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Niemeyerite
JulioMadrid
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« Reply #75 on: June 04, 2013, 05:30:27 PM »
« edited: June 04, 2013, 05:32:37 PM by JulioMadrid »

I prefer the new logo, by far.

PSOE is dead right now, it is. We try to change things, but we can't. Rubalcaba is part of the problem, but I think pretty much everyone is lost right now: Chacón, Patxi, Trini, Tomás...
I'm not supporting Patxi López anymore... There's a new possible candidate that I like more... Maybe you know her more than I do, because she's not from the Península Tongue. Patricia Hernández is my new favourite. I don't think she'll run, but I loooove her. I'm doing everything possible to have her come to Sanse and give a speech or something like that.

I predict she won't run (if I start thinking about it, she shouldn't, but people like her!) so I'll continue trying to have Patxi as our new leader (if we finnaly have primaries, I think Sanse will vote for him Cheesy). But I'm liking Madina a lot. And, what's more dangerous... I'm loving Alberto Garzón and Gaspar Llamazares (I always liked him).

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Niemeyerite
JulioMadrid
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« Reply #76 on: June 04, 2013, 06:20:29 PM »

We have our first candidate. I don't dislike him, but if I have to vote for him, that means PCPE will get more votes than PSOE. Joan Mesquida:

http://www.publico.es/456527/mesquida-irrumpe-el-proximo-dia-11-oficialmente-en-la-batalla-del-psoe
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Velasco
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« Reply #77 on: June 05, 2013, 01:25:14 AM »

Carme Chacón seems hollow to me and has turned into a traitress of her own party, the PSC. It's not that anybody could be an enthusiast with the new direction of the Catalan Socialists, composed largely for people without experience beyond the municipalities. Instead of discrediting PSC's positions to ingratiate herself with PSOE in the rest of Spain, if she was a brave woman and with project and compromised with her party in it's darkest hour, she will have given a step to the front in Catalonia. On the other hand, I see a worrying resistance to change in many people inside PSOE, with attitudes too much close to UPyD's centralist stances and unwillingness to reform the exhausted political model and the party system, which is rotten (including the 'alternatives': IU, UPyD and nationalists).

I believe Patxi López and Tomás Gómez have nothing to contribute and they look like representatives of the old politics. I'm still waiting for what Madina has to say. If Madina is elected with the support of PSOE's barons and apparatchiks, he will likely make a compromise with them, like Zapatero did. I don't know too much about Patricia Hernández, I'll try to fix my ignorance... why do you like her? I like Llamazares, without a great dose of enthusiasm, but I dislike IU's apparatchiks. Commies and True Leftists inside the IU distrust don Gaspar and, at the same time, I distrust them Wink

The new CiU logo sucks.
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batmacumba
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« Reply #78 on: June 05, 2013, 07:44:59 AM »


Do you mean ERC replacing CiU as the main nationalist force?


Oh, no! I mean, CiU using dark blue (they'd already assumed it in this new logo, but I always saw them being representaded by it, not by the old nationalist color) and ERC using some shade of orange.
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Velasco
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« Reply #79 on: June 05, 2013, 08:55:46 AM »

CiU in dark blue is almost indistinguishable from PP in navy blue. I've seen CiU in yellow in several maps, for example this one of the 2008 General Elections:



On the other hand, I try to use an uniform colour code for all territories in Spain, as far as possible, and I use shades of purple for left-wing independentist parties. IU's colour is a mess, on the other hand. In Catalonia there's another party using orange in its logo:


Ciutadans or Party of the Citizenry. And ERC's logo has the colours of the senyera, the national flag of Catalonia. Catalan parties like the f***ing orange too much for my taste Tongue


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« Reply #80 on: June 06, 2013, 03:13:44 AM »
« Edited: July 07, 2013, 04:27:43 PM by I Am Damo Suzuki »

2011 General Elections in the Basque Country:


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Velasco
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« Reply #81 on: June 07, 2013, 07:29:51 AM »

El Periódico de Catalunya releases today a poll in which, by the first time in modern History (I mean, from 1977 onwards), the Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) would win the elections if they were hold today.


ERC could gain 39-40 seats in the Parliament of Catalonia (+18 or +19), whereas CiU would lower to 34-35 (-15 or-16), PSC would be in danger of losing the third place with 16 or 17 seats (-3 or -4), with ICV-EUiA gaining 15-16 (+2 or +3), PP coming behind with 13-14 seats (-4 or -5), C's with 12-13 (+3 or +4) and the CUP with 3 (n.c.).

http://www.elperiodico.com/es/noticias/politica/erc-gana-elecciones-catalunya-2411278

More related to the topic, this graph shows the distribution of the vote to PP and PSOE among the electors located in the political center, in Catalonia (red) and the rest of Spain (blue), according to CIS post-election polls.



The most showy thing is that in the elections of 2008, in which PSC-PSOE obtained a crushing victory in Catalonia (see the map of Barcelona), the centrist vote had a totally opposite behavior in this region with regard to the rest of the country. In previous elections the behaviour in Catalonia was pretty similar to the rest of Spain.

I found the graph in this article (in Catalan, sorry):

http://www.cerclegerrymandering.cat/el-2008-la-cruilla-cap-la-independencia/

"In 2008 the center breaks. It had never happened before. We have to find the explanation in the statutory discussion that starts with the famous "I'll support" (the Catalan Statute) of Zapatero in the autonomic campaign of 2003 and that is the center of PP's political offensive in the 2008 campaign (as Rubalcaba has recognized recently). The most neutral sectors of the electoral body, which traditionally were moving by similar bosses in the whole territory, fracture between Catalonia and the rest (also it's possible to perceive the fracture in the Basque Country)".

The author thinks the 2008 Election was "the origin of everything" (regarding the independentist wave in Catalonia) because " it's on the basis of this differentiated result, this territorial break, the emergency of the cleavage center - periphery for the first time in general elections, that the actors begin to take their decisions. On the one hand, the PP becomes convinced of that the strategy (in spite of not having won) has been positive. If there's analyzed the behavior of the centrist electors of Spain without Catalonia, the PP advantage in 2008 is very similar to that of 1996, when they gained the first elections with Aznar".

"The other part is the most interesting, because until 2008  PSOE has played at accompanying the process of statutory reform (though not with the forcefulness of the round Zapatero's "I'll support" in Palau Sant Jordi). From the electoral result it can be said that the internal game is won by whom always they had distrusted the process. In Ferraz there are imposed those who think that the PSOE has won "in spite of " Catalonia, over whom they believe that it has done "thanks to" Catalonia. This one is the small change that will open the door for the rectification of the shot on the part of the central government, which will lead him to not intervening in the drift of the discussions of the Constitutional Court, which will finish with the famous sentence of July 2010, that will open  thunders' box".
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Leftbehind
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« Reply #82 on: June 07, 2013, 06:30:17 PM »
« Edited: June 07, 2013, 06:54:40 PM by Leftbehind »

Interesting. Just how left is the Republican Left? They seem assuredly separatist - does their leftism take back seat to that (I note there are other leftist separatists: ICV & SI, seemingly catering for hard-left nationalists)? I'm not a great fan of separatism, although it seems a straightforward thing in that I'd prefer ERC bums on seats as oppose to CiU (who they largely seem to be replacing).
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« Reply #83 on: June 08, 2013, 07:48:31 AM »

Interesting. Just how left is the Republican Left? They seem assuredly separatist - does their leftism take back seat to that (I note there are other leftist separatists: ICV & SI, seemingly catering for hard-left nationalists)? I'm not a great fan of separatism, although it seems a straightforward thing in that I'd prefer ERC bums on seats as oppose to CiU (who they largely seem to be replacing).

The Republican Left of Catalonia (Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, ERC) is socialdemocrat, and it's commonly placed between ICV-EUiA (a red-green coalition) and PSC. However, as SNP and similar parties, nationalism/separatism is the key point of ERC's platform. They're supporting the Mas' government for the attainment of the Catalan national agenda, but they're no taking part in the government and the 2012 budget has been extended to 2013.
ICV-EUiA is not separatist in strict sense. Both the militancy and the voters are divided to almost equal parts on independence. It supports a referendum and the right of the Catalans to decide their future, but also the position that defends a state where Catalonia has the status of a nation but inside Spain or an asymmetric federalist solution, has a certain predicament. It's complicated to describe. On the other hand SI (Solidaritat Catalana per la Independéncia) is not left-wing, they describe themselves as a "transversal" or "cross-ideological" force and neither its main figure in the past (Joan Laporta, who already is not in SI and endorsed Mas) nor the candidate in the last election (Alfons López Tena, ex-CiU) are leftists.
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« Reply #84 on: June 10, 2013, 08:15:56 AM »

2011 General Elections in Navarre:



The coalition between the Navarrese People's Union (UPN) and the People's Party (UPN) won the elections in Navarre with 38.2% of the vote, winning 2 seats. PSOE came second with 22% and 1 seat. Amaiur (Sortu, Aralar, Eusko Alkartasuna, Alternatiba) came third with 14.9% and 1 seat. Geroa Bai (Independents + PNV) got 12.8% and 1 seat, a success due to the popularity of Uxue Barkos. No seats for IU (5.5%), UPyD (2.1%) and Equo (1.1%).
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Nanwe
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« Reply #85 on: June 18, 2013, 03:07:40 PM »

This seems a pretty neat place for a first post Tongue

I've actually looked at this through time and it seems really interesting. As a political centrist, it'd be cool to know where the main support for the old CDS and also Roca and Garrigues Walker's PRD came from? Madrid I suppose.

Also, it's amazing how much the electoral system distorts the real voting results.

Check http oi44.tinypic.com/35layhy point jpg (you know, can't link external websites yet)
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« Reply #86 on: June 19, 2013, 12:21:15 AM »

The Republican Left of Catalonia (Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, ERC) is socialdemocrat, and it's commonly placed between ICV-EUiA (a red-green coalition) and PSC. However, as SNP and similar parties, nationalism/separatism is the key point of ERC's platform. They're supporting the Mas' government for the attainment of the Catalan national agenda, but they're no taking part in the government and the 2012 budget has been extended to 2013.
ICV-EUiA is not separatist in strict sense. Both the militancy and the voters are divided to almost equal parts on independence. It supports a referendum and the right of the Catalans to decide their future, but also the position that defends a state where Catalonia has the status of a nation but inside Spain or an asymmetric federalist solution, has a certain predicament. It's complicated to describe. On the other hand SI (Solidaritat Catalana per la Independéncia) is not left-wing, they describe themselves as a "transversal" or "cross-ideological" force and neither its main figure in the past (Joan Laporta, who already is not in SI and endorsed Mas) nor the candidate in the last election (Alfons López Tena, ex-CiU) are leftists.

Forgot to thank you for confirming my impressions of ERC, and the corrections re ICV-EUiA & SI.
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« Reply #87 on: June 19, 2013, 02:53:16 PM »
« Edited: July 07, 2013, 04:36:11 PM by I Am Damo Suzuki »

This seems a pretty neat place for a first post Tongue

I've actually looked at this through time and it seems really interesting. As a political centrist, it'd be cool to know where the main support for the old CDS and also Roca and Garrigues Walker's PRD came from? Madrid I suppose.

Also, it's amazing how much the electoral system distorts the real voting results.


Welcome. It's interesting the question about the old CDS. I miss a party like that nowadays, even when I am not a potential voter. As you know, the party was tied to Adolfo Suarez's personality and it's not of surprising that CDS' best electoral records were in Avila, his natal province.

Taking advantage of having spent several hours editing some Wiki file to have a provincial base map, here you have the distribution of the vote for the CDS in 1986 by province:

 

CDS came third with 9,22% nationwide and 19 deputies. Madrid (13,94%) wasn't the best region for CDS, just the third best. The party got 17,46% in Castilla y León and 16,9% in the Canaries. Above 10% in Asturias (13,16%), Cantabria (12,96%), Balearic Islands (11,29%), Rioja (10,08%) and the city of Melilla. CDS got 4,12% in Catalonia, 5% in the Basque Country and 5,64% in Andalusia as worst records.

By province CDS won a plurality in Ávila (41,3%) and pretty good results in Segovia (23,48%), Las Palmas (21,14%), Salamanca (18,3%), Valladolid (16,97%), etcetera.

As for the PRD, it got only 0,96% nationwide (there weren't PRD lists in Catalan provinces because Roca was the CiU head of list). Only remarkable results in Balearic Islands (7,15%), because of Unió Mallorquina. Other than that, results in other provinces were pretty mediocre, polling above 2% in a handful of them.

I recommend you my primary source for this kind of stuff, if you want more details of the 1986 elections: Archivo Electoral del Ministerio del Interior.

http://www.infoelectoral.mir.es/min/


Forgot to thank you for confirming my impressions of ERC, and the corrections re ICV-EUiA & SI.

I forgot to mention the Candidatures of Popular Unity (CUP), which have 3 seats in the Catalonian Parliament. The CUP is a far-left separatist group, advocating for socialism and the Catalan Countries (Països Catalans), i.e., the three catalan-speaking regions (Catalonia, Valencia and the Balearic Islands) in a sovereign state independent from Spain. It's a party built from the base, that is to say, it works with assemblies. I know that some IU's hardliners envy the CUP for its 'true leftism'.

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Leftbehind
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« Reply #88 on: June 19, 2013, 03:59:03 PM »

Ah, I was confusing SI for CUP.
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Nanwe
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« Reply #89 on: June 19, 2013, 04:17:39 PM »
« Edited: June 19, 2013, 04:20:51 PM by Nanwe »

[apparently I can't quote links nor images]

It's interesting the high support in Gran Canaria, I suppose it has to do with the fact that most CC people come from the UCD or CDS, as in more centrist than PP in Canarias, and yet more corrupt too. Also, talk to the Valencians about Països Catalans, they'll love that Tongue

It's however, interesting that it seems that UPyD kind of resembles CDS in terms of provincial voting. I suppose it had very much to do with appealing to a certain kind of moderate PP voter, who doesn't feel comfortable in PP but has no other option. There's a good reasons Azanar wanted to destroy CDS. Also, curiously, UPyD only governs in one town in Spain, and it's in Avila Tongue

Blaverism in the 80s went pretty nuts during the ideology conflict in Valencia (Reino de Valencia vs Pais Valenciano, UCD vs. PSOE, Blaverismo vs. Fusterian pancatalanism) as in bombing stuff.

EDIT: Does anyone know the electoral system used in 1977,79 and 1982? I know the current electoral law dates back to 1984 and Wikipedia mentions nothing.
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MaxQue
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« Reply #90 on: June 19, 2013, 04:28:39 PM »

[apparently I can't quote links nor images]

You need more posts (10 or 20, can't remember) before you can.
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Nanwe
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« Reply #91 on: June 19, 2013, 04:34:56 PM »

[apparently I can't quote links nor images]

You need more posts (10 or 20, can't remember) before you can.

Yeah, I know about posting them myself, but quoting? Well it seems odd to me.
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Velasco
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« Reply #92 on: June 19, 2013, 05:55:13 PM »

You need 20 posts to copy links on the Forum, if I'm not wrong.

[apparently I can't quote links nor images]
It's interesting the high support in Gran Canaria, I suppose it has to do with the fact that most CC people come from the UCD or CDS, as in more centrist than PP in Canarias, and yet more corrupt too. Also, talk to the Valencians about Països Catalans, they'll love that Tongue

Well, I live in the Canaries and in my perception PP isn't less corrupt than CC, specially in Gran Canaria, the blue's stronghold in the islands. I could mention some corruption cases -mainly urbanistic affairs- in several municipalities governed by PP, but it might be a bit boring and off-topic. 

The Canaries were UCD strongholds in the 1977 and 1979 elections. In Las Palmas UCD won 5 seats out of 6 in 1977 and 4 in 1979. Most of the groups that later in the early 90's became the Canarian Coalition (CC) were made with former UCD politicians. CDS, of course, with the Gran Canarian Lorenzo Olarte, stronger in Gran Canaria. However, the main group inside CC was the AIC (Agrupaciones Independientes de Canarias), a conglomerate of 'independent' insular parties (mainly mayors elected in UCD lists, like Manuel Hermoso in Santa Cruz de Tenerife) which was stronger in the western islands and, above all, in Tenerife (ATI). In the eastern Canaries (Las Palmas), the main groups inside CC were Centro Canario (formerly CDS) and Canarian Initiative (ICAN), the later was the fusion of  the left-wing nationalist AC-INC and ICU, the former incarnation of IU in the islands lead by José Carlos Mauricio. Also AM, a left-wing insular party in Fuerteventura, and other insular parties linked with the AIC.

Quote
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There are differences between UPyD and CDS in terms of provincial voting. I'll post an UPyD map of the 2011 elections later on, if you want to. For example, CDS performed better than UPyD both in Catalonia (it won 1 seat in Barcelona) and the Basque Country, even when CDS was relatively weak in these regions. To the contrary, Sevilla was one of the weakest provinces for CDS in 1986 (3,6%), while UPyD managed to get a 5,5%, above the party's national average (4,7%). Castilla y León was one of the best regions for UPyD in 2011, though with lower percentages, but not the Canaries.

On the other hand, even when there are some similarities between CDS and UPyD, because both parties are perceived in the centre of the political spectrum, they are not equivalent parties. Neither is the failed PRD project, which was lead by CiU's Miquel Roca and comprised groups like Unió Mallorquina, a nationalistic party of the Mallorca island.
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Nanwe
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« Reply #93 on: June 20, 2013, 05:10:30 AM »
« Edited: June 20, 2013, 05:17:54 AM by Nanwe »

You need 20 posts to copy links on the Forum, if I'm not wrong.

[apparently I can't quote links nor images]
It's interesting the high support in Gran Canaria, I suppose it has to do with the fact that most CC people come from the UCD or CDS, as in more centrist than PP in Canarias, and yet more corrupt too. Also, talk to the Valencians about Països Catalans, they'll love that Tongue

Well, I live in the Canaries and in my perception PP isn't less corrupt than CC, specially in Gran Canaria, the blue's stronghold in the islands. I could mention some corruption cases -mainly urbanistic affairs- in several municipalities governed by PP, but it might be a bit boring and off-topic.  

The Canaries were UCD strongholds in the 1977 and 1979 elections. In Las Palmas UCD won 5 seats out of 6 in 1977 and 4 in 1979. Most of the groups that later in the early 90's became the Canarian Coalition (CC) were made with former UCD politicians. CDS, of course, with the Gran Canarian Lorenzo Olarte, stronger in Gran Canaria. However, the main group inside CC was the AIC (Agrupaciones Independientes de Canarias), a conglomerate of 'independent' insular parties (mainly mayors elected in UCD lists, like Manuel Hermoso in Santa Cruz de Tenerife) which was stronger in the western islands and, above all, in Tenerife (ATI). In the eastern Canaries (Las Palmas), the main groups inside CC were Centro Canario (formerly CDS) and Canarian Initiative (ICAN), the later was the fusion of  the left-wing nationalist AC-INC and ICU, the former incarnation of IU in the islands lead by José Carlos Mauricio. Also AM, a left-wing insular party in Fuerteventura, and other insular parties linked with the AIC.

Quote
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There are differences between UPyD and CDS in terms of provincial voting. I'll post an UPyD map of the 2011 elections later on, if you want to. For example, CDS performed better than UPyD both in Catalonia (it won 1 seat in Barcelona) and the Basque Country, even when CDS was relatively weak in these regions. To the contrary, Sevilla was one of the weakest provinces for CDS in 1986 (3,6%), while UPyD managed to get a 5,5%, above the party's national average (4,7%). Castilla y León was one of the best regions for UPyD in 2011, though with lower percentages, but not the Canaries.

On the other hand, even when there are some similarities between CDS and UPyD, because both parties are perceived in the centre of the political spectrum, they are not equivalent parties. Neither is the failed PRD project, which was lead by CiU's Miquel Roca and comprised groups like Unió Mallorquina, a nationalistic party of the Mallorca island.

Well, you know corruption is pretty extended. But I recently read some sort of independent study regarding parties' openess and clarity and apparently CC was the worst in these categories. UPyD was the best, but it's still not open enough, imho and then again being better than PP or PSOE is not too difficult.

Regarding the PRD/CDS vs. UPyD I think that it's because they don't occupy the same position in the spectrum. CDS was a centre party, that could and did accommodate nationalist interests like PP and PSOE did. While UPyD with its recentralization message is perceived as further right-wing than CiU and PNV in Catalonia and Basque Country. If I could link images, I'd show an interest graph that shows that while people in most communities place UPyD in the centre to centre-left, in the historic communities and Navarra, they are seen as right-wing.

Also, a poll by CIO (traditionally pro-CiU) taken in Catalonia also says that ERC would now the biggest problem. CiU f***ed big time with the independence message, their more moderate supporters will not vote them because of the radical message while their more radical, as expected, have decided, that given that there's a need for independence, ERC is the fastest way to achieve. This also why CU would double their seats. Huge fiasco. Can't say I'm sorry.

Meanwhile, PSC seems to be dying slowly and painfully, their costitutionalists running away to Ciutadans (like some modoerate PPeros)  and the more Catalanist sector going to ERC too.
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« Reply #94 on: June 20, 2013, 12:52:16 PM »
« Edited: July 07, 2013, 04:37:55 PM by I Am Damo Suzuki »

CC guys aren't crystal water in many cases. However, people close to PP use to criticize CC's corruption when the party is in the opposition. I don't think CC is worse than Valencian PP or Matas' PP, on the other hand.

Of course the UPyD stance in the centralization/decentralization axis is pretty different. On the other hand, the 'operation Roca' was an attempt made from the periphery. By that time CiU, lead by Pujol, was still pretending to reform Spain and the Catalan separatists were a minority. I forgot to mention that PRD didn't run lists in Galicia too. There the PRD's reference was Coalición Galega, also former UCD members. The party was strong in rural Galicia, Lugo and Ourense provinces. They retained some clientelar webs, apparently. CG gained 1 seat for Ourense in the 1986 elections. On the other hand, CDS performed well in the Atlantic provinces, gaining 2 seats, one in La Coruña and another in Pontevedra.

Nowadays Galicia is one of the UPyD's 'black holes' (another big difference with CDS). I think it's no so strange and the reason may be sociological, alongside with the lack of popularity of the centralist speech in certain places. The vote for UPyD is mainly urban and Galicia is one of the less urbanized regions in Spain. On the other hand, apparently centralization is not so unpopular in Galicia, according to some polls (I'll have to look for them). The crisis is boosting centrifuge tendencies (separatism vs centralism).

UPyD in 2011. In the grayish provinces the party received less than 2,5% of the vote; in  Girona, Lleida, Lugo and Ourense, less than 1%.



The PSC's case is pretty desperate, yes. They are absolutely disorientated right now, and solution seems pretty complicated. It will be a terrible mess for the next leader of PSOE, I guess.
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« Reply #95 on: June 20, 2013, 01:16:56 PM »
« Edited: June 20, 2013, 01:19:34 PM by Nanwe »

Perhaps the years in wilderness the PSOE will endure (and PP too soon) will be good. It'll humble them both and perhaps they'll learnt how to be more than power-hungry, power-grabbing giant political machines.

But Catalonia should be interesting in the future if they don't break up. So many parties should allow for the creation of a breed of politicians that accept deal-making and consensus-making in a far easier manner than the current generations, who are also overwhemingly Castillian (Suárez, Calvo-Sotelo, Aznar, Zapatero) , for some reason.

Btw, do you know what kind of subdivisions (as in ideological blocs/factions) are inside the PP? I've found very hard to find much info on their divisