrants saw a slave-based economy as regressive and were not attracted to Brazil.

Princess Isabel had become a strong supporter of the abolitionist cause, as was Conservative Premier João Alfredo Correia de Oliveira and his Minister of Agriculture, Senator Rodrigo Augusto da Silva. However, abolition split the Conservatives into three distinct caucuses: one favoured rapid and instant abolition (this faction included the Premier), the other favoured gradual abolition (the leader of this faction was the Baron of Cotejipe), and the last group resisted all attempts to abolish slavery in the near future (this group included the Baron of Aracati. In practice, the real division was between the first two caucuses, as radical anti-abolitionists had seen their sway over the parties and society diminish during the decade.

In addition, the abolitionist current represented by the Premier had the crucial support of the three bases of society: the military, the Imperial Family and the Catholic Church (which now supported abolition, for the first time in years).

With the close support of the Regent, Princess Isabel, and Senator Rodrigo da Silva, the cabinet started work on the draft of a law abolishing slavery in January 1888. The debates in the Chamber were passionate and emotive.

On May 10, the Senate was presented with the final text of the Golden Law (Lei Áurea). To please the powerful slave-owning elite in Minas Gerais and São Paulo and to please the supporters of gradual abolition somewhat, the law provided from financial compensation to slave owners. The government argued that despite the burden on tax payers in Brazil and the debt it would create, the compensation would help the slave-owners either diversify their plantations or work out alternate arrangements. In addition, the potential of high immigration from Europe and the growing exports of coffee from Brazil would, in the long-term, make compensation a feasible compromise.

The Senate and the Chamber approved the law by a wide margin and on May 13, Princess Isabel signed the law freeing the nation's 723,719 slaves.


Mass held to commemorate abolition, May 22 1888 in Rio de Janeiro

However, that same month, the Chamber had come to the end of its three-year term and faced elections. Despite the passage of the law, the Conservatives were very divided and a scandal related to the compensation funds soon emerged involving the João Alfredo government. In addition, the Liberals were resurgent under the leadership of Afonso Celso de Assis Figueiredo, Viscout of Ouro Preto who had been Minister of Finance in the Saraiva cabinet.

The Viscout of Ouro Preto was a convinced monarchist and recent convert to the abolitionist cause. However, his campaign promised more in the way of institutional reform, such as a radical program of de-centralization, electoral reform and Senate reform. Despite being an abolitionist party, the Liberals soon appealed to the discontent slave-owners who had long demanded de-centralization. They knew that in a de-centralized Brazil, they could effectively control their interests through strong power in the various states.

Chamber of Deputies

Liberal 87 (+38)
Conservative 57 (-42)
Republicans 6 (+4)

Senate

Conservative 26 (-5)
Liberal 14 (+5)



Next: Refooooooooooorm

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Reformist Era

In early July 1888, following a convincing win in the general elections and the personal support of the Emperor Dom Pedro II, the Viscount of Ouro Preto acceded to the Presidency of the Council and formed a Liberal reformist cabinet. He named former Liberal President of the Council Franklin Dória as Minister of the Empire responsible for Political Reforms.

The Liberal government understood that large-scale political and institutional reforms were needed, partly to reform a "broken system" but also to appeal more to two groups ever stronger: the Republicans and the discontent plantation owners who had lost their slaves.

In November 1888, the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate approved the Dória Law (Lei Dória), a major electoral reform which extended the vote to the illiterate and freed slaves. In addition, it controversially removed the old clause which prevented politicians from standing for election in their home state. By removing this clause, local barons were given more control and influence over their electoral turf.

However, the government's main program focused around two points: the reform of the Senate, which was then composed of Life Senators appointed by the Emperor from a list of three names chosen by the provinces; and most importantly perhaps, decentralization. The proposition for Senate reform was met by staunch opposition from Senators, notably the Conservatives who still dominated the Senate. However, the reform received the support of former Conservative Premier João Alfredo Correia de Oliveira, who had been swayed by the Emperor to support the Liberal reform. Senator Rodrigo Augusto da Silva, the architect of the Golden Law also supported the reform.


President of the Council: Afonso Celso de Assis Figueiredo, Viscount of Ouro Preto (Liberal)

In June 1889, the Senate approved, due to the Emperor's personal intervention, the government's Senate Reform Law (Lei de Reforma do Senado). The law imposed term limits on Senators, who were now limited to a nine-year term after which they could be re-nominated for another term. Despite pressures from Dória, the Senate did not approve any provision concerning a reform of the nomination process in the provincial legislatures. It was, of course, too early to put into question the very nomination of the Senators by the Emperor.

However, despite these reformist moods, there was growing republican agitation. On July 14, 1889; the centennial of the storming of the Bastille, massive republican demonstrations were held in Rio and São Paulo and La Marseillaise accompanied the republican slogans. The Minister of War, Rufino Aeneas Gustavo Galvão, put the military on high alert.

On November 15, a group of young positivist officers led by Benjamin Constant, marched on the government in Rio. There was chaos and confusion in Rio as the future of the Empire seemed uncertain. However, Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca, who had met with the Viscount of Ouro Preto that morning concerning a military reform, was ordered to quell the positivist rebellion and by nightfall, the republican coup-d'etat. Prudente de Morais and Campos Sales, two Republican deputies condemned the positivist coup and supported legal means to achieve a republican form of government.

In December, the Viscount proceeded to a cabinet shuffle in which Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca, the "man of November 15" was rewarded with the important position of Minister of War. The nomination of the popular and well-regarded military leader was especially well received in military circles, who had always been reluctant to support 'civilian' governments. As Minister, da Fonseca proceeded to quash any positivist or republican thought in the military.

With the situation under control and order restored, the government was free to proceed to its important provincial decentralization reform. The cabinet had the crucial support of the two most important provinces: São Paulo and Minas Gerais. The Liberal and Conservative Parties in these provinces, dominated by wealthy plantation owners, desired de-centralization to allow for more power to these plantation owners.

The Decentralization Law (Lei de Descentralização) easily passed in both chambers in January 1890 thanks to the votes of the paulista and mineiro caucuses, although members from smaller provinces, who stood to lose from decentralization, voted against. The law gave provinces the power to control education, internal commerce and the power to raise taxes. However, the provinces could not regular inter-state commerce and raise tariffs. In addition, the provincial President, until then nominated by the Emperor, was to be elected by the provincial legislature. Therefore, the provinces gained responsible government.

Economically, despite a lost harvest for plantation owners in 1889, the economic growth cancelled out any loses for owners and coffee exports rebounded spectacularly in 1890 to arround 5.6 million 60-kg bags.

The United States organized the first Pan-American Conference in Washington D.C. in a bid to increase commerce with the Latin American continent and develop a continental outlook. Eager to prove itself as the leader of South America like the United States was to North America, Brazil's delegation was headed by the talent lawyer, journalist and former Liberal cabinet minister Lafayette Rodrigues Pereira. He was accompanied by the current Foreign Minister and José Francisco Diana and assisted by the Brazilian Minister plenipotentiary to Washington, Salvador de Mendonça. The conference proved a success for Brazil. It also placed Lafayette Rodrigues Pereira back on the spotlight and made him a potential candidate to succeed the Viscount of Ouro Preto as President of the Council.

Internally, the government led a crack down on positivist groups which threatened the monarchy. A number of republicans who had refused to pledge that they would use non-violent means to achieve their political aims were killed or exiled. Among these was Quintino Bocaiuva, a signatory of the Republican Manifesto. The Republican Party, on its side, was not banned despite Conservative pressures to do so, put its leadership put under tight control and surveillance.

By the time of the 1891 elections, the Empire had been consolidated despite republican and positivist agitation. However, the base was satisfied with the decentralization reform and the educated liberal elite had been satisfied with the Senate and electoral reform. The leaderless Conservatives proved little match to the popular Liberals, who handily won. The Liberals won a landslide in Minas Gerais and São Paulo.

Chamber of Deputies

Liberal 99 (+12)
Conservative 47 (-10)
Republicans 4 (-2)

Senate

Conservative 20 (-6)
Liberal 20 (+6)

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Era of Stability

The Liberals had won a clear mandate against a weak and divided Conservative Party and the discredited Republicans. The Viscount of Ouro Preto was reconfirmed in his function as President of the Council and kept largely the same cabinet.

However, the government was soon embroiled in a scandal. The Minister of War, Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca quickly grew unpopular with the civilian politicians, who reproached his authoritarianism and his unchecked ambition. Many were worried that the ambitious authoritarian Minister of War might be planning an internal coup against the Viscount of Ouro Preto, seen as weaker and tired. Pressured by the caucus, the President of the Council demanded and received the resignation of the Minister of War. He was replaced by an unknown civilian public servant, José Simeão de Oliveira. However, the ambitious Marshal left the Liberal Party at the spur of the moment and joined the Conservative Party on December 4, 1891.

His move went largely unnoticed, as Emperor Dom Pedro II died at age 66 on December 5, 1891. His death left the nation in grief and in shock, and his funeral proved to be one of the largest ever public demonstrations in Brazil to date. He was remembered for leading Brazil through nearly 60 years of growth, prosperity, stability and important reforms.

It was Dom Pedro's only surviving offspring, his daughter and former Regent Princess Imperial Isabel who acceded to the throne of the Empire. She was married to a French aristocrat, Gastão d'Orléans, Count of Eu since 1864 and the couple had already given birth to three children, Dom Pedro de Alcântara Orléans e Bragança (1875), Dom Luís de Orléans e Bragança (1878) and Dom Antônio Orléans e Bragança (1881).


Her Imperial Majesty, Empress Isabel I of Brazil

As the grief and emotion of December 1891 settled down, the government was shaken by a series of republican revolts in the south of the country, which weakened the power of the monarchy in the south though they were all quickly crushed. In addition, a conservative reactionary slaveholder's revolt in Bahia was quickly crushed.

The Brazilian economy grew at a relatively rapid and stable rate. However, the government focused on encouraging the industrialization of Brazil. In June 1892, the Liberal government passed a tariff revision which increased tariffs on foreign manufactured goods but lowered tariffs on materials needed for industrial production. Slowly but surely, small light industry, mostly manufacturing, popped up in the urbanized areas of the Empire, São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro.

Linked with the industrialization of Brazil, socialism first developed in Brazil in 1892. The first socialist party, the Socialist Workers' Party (Partido socialista operário, PSO) was founded in São Paulo in 1893. The PSO was a republican party, but unlike the old Republicans, it was not a liberal elite party but a working-class movement which favoured a Marxist revolution. The PSO was founded by Silvério Fontes.

The Minister of War, a civilian bureaucrat, José Simeão de Oliveira was disliked by the military elite, especially by the Brazilian Navy. They resented his liberal elitism and his refusal to raise the military's pay. The Conservatives, led by Admiral Luís Filipe de Saldanha da Gama and Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca, positioned themselves as the party of the military.

Contested within his own cabinet for his weak governing, the Viscount of Ouro Preto was under increasing pressure to resign. Warned of a resurgent Conservative Party, the President of the Council finally handed his resigned to the Empress in December 1893. The Liberal Party divided itself in the contest to choose the next Liberal leader and Premier. Former cabinet minister Lafayette Rodrigues Pereira, the leader of the progressive movement within the party, was the favourite but faced resistance from the Minister of Finances, Senator Cândido Luís Maria de Oliveira. The caucus finally elected Lafayette Rodrigues Pereira as President of the Council.

The Premier was careful as to avoid any controversial reform before the 1894 elections. In the 1894 elections, the Liberals surprisingly held on due to the popularity of Lafayette Rodrigues Pereira and the weak appeal of the Conservatives to urban centres. The Republicans collapsed to one seat, that of Prudente de Morais in Rio Grande do Sul. Most of the remnants of the Republican Party's vote was absorbed by the Liberals and their leader, the former republican Rodrigues Pereira.

Chamber of Deputies

Liberal 78 (-21)
Conservative 71 (+24)
Republicans 1 (-3)

Senate

Liberal 21 (+1)
Conservative 19 (-1)



Once in office, Lafayette Rodrigues Pereira and his government passed an organic law on the organization and powers of the provinces. The provinces were given responsibility for minor things, such as public roads, health and hygiene, education and internal commerce. The elections for the Provincial Assemblies, planned in the Decentralization Law but never held, were to be held every three years, starting in 1896. The law also gave power to local town and village councils. However, the Mayors were still to be nominated by the provincial President, which became the Governor with the new organization. The oligarchic interests denounced the little powers granted to provinces.

The government encouraged an ambitious plan of internal infrastructure development. Forests in the Mato Grosso Province were cleared and settled by European immigrants, roads were built in the poor northern reaches of Brazil, and the Amazonian Basin was slowly developed and the production of rubber in the region boomed.

The Liberals were strengthened by the defection of the sole Republican member of the Chamber, Prudente de Morais. The Republican Party was practically dead.


Lafayette Rodrigues Pereira

Meanwhile, the Conservatives abandoned their policy of appealing to the military aristocracy with the election of Senator Rodrigo Augusto da Silva to the leadership of the Conservative Party by the caucus. The Conservatives transformed themselves into a civilian largely aristocratic and rural bourgeois party. For the first time since 1888, they posed a real threat to the Liberals, in power for seven years by 1895.

The first election to Provincial Assemblies were held in 1896. The Conservatives won narrow victories in the two dominant states: São Paulo and Minas Gerais. The Liberals won notably in Rio Grande do Sul and Rio de Janeiro. The Conservatives, ironically, did best in small provinces opposed to de-centralization. In Rio Grande do Sul, the Republican stronghold, the Republicans won no seats in the Assembly.

These elections proved to be a warning not heard for the Liberals, as they were defeated in the 1897 election by Rodrigo Augusto da Silva's Conservatives.

Chamber of Deputies

Conservative 81 (+10)
Liberal 69 (-9)
Republicans 0 (-1)

Senate

Conservative 21 (+2)
Liberal 19 (-2)



Note: Rodrigo Augusto da Silva didn't die in 1889.


Premiers:

Zacarias de Góis e Vasconcelos: 1866-1870
José Maria da Silva Paranhos, Visconde do Rio Branco: 1870-1875
Luís Alves de Lima e Silva, Duque de Caxias: 1875-1878
José Antônio Saraiva: 1878-1884
Franklin Américo de Meneses Dória: 1884-1885
João Lustosa da Cunha Paranaguá, Marquês de Paranaguá: 1885
João Maurício Wanderley, Barão de Cotejipe: 1885-1887
João Alfredo Correia de Oliveira: 1887-1888
Afonso Celso de Assis Figueiredo, Visconde de Ouro Preto: 1888-1893
Lafayette Rodrigues Pereira: 1893-1897
Rodrigo Augusto da Silva: 1897-

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Assertion of Brazil 1897-1904

Rodrigo Augusto da Silva's entered office in 1897 to find a booming coffee-based economy, with the number of coffee exports literally breaking records with every year which passed. da Silva encouraged the growth of the coffee export economy. The government regarded Brazil's export agrarian-based economy as its best bet for the future, and the government thought that the coffee-based economy was the only economic choice for Brazil.

Internally, the government continued the previous cabinets policy of exploring and developing the Amazonian Basin and inland Brazil. Forests continued to be cleared for roads and farms dominated by wealthy landowners sprung up in the province of Mato Grosso.

In the northwest of Brazil, Brazilian promoters and explorers seeking rubber fell across the territory of Acre, officially a part of Bolivia (a situation accepted by Brazil in 1867 by the Treaty of Ayacucho) but in practice left untouched by Bolivian authorities or troops. In 1899, the Spanish explorer Luis de Gálvez Rodríguez Arias took over the territory and declared an independent republic in Acre. Held by the terms of the 1867 agreement and also the government's eagerness to improve relations with Bolivia, the da Silva government did not support the new state (unlike the Governor of Amazonas) and sent four gunboats to expel Gálvez and return the territory to Bolivia in return for the granting of special rights to Brazilians (mostly exploiting rubber) in the territory.

In 1900, at the turn of the century, Brazil had a population of around 18 million and a booming export economy, but a weak industrial sector save for a few industries in the major centres along the urbanized coast. The Conservative government headed into the 1900 in a solid state, helped by a strong and growing economy, a popular leader and facing a weak and divided Liberal Party. In addition, they had won the support of the oligarchic interests of São Paulo and Minas Gerais.

Chamber of Deputies

Conservative 100 (+19)
Liberal 50 (-19)

Senate

Conservative 23 (+2)
Liberal 17 (-2)



The government, strengthened by its increased parliamentary majority, led an aggressive and popular foreign policy. In 1900, Brazil won control of the region of Amapá in the province of Para from France, which controlled neighboring Guiana. This foreign policy was led by the able diplomat and Foreign Minister José Maria da Silva Paranhos Jr., son of the former President of the Council. On the regional stage, Brazil emerged as a leading power against its traditional rival, Argentina. Brazil had developed a more democratic and participative system of governing than Argentina, then ruled by a conservative oligarchy.

However, the interests of the conservative oligarchy were also taking over in Brazil. The Governors of São Paulo and Minas Gerais became local barons. The Liberals and Conservatives became mere parties of the oligarchy, led by the Liberal Governor of São Paulo, Campos Sales (and Prudente de Morais, a former Republican, now the leader of the Liberals in São Paulo) and the Conservative Governor of Minas Gerais, Silviano Brandão.

Rodrigo Augusto da Silva died of a heart attack in June 1901 at the age of 68. He was succeeded temporarily by Minas Gerais Senator Eduardo Ernesto da Gama Cerqueira. The race to succeed him highlighted the new direction of the Conservative Party and Brazilian politics in general. Senator Rodrigues Alves (and Governor of São Paulo between 1896 and 1899 - defeated by Sales), the candidate of the paulista coffee oligarchy easily defeated his little-known rivals. He became President of the Council in November 1901.

Rodrigues Alves continued the old policy of encouraging the growth of the export-based economy, but also passed a tariff revision in July 1902 which increased the tariff on foreign manufactured goods, a move to encourage the growth of industry. By 1903, Brazil had around 2,500 industrial establishments, mostly in the provinces of Bahia, Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo (to a lesser extent).

The growth of industry and urbanization led to the growth of left-wing Marxist movements. The International Workers' Day, May 1, was celebrated in Santos (SP) in 1899 for the first time. In 1903, in São Paulo, the Socialist Workers' Party (founded in 1892) merged with smaller movements and formed the Brazilian Socialist Party (Partido socialista brasileiro, PSB). The Socialists were especially strong in the industrial harbour of Santos and in the capital, Rio.

In the 1902 provincial elections, the oligarchic system established itself firmly. In São Paulo, the Liberals of Governor Campos Sales won a crushing majority (with the support of the coffee establishment). In Minas Gerais, the Conservatives of Governor Afonso Pena (who succeeded Silviano Brandão) won a crushing majority (with the support of the dairy interests). In Rio de Janeiro, the Liberal Quintino Antônio Ferreira de Sousa Bocaiúva (aka Bocaiúva) won, but Bocaiúva was not representative of the paulista Liberals: he was a former member of the Republican Party and represented an intellectual reformist current which had been progressively sidelined within the Liberal Party.

Acre, following the collapse of the Gálvez Republic in 1900, Bolivia militarily occupied Acre and the Bolivian government of General José Manuel Pando made the defense of a Bolivian Acre a main part of Bolivian policy. Bolivia wished to assert its influence in central South America, and especially over the rubber-rich region of the Amazon. In March 1903, José Plácido de Castro, a colonel in the Brazilian military, traveled to the territory with the express support of the Governor of Amazonas, the Foreign Minister and the President of the Council. In response, the Bolivian government ordered the placement of troops on the border with Brazil. It seemed as if war was to come as Brazilian voters went to the polls in June 1903.

Chamber of Deputies

Conservative 105 (+5)
Liberal 45 (-5)

Senate

Conservative 24 (+1)
Liberal 16 (-1)



The government won another strong majority as tensions escalated in Acre between Brazil and Bolivia. Bolivia ignored Brazilian and American calls for negotiations, and on July 31, 1903, Alves ordered Brazilian divisions to move from Amazonas to solidify the border with Acre and ordered Brazilian gunboats to prepare to move up stream to Acre. One of the divisions moved to the border was led by Hermes da Fonseca, the son of the controversial former Minister of War Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca.

Foreign Minister José Maria da Silva Paranhos attempted to negotiate, but Bolivia was seemingly holding its ground. In October 1903, Pando ordered an attack on a Brazilian rubber camp in Acre, which was accused of being a base for Brazilian forces. Brazil declared that this was a violation of its settlers rights in Acre and declared war on Bolivia.

Marshal Hermes da Fonseca was named Minister of War and put in command of Brazilian forces. His divisions outnumbered the Bolivian army in Acre and quickly seized the offensive by invading Bolivian territory in Acre. In early November 1903, Porto Acre, the stronghold of the Bolivian military and administrative power in Acre, had fallen to Brazil. The remainders of the Bolivian military took refuge in Plácido de Castro, a small town near the unofficial border between Bolivia and Acre. However, Brazil took Plácido de Castro in early December 1903 and Brazilians crossed the artificial line into northern Bolivia. They were met by a strong Bolivian army from La Paz, which settled on the southern shores of the Madre de Dios River around a place known as Conquista.

President Pando knew his army's last chance at pushing back the Brazilian offensive laid on their defense of the Madre de Dios River. They had surrendered territory north of the river, but had the intention of staying strong on the south bank. Around 900 Bolivian troops faced 1,050 Brazilians in January 1904 at Conquista. The Brazilians attacked the Bolivian garrison from both sides and it fell after two days despite Bolivian resistance. The Bolivians either surrendered or fled. 

In La Paz, President Pando was pressured by his government to seek an immediate cease-fire with Brazil and the ability to negotiate a peace. Already on January 24, 1904, Bolivian troops in northern Bolivia signed a cease-fire with Marshal da Fonseca's Brazilian contingent.

Under the direction of Foreign Minister José Maria da Silva Paranhos, the Treaty of Petrópolis between Brazil and Bolivia was signed in July 1904. Brazil annexed the territory of Acre but not any Bolivian territory north of the Madre de Dios River. In addition, Bolivia was compensated by a 10-year commercial agreement granting Bolivia access to the Atlantic via Brazilian rivers (Bolivia had lost its Pacific coast in the War of the Pacific with Chile more than 20 years before). In La Paz, Pando resigned and was replaced by his calm and moderate Foreign Minister, Eliodoro Villazón.

In Porto Acre, the instigator of the Acre War, José Plácido de Castro, was named interim Governor by the Empress.

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Premiers:

Zacarias de Góis e Vasconcelos: 1866-1870
José Maria da Silva Paranhos, Visconde do Rio Branco: 1870-1875
Luís Alves de Lima e Silva, Duque de Caxias: 1875-1878
José Antônio Saraiva: 1878-1884
Franklin Américo de Meneses Dória: 1884-1885
João Lustosa da Cunha Paranaguá, Marquês de Paranaguá: 1885
João Maurício Wanderley, Barão de Cotejipe: 1885-1887
João Alfredo Correia de Oliveira: 1887-1888
Afonso Celso de Assis Figueiredo, Visconde de Ouro Preto: 1888-1893
Lafayette Rodrigues Pereira: 1893-1897
Rodrigo Augusto da Silva: 1897-1901
Eduardo Ernesto da Gama Cerqueira 1901
Rodrigues Alves 1901-

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Economic and Political Development of Brazil 1904-1909

The Conservative government encouraged the development of an agricultural federal oligarchy in Brazil. The Conservatives restricted the national government's intervention in inter-state commerce and gave a free hand to the Governors of the major provinces: São Paulo, Minas Gerais, Rio Grande do Sul, Rio de Janeiro, Bahia and Pernambuco. In practice, the states of São Paulo and Minas Gerais remained the dominant states of the system. The development was very unequal, and opposition to the new system came not from the Liberals (who had adopted the system as well, and controlled the state of São Paulo) but from the educated middle-class elites. The elites gathered around an old abolitionist and liberal thinker, Rui Barbosa. However, in practice, the states maintained their control over politics.

In November 1904, the government of Prime Minister Rodrigues Alves ordered Director General of Public Health Dr. Osvaldo Cruz to launch a mass vaccination program in Rio de Janeiro to prevent further spread of disease in the capital, which despite its palaces and gardens, suffered from grave infrastructure inadequacies. Tuberculosis, measles, typhus and leprosy were common diseases, and epidemics of yellow fever also killed many inhabitants in the capital. The government ordered the destruction of public housing units, which they deemed to be breeding grounds for disease. Confused and thrown into the streets, the people started to revolt and turned the city into a urban battlefield. The army stepped in to restore order and the leaders of the 'Vaccine Revolt' were deported to Acre.

The Brazilian socialist movement was rapidly growing with the growth of industries, and trade unions started organizing. In January 1905, the Brazilian Workers Confederation (Confederação Operária Brasileira , COB) was founded. In February 1905, the first strike was held by 500 textile workers in São Bernardo do Campo (SP). The Conservative government took a hard line and sent the army to repress the strikes. The Conservatives were supported in their anti-union policy by the bulk of the Liberals and notably by SP Governor Campos Sales.

In the 1905 provincial elections, while the Governors of Minas Gerais (Afonso Pena, Con) and São Paulo (Campos Sales, Lib) were easily re-elected, a change took place in the 'sidelined' states of the system: the Liberals won the governorships of Bahia, Pernambuco and Rio Grande do Sul. These states were 'second-tier' states, behind the two main players of the oligarchic system. The Liberal Governors of these states supported the system, but protested the exclusion of their states from the oligarchic politics.

Prime Minister Rodriges Alves stepped aside in January 1906, and he was succeeded by Minas Gerais Governor Afonso Pena. He was supported by the oligarchy of Brazil, thinking that he would play into the hands of their interests. As Governor, he was succeeded by João Pinheiro da Silva.

In the 1906 election, the Conservatives faced a resurgent Liberal coalition. The Liberal coalition was an unholy one, composed of Governor Campos Sales' base in SP, the liberal elite organized around Governor Bocaiúva in Rio and the 'sidelined' states of Bahia, Pernambuco and Rio Grande do Sul. There were now 165 seats in the lower house and 43 in the Senate.

Chamber of Deputies

Conservative 91 (-9)
Liberal 74 (+24)

Senate

Liberal 22 (+5)
Conservative 21 (-2)



Afonso Pena became Prime Minister following the June 1906 elections, notably naming      Nilo Peçanha of Rio de Janeiro as his Chief of Staff. Despite being elected with the support of the oligarchy, he quickly led an independent policy and increased the national government's intervention into the economies of the states. He tried to curtail the power of the oligarchy, which led to the unpopularity of his policies and parties with wealthy plantation owners.

During that time, coffee prices and exports had started to stagnate and the question of coffee surplus became an important issue. He convoked the Conference of Taubaté. In attendance were Governor Campos Sales (SP), Governor João Pinheiro da Silva (MG), Governor Bocaiúva (RJ) and Governor Carlos Barbosa Gonçalves (RS). The agreement signed by the four states and Prime Minister Pena at Taubaté attempted to create a balance between supply and demand, mandated the national government to buy surplus coffee (but to prevent surplus crops by discouraging plantation expansion) and levying a tax on each bag exported to increase the country's and the state's profits from the export of coffee.

Afonso Pena also encouraged the development of railways, and under his tenure the railway linking SP with Rio Grando do Sul was completed, as well as linking Rio with the Amazon through telegraph. He also ordered the construction of a railway in the province of Amazonas between Porto Velho and Guajará-Mirim. Construction began in 1907, and led to the deaths of hundreds of workers due to tropical heat, fevers and exhaustion.

The government also encouraged immigration from Europe, which was gradually rising since the abolition of slavery in 1889. Most immigrants came from southern Europe, that is Portugal, Spain and Italy. However, Chinese and other Asian immigrants also came to work on railways and plantations.

Pena's policies towards trade unions were also different than those of his predecessor, as he gave SP workers a eight-hour workday after a 43-day long strike in 1907.

The government encouraged the development of the Brazilian military. In June 1907, as Argentina's military sided with Germany, War Minister Luís Mendes de Morais and Navy Minister Alexandrino Faria de Alencar signed a naval and military treaty with the United Kingdom. As part of the agreement, Brazil ordered construction of two cruisers in Newcastle-upon-Tyne as well as British military trainers to be sent to Brazil.

Meanwhile, in the opposition, the Liberals, out of power since 1897, were becoming openly divided. The division was between those who favoured the continuation of the oligarchic system, led by Governor Campos Sales and the right of the party. There was little difference between those Liberals and the Conservatives, in fact, Sales was to the right of Pena on many issues (unions notably). On the other hand were the reformists, led by Governor Bocaiúva of Rio and supported by liberal reformer Rui Barbosa. In a caucus vote in 1908, the Liberals elected Francisco de Assis Rosa e Silva, the protege of Governor Sales, to the leadership of the party. The reformers who had hoped that the Liberals would be a vehicle for change were sorely disappointed. Governor Bocaiúva, Rui Barbosa and other liberals left the Liberal Party and founded the Radical Party (Partido Radical do Brasil, PR).

The Radicals advocated immediate political and social reform, workers' rights and social legislation, and end to oligarchic politics, electoral reform, urbanization and industrialization, and separation of church and state.

In the 1908 provincial elections, the major provinces remained loyal to their established Governors. In Rio de Janeiro, Francisco Chaves de Oliveira Botelho (Radical) succeeded Governor Bocaiúva, who had retired to run for a seat in the Chamber in 1909. In Minas Gerais, the Conservative Wenceslas Bras was elected to a full term in his own right, after the death of Governor Pinheiro in 1908.

The Conservatives were favoured going into the 1909 election due to the division of the Liberals, but they were divided between supporters of Pena's interventionist policies and those who remained loyal to former Prime Minister Rodrigues Alves' policies. In March 1909, as the Conservatives readied for the June election, Pena died. Two candidates vied for the top spot: Finance Minister David Morethson Campista, supporter of Pena; and MG Governor Wenceslas Bras. Campista was opposed by the oligarchic interests and the military (Marshal Hermes da Fonseca was affirming his power over the Conservative Party), and was defeated in the Conservative Chamber caucus vote by 55-36. Following his defeat, he left the party to join the Radical Party.

Wenceslas Bras led the Conservatives to another electoral victory over Rosa e Silva's Liberals. The Radicals made a breakthrough in Rio de Janeiro (province and city) and polled well in São Paulo and other major cities. The PSB also ran for the first time, but won no seats.

Chamber of Deputies

Conservative 85 (-6)
Liberal 59 (-15)
Radical 21 (+21)
Socialist 0 (nc)

Senate

Liberal 20 (-2)
Conservative 20 (-1)
Radical 3 (+3)

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Premiers:

Zacarias de Góis e Vasconcelos: 1866-1870
José Maria da Silva Paranhos, Visconde do Rio Branco: 1870-1875
Luís Alves de Lima e Silva, Duque de Caxias: 1875-1878
José Antônio Saraiva: 1878-1884
Franklin Américo de Meneses Dória: 1884-1885
João Lustosa da Cunha Paranaguá, Marquês de Paranaguá: 1885
João Maurício Wanderley, Barão de Cotejipe: 1885-1887
João Alfredo Correia de Oliveira: 1887-1888
Afonso Celso de Assis Figueiredo, Visconde de Ouro Preto: 1888-1893
Lafayette Rodrigues Pereira: 1893-1897
Rodrigo Augusto da Silva: 1897-1901
Eduardo Ernesto da Gama Cerqueira:1901
Francisco de Paula Rodrigues Alves: 1901-1906
Afonso Augusto Moreira Pena: 1906-1909
Venceslau Brás Pereira Gomes: 1909-


Governors of Minas Gerais (since federal reform):

Francisco Silviano de Almeida Brandão: 1896-1901
Afonso Augusto Moreira Pena: 1901-1906
João Pinheiro da Silva: 1906-1908
Venceslau Brás Pereira Gomes: 1908-1909
Júlio Bueno Brandão: 1909-

Governors of SP:

Pedro Vicente de Azevedo: 1896-1902
Manuel Ferraz de Campos Sales: 1902-

Governors of Rio de Janeiro:

José Bento de Araújo: 1896-1902
Quintino Antônio Ferreira de Sousa Bocaiúva: 1902-1908
Francisco Chaves de Oliveira Botelho: 1908-

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Brazil in Latin America and the World: Brazilian Foreign Policy 1900-1909

While most portfolios were constantly shuffled, one cabinet position remained stable throughout the early years of the twentieth century: the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. José Maria da Silva Paranhos Junior, Baron of Rio Branco. The son of the former Conservative President of the Council, the Viscount of Rio Branco, he was an able diplomat and negotiator. As Brazilian Ambassador in Berlin, he had already played an important role in the arbitration of Brazil's boundaries with Argentina (the Missions territory was awarded to Brazil in 1895, a major diplomatic victory for Brazil over its regional rival) and France (the Amapá territory, disputed with French Guiana, was awarded to Brazil in 1900, a major victory for a South American power over a colonial European empire).

In June 1900, the Baron of Rio Branco became Foreign Minister in the cabinet of Rodrigo Augusto da Silva. In January 1904, following Brazil's crushing victory over Bolivia in the short Acre War, the Baron of Rio Branco negotiated the Treaty of Petrópolis which gave Brazil control of Acre and demarcated Brazil's boundary with Bolivia. In addition, the Treaty of Petrópolis also ensured good relations with Bolivia, by guaranteeing Bolivian access to Brazilian rivers for a 10-year period.

Peru, however, also laid claim to Acre and a large part of the Amazon Basin. Despite Brazil's able negotiating, Lima dragged its feet in the resolution of the dispute from 1905 to 1907, hoping that it would benefit from dragging the negotiations on. However, with constantly changing foreign ministers in Peru, Brazil was able to cement its ground in Acre by the ratification in September 1907 of a treaty demarcating the border with Peru.

In 1905, a treaty with Venezuela settled the northern frontier. In 1906, a treaty with the Netherlands settled the border of Suriname. In 1907, Colombia and Brazil came to an understanding allowing a later demarcation of the border and in 1909, a maritime border dispute with Uruguay was settled.

Aside from demarcating the Empire's borders, the Foreign Minister established a new foreign policy with the clear objective of asserting Brazil's influence and power in South America. In 1906, Rio de Janeiro hosted the Third Pan-American Conference during which foreign dignitaries from South America but also the United States and Europe visited Brazil. During this same time, Brazil became the clear leader in South America, despite its unique monarchical system which set it apart from all other independent nations in the continent. It acted as the intermediary in negotiations between Europe and other Latin American nations, notably lobbying the cause of minor powers such as Paraguay and Bolivia in Europe. The Foreign Minister accredited ambassadors and consuls to almost all nations in the American continent as well as major European capitals. In 1907, Brazil attended the Hague Conference and lobbied for the equality of all nations.

The most important foreign policy question in Brazil during the first decade of the twentieth century was the question of political alignment. Since the 1840s, Brazil had aligned with Britain: then the leading economic and political power in the world, a fellow monarchy and an historical ally of Portugal and Brazil. However, by 1900, the rise of the United States as an economic and political power in the world had put this alignment with London into question. A vast majority of Brazilian coffee was now exported to the United States, and the Roosevelt administration had been eager to develop a privileged relationship with Brazil, which it saw as the dominant power in the region and a major ally for the United States in the southern half of the American continent.

The idea of an American-Brazilian alliance had been expressed since the 1850s, including by the pro-American Joaquim Nabuco. However, the old monarchical elite of the era still favoured London over Washington, but by 1900, the establishment of the coffee barons as the new leaders of Brazil had changed this mindset. The oligarchs, aware that the United States was the main market for their exports, favoured an alliance with Washington over one with London, and they had the support of the Foreign Ministry. Under the leadership of the Baron of Rio Branco, Rio de Janeiro developed a strong unofficial alliance with Washington, though maintained strong links, primarily military, with London. Brazil’s new alliance with the United States was noted in Buenos Aires, who at the same time was developing a close relationship with Germany.

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Contestation at Home: 1909-1912

Venceslau Brás took office in 1909 in a positive economic climate. Coffee sales were stable, the government's valorization of coffee remained popular and successful, and in the Amazon rubber sales were breaking records. Brás' government continued to encourage industrialization, and continued the old development policies of his predecessors. In the sparsely populated and undeveloped province of Mato Grosso, roads linking the state with the economic centre of São Paulo were completed between 1909 and 1912. In the Amazon, the rubber boom in the first decade of the new century had led to extremely rapid population and income growth in the provinces of Amazonas and Pará.

However, the positive outlook based on the continued growth of coffee and prosperity at home hid another picture. Firstly, the rubber boom in the Amazon Basin came to a rapid end by 1910-1911, as Asian rubber which was faster and cheaper to harvest replaced Brazilian rubber as the world's preferred rubber. The booming towns of Manaus and Belém fell into disrepair and their grandiose infrastructures became empty shells of a glorious past. The Brás cabinet was unwilling to do anything, partly out of the opposition of the coffee barons (who opposed wasting funds on aiding Amazonian rubber) and the reality that Asian rubber remained much cheaper and faster to harvest. At the same time, Brazil's national debt was skyrocketing as the government continued to invest in industry and infrastructure. The monetarist policies led by past Finance Ministers had led to an economic crisis in the early 1900s and contestation to the Conservative policies became more serious than at any time since 1897. Longtime São Paulo Governor Campos Sales (known as the paulista caudilho, Liberal leader Francisco de Assis Rosa e Silva and Liberal Senator Joaquim Murtinho took up new roles as leader of the opposition to the pro-industrial and pro-development policies of the Conservative government.

At the same time, the whole economic system of Brazil - defended by the Liberals and Conservatives - had made enemies. The old imperial elite, composed of provincial deputies and Senators mostly from the old Northeast (the sugar-growing region of Brazil, which was destroyed economically from the rise of coffee in the Southeast) contested the new ruling class, composed of the paulista and mineiros coffee barons. They were joined by an urban middle-class, which had held significant power until the election of Rodrigues Alves to the leadership of the Conservative Party in 1901. This middle-class contested the concentration of power into the hands of a powerful few and two provinces, as well as the emergence of regional caudilhos. The urban middle-class concentrated in the new Radical Party, which emerged as a coalition of the middle-class, the rising industrialists opposed to the mercantilist oligarchs, old republicans and positivists and part of the imperial monarchist elite which had lost power with the advent of the new de-centralized monarchy - which they termed the "Third Empire". In addition, the Radicals also allied with the new growing proletariat in the cities, to whom they promised labour reform. The Radicals were, as a result, an almost exclusively urban party based in São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Bahia, Recife and Porto Alegre. The Radical Manifesto of 1909 called for democratization, electoral reform, an end to the oligarchic politics, industrialization and economic diversification; as well as labour reforms such as the right to strike, wage increase, and other social legislation. The leaders of the new movement included former fluminense¹ Governor Quintino Bocaiúva, but most notably the Bahianese reformer, diplomat and able politician Rui Barbosa. Most Radicals were former members of the Liberal Party, who had lost the control of the party to the paulista coffee barons, but also included parts of the old monarchist Conservative elite.

In late 1910, the stability of the Empire was broken by a naval revolt in Guanabara Bay led by black enlisted sailors who demanded better working conditions and an end to the systematic whippings. However, poorly organized, exhausted and with little determination to lead a real revolt, the revolt quickly ended in November 1910 when the government promised the mutineers amnesty and a parliamentary investigation into their complaints. While the legislature found evidence of whippings, little changed in the navy itself or for black/mestizo Brazilians in general. The dominant racist mood in Brazil at the time was opposed to black Brazilians (whom they saw as weak, less intelligent and poor) and also mestizo Brazilians (who were judged to be 'impure'). These white Brazilians encouraged European immigration, which continued to grow throughout the early twentieth century, as a method to 'purify' the Brazilian population.

On the sidelines of the 'two-state system' stood Rio Grande do Sul, a rich and maverick province which had attempted to challenge the power of the coffee barons since the advent of de-centralization. The province was dominated by wealthy landowners, cattle herders and industrialists; not by coffee. In Rio Grande do Sul, while the old Republican Party had collapsed, positivism and positivism tainted by republicanism had not died out. Between 1890 and 1901, various local revolts led by old republicans such as Julio de Castilhos and Joaquim Francisco de Assis Brasil had failed but showed that positivism was not dead. Positivism continued to influenced the gaúcho² Liberal Party, which had ruled the province since the first provincial elections in 1896. The Riograndense Liberals (and Conservatives, historically weak in the province) were rather conservative with nationalist undertones. They cooperated easily with the military, which played a dominant role in the strategically-located province. Riograndense politicians in Rio de Janeiro attempted to play a role in national politics. Marshal Hermes da Fonseca, the military hero of the Acre War became Minister of War in the Brás cabinet in 1909. In Rio de Janeiro, Senator José Gomes Pinheiro Machado, although a Liberal, he cooperated freely with the Conservative government to gain power for his province. In Porto Alegre, Antônio Augusto Borges de Medeiros became Governor in 1908 and established himself a caudilho propagating his influence in provincial and national politics. Both Machado and Borges de Medeiros made enemies in Rio de Janeiro, including within the Liberal Party, for their opposition to the power of the paulista-mineiros oligarchy (more for economic reasons than political or philosophical reasons) and their strong-handed tactics whose effects were felt outside of the province. Pinheiro Machado was able to install his allies in dominant positions in the Liberal organizations in provinces such Pernambuco and Amazonas.

In the 1911 provincial elections, little changed in the big power bases of São Paulo and Minas Gerais; but the Liberals made important gains in São Paulo (winning nearly three-quarters of the seats) and even Minas Gerais. In Rio de Janeiro, the Radical Governor Oliveira Botelho lost to Nilo Peçanha, the former Chief of Staff in the Pena Conservative cabinet. Peçanha, known as a moderate within the party, had managed to appeal to a majority of Liberals, old coffee barons and some Radicals. In Minas Gerais, Júlio Bueno Brandão won another term in office. In Rio Grande do Sul, Borges de Medeiros' "Liberals" won a crushing victory. In Bahia, the Liberals were able to defeat a Radical upswing led by Rui Barbosa; and the Liberals also won the provinces of Pernambuco in addition to gaining the provinces of Amazonas and Pará, devastated by the rubber crisis and the Conservative government's inaction in the crisis.

The 1912 elections became one of the first major electoral campaigns in Brazilian history. They opposed Venceslau Brás' Conservatives, the Liberals led by Campos Sales and the Radicals led by Rui Barbosa. The Liberals had built a coalition including their old base in São Paulo and Southern Brazil, but also the provinces of Bahia and Pernambuco (and smaller Northeast provinces, such as Paraíba) and the disaffected Amazonian provinces (except Acre, which remained loyal to the Conservatives). In Rio Grande do Sul, the Riograndense Liberal machine split between support of the so-called "café Liberals" of Campos Sales, the Radicals and an unofficial 'Liberal-Conservative Party' or 'Riograndense Liberal-Conservative Party' led Pinheiro Machado and supported by Governor Borges de Medeiros who were unhappy with the domination of Brazilian politics by São Paulo and Minas Gerais. Sales was, more importantly, an enemy of Machado who opposed the coffee oligarchy represented by Sales' café Liberals. Despite this, Sales' Liberals were still able to re-conquer the Liberal infrastructure in states like Pernambuco whose organization had been 'infiltrated' by Machado's allies.

Chamber of Deputies

Liberal 84 (+25)
Conservative 67 (-18)
Radical 14 (-7)
Socialist 0 (nc)

Senate

Liberal 23 (+3)
Conservative 18 (-2)
Radical 2 (-1)



¹ Term used to refer to the inhabitants of Rio de Janeiro.
² While the term gaúcho refers literally to cowboys, it has become a synonym for people from Rio Grande do Sul, who are also known as Riograndense. The term 'gaúcho province' refers to the province of Rio Grande do Sul as a whole.

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Decline and Conflict: 1912-1915

Campos Sales' Liberals won a narrow majority, but the presence around 25 Riograndense Liberal deputies and Senators weakened the majority, and Pinheiro Machado remained on the sidelines of the government and his power over the Liberal Party in states like Pernambuco and Amazonas significantly weakened since the 1912 election. Campos Sales' first actions were to cut spending to balance the budget. Public works were halted, expenses cut and taxes raised. Government funding programs for industrialization were cut, much to the pleasure of the paulista and mineiros coffee barons who saw industrialization as a futile exercise. In addition, the government established an agency which received deposits of gold and issued paper money backed by gold in return. However, Campos Sales died before he could see the results of his policies. In late June 1913, he died. He was replaced by Altino Arantes, who had replaced him as Governor of São Paulo in 1912.

Meanwhile, in the Imperial family, a scandal concerning the succession rights of the Empress' first-born son and Prince of Grão Para, Pedro de Alcântara. In 1912, he announced his intentions to marry Countess Elisabeth Dobržensky de Dobrženicz, a Bohemian noblewoman. However, Empress Isabel held that since she did not belong to a ruling family, Dom Pedro would have to relinquish succession rights. Her son, however, noted that the Constitution of 1824 did not require the heir to marry equally, which meant that he did not have to relinquish his rights. He refused to do so until the Empress accepted the marriage, which was celebrated in grand pomp in May 1913 in Rio de Janeiro.

Arantes continued the policies of his predecessor, and the results started to show by the end of 1913. Budgets started showing surpluses, foreign loans could be re-paid and Arantes was able to re-start public works in June 1914.

However, at the same time, war clouds were gathering over Europe and war erupted by August 1914. On August 2, demonstrations opposed to Brazilian participation in the European conflict were held in Rio and São Paulo. However, the sympathies of most Brazilians laid with the Allies, and the Imperial Family, which had French blood, were supportive of Brazilian support for the Allied cause. The Empress declared her clear and unwavering support for France and the Allies. Only the Crown Prince, Dom Pedro, opposed the Imperial Family's pro-Entente line. On August 12, 1914; Brazil declared war on Germany and Austria-Hungary, mostly due to the Imperial family's clear support of the Allied cause. Despite opposition from certain parliamentarians, most Brazilians supported the Empress' decision. Only German immigrants in Rio Grande do Sul opposed the declaration of war, and they were the target of much persecution starting in 1915.

Brazil did not send troops to Europe, and only the navy played a major role in the conflict by guarding Brazilian coasts. Brazilian shipping was hurt significantly by German submarine attacks on Brazilian vessels, and the navy also suffered loses in 1915-1916.

In 1914, the economy slumped as imports plummeted to half their 1913 level and import taxes consequently took a nose dive. The government's revenues dwindled, a deficit was announced for 1914 and 1915, and Arantes was forced to cut spending dramatically. Exports fell as well, hurting the provincial treasuries whose income depended a lot on export duties which the national government distributed to the provincial governments each year.

The theory that poor economic health in Brazil doomed governments proved right in the 1914 provincial elections, held right after the declaration of war in August. The Liberals in São Paulo saw their super-majority drop to a mere three-fifths majority. In Pernambuco, the Conservatives defeated the incumbent Liberal government. In Rio and Minas Gerais, the Conservative incumbents were comforted with larger majorities in the Legislative Assembly. The Liberals resisted only in Rio Grande do Sul, where Governor Borges de Medeiros won another super-majority. The provincial elections also saw the victory of a Socialist in São Paulo state, representing the harbour of Santos. The Radicals failed again in their attempts to gain Bahia and efforts to defeat Peçanha in Rio fell flat.

While the Liberals were widely expected to suffer a crushing defeat in the 1915 election, the demands of the Allied war effort boosted Brazilian exports significantly, but most of these exports were agricultural while coffee exports remained low. The Conservatives, led by Delfim Moreira, a deputy from Minas Gerais, did not promise anything (as was usual) but only stood for 'change'. In regions hurt by the war, this proved a popular theme. In the end, the Liberals won a plurality of seats, but for the first time in Brazil, it lacked a parliamentary majority. It was now up to the Empress to appoint a President of the Council, who could cobble together a majority. It was also up to the Radicals, enemies of the Liberal-Conservative system of politics, to decide to which party it would grant a majority.

Chamber of Deputies

Liberal 77 (-7)
Conservative 72 (+5)
Radical 16 (+2)
Socialist 0 (nc)

Senate

Liberal 21 (-2)
Conservative 20 (+2)
Radical 2 (nc)

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Premiers:

Zacarias de Góis e Vasconcelos: 1866-1870
José Maria da Silva Paranhos, Visconde do Rio Branco: 1870-1875
Luís Alves de Lima e Silva, Duque de Caxias: 1875-1878
José Antônio Saraiva: 1878-1884
Franklin Américo de Meneses Dória: 1884-1885
João Lustosa da Cunha Paranaguá, Marquês de Paranaguá: 1885
João Maurício Wanderley, Barão de Cotejipe: 1885-1887
João Alfredo Correia de Oliveira: 1887-1888
Afonso Celso de Assis Figueiredo, Visconde de Ouro Preto: 1888-1893
Lafayette Rodrigues Pereira: 1893-1897
Rodrigo Augusto da Silva: 1897-1901
Eduardo Ernesto da Gama Cerqueira:1901
Francisco de Paula Rodrigues Alves: 1901-1906
Afonso Augusto Moreira Pena: 1906-1909
Venceslau Brás Pereira Gomes: 1909-1912
Manuel Ferraz de Campos Sales: 1912-1913
Altino Arantes Marques: 1913-


Governors of Minas Gerais:

Francisco Silviano de Almeida Brandão: 1896-1901
Afonso Augusto Moreira Pena: 1901-1906
João Pinheiro da Silva: 1906-1908
Venceslau Brás Pereira Gomes: 1908-1909
Júlio Bueno Brandão: 1909-

Governors of SP:

Pedro Vicente de Azevedo: 1896-1902
Manuel Ferraz de Campos Sales: 1902-1912
Altino Arantes Marques: 1912-1913
Manuel Joaquim de Albuquerque Lins: 1913-

Governors of Rio de Janeiro:

José Bento de Araújo: 1896-1902
Quintino Antônio Ferreira de Sousa Bocaiúva: 1902-1908
Francisco Chaves de Oliveira Botelho: 1908-1911
Nilo Procópio Peçanha: 1911-

Governors of Rio Grande do Sul:

Gaspar da Silveira Martins: 1896-1901
Justo de Azambuja Rangel: 1901-1902
Carlos Barbosa Gonçalves: 1902-1908
Antônio Augusto Borges de Medeiros: 1908-

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So we are approaching some huge events -- bad ones. World War I and the Bolshevik Revolution.  Any differences?

Do you really think a divergence which is, in the wide realm of things, minor on the world scale especially in contrast to the events of 1914-1918 going to be able to impact anything internationally[qm]. No.

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So we are approaching some huge events -- bad ones. World War I and the Bolshevik Revolution.  Any differences?

Do you really think a divergence which is, in the wide realm of things, minor on the world scale especially in contrast to the events of 1914-1918 going to be able to impact anything internationally[qm]. No.

It depends on how quickly Brazil joins the Allied powers. The main effect would be naval, with the Central Powers facing a deeper and tighter blockade earlier. Or can the war either be prevented or stopped early? 

Brazil can have no such effect, fairly obviously.

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New Lines in Politics: 1915-1918

As a result of the 1915 elections, the Liberals of Prime Minister Altino Arantes lost their overall majority, giving the Radicals the parliamentary leverage necessary to act as kingmakers. However, both Liberals and Conservatives, largely committed to the maintenance of traditional oligarchic politics in Brazil, were opposed to the idea of letting Radicals act as kingmakers in a system which they opposed.

Both Liberals and Conservatives turned to the Empress, who had the final decision over the appointment of a Prime Minister. The Liberals and Conservatives found a common candidate, former War Minister Marshal Hermes da Fonseca, the nephew of the man who saved the Empire in 1889. Although he had served in the Conservative cabinet of Venceslau Brás, he came from the Liberal state of Rio Grande do Sul and he was widely popular as a largely non-partisan figures in both parties. In addition, he could count on the support of the powerful Liberal Senator Pinheiro Machado from Rio Grande do Sul.

Hermes da Fonseca received support from all Liberals and Conservatives in addition to 9 of the 16 Radicals, notably the longtime Radical leader Rui Barbosa. Fonseca's cabinet included Epitácio Pessoa (Conservative) as Minister of Justice, Rui Barbosa as Minister of Foreign Affairs, José Joaquim Seabra (Liberal, Governor of Bahia) as Minister of Finances and Conservative leader Delfim Moreira as President of the Chamber of Deputies. Former Prime Minister Altino Arantes, unhappy from his exclusion from the office of Prime Minister, accepted only the post of Ambassador in London.

The first decision of the Fonseca cabinet was to send a small Brazilian Expeditionary Force to support the Allied war effort in Belgium. The Empress' second son, Dom Luís assumed the nominal command of the Brazilian force in Europe, which was assigned to the Western Front in January 1916.

The heavy loses incurred by the Brazilian force in Europe saw the first cracks in Fonseca's National Unity government. The Conservatives, whose up-and-coming figure was Governor Artur Bernardes of Minas Gerais (who had emerged victorious from a provincial power struggle with Júlio Bueno Brandão). Although nominally a Conservative, Fonseca found most of his support starting in late 1916 from the Liberal benches.

The Radicals divided themselves over the Fonseca cabinet, with Barbosa and a number of elder Radical leaders supporting the cabinet. However, Lauro Müller, deputy from Santa Catarina, emerged as the leader of the anti-Fonseca and pro-peace wing of the Radical Party, which finally split with Barbosa in January 1917. The Müller Radicals, as the pro-peace wing became known, co-operated closely with the small but growing Socialist Party based in São Paulo.

On the economic stage, the Fonseca cabinet was able to preside over a growth in exports - slow but steady. Coffee demand was growing from the Entente powers in Europe, so Brazilian finances were healthier and the government was able to direct more export duty profits to provinces. In addition, the government obtained a foreign loan from the United States and was able to continue the old policy of promoting internal growth and infrastructure development.

The 1917 provincial elections saw little changes. In Minas Gerais, Governor Bernardes won by a huge margin and won his first electoral mandate. In São Paulo, former Prime Minister Altino Arantes made a comeback and was elected Governor by a large margin. In Rio, Peçanha's re-election was made easier by a split within Radical ranks. Finally, in Santa Catarina, Lauro Müller, who had previously served as Liberal Governor of the province, was defeated in his attempt at seeking a second non-consecutive term.

However, 1917 was dominated by a large general strike in São Paulo which spread throughout southern and southeastern Brazil. Led by the new trade unions in the growing manufacturing industry in the state, the strikers demanded higher wages and a major cut in working hours. The provincial and national government split on the line to take vis-a-vis strikers, with Arantes being more favourable to a soft-line while Fonseca wanted to use the military to quash the strikes. Finally, Fonseca won out and the strikes were destroyed by the military. Yet, Arantes heralded the defeat of the strike by passing a law prohibiting child labour and night-time female labour. These were rather minor details in the wide scheme of things. Some left-wing Radicals which still supported Fonseca's cabinet, such as Maurício de Lacerda, broke with the government and joined the ranks of the Müller Radicals, which had silently supported the strike.

Despite the destruction of the expeditionary force early on, Brazil's Navy was able to perform relatively well in the high seas and establish a security blockade around the Brazilian coast and prevent the infiltration of German U-boats.

Some had feared that Germany might try to link up with German immigrants in Rio Grande do Sul, either via the sea or via neutral Uruguay and Argentina. The government responded to these fears, strong in the RS provincial government, by interning some German immigrants or moving them to 'safer locations' inland in Mato Grosso.

In the 1918 election, Brazilian voters felt that victory was near and that the economic outlook was positive. With Liberal support, Fonseca ran for another term in office. Against him was Governor Bernardes of Minas Gerais, but some Conservatives such as Moreira continued to support the Fonseca cabinet. The Radicals, on their side, were split between Müller's 'peace Radicals' and Barbosa's pro-government 'war Radicals'. Müller's faction received the support of the Socialist Party.

The Liberals won a narrow majority, made larger with support from the 8 Barbosa Radicals.

Chamber of Deputies

Liberal 83 (+6)
Conservative 64 (-8)
Müller Radicals-Socialist 10 (+10)
Barbosa Radicals 8 (-8)

Senate

Liberal 22 (+1)
Conservative 18 (-2)
Barbosa Radicals 3 (+1)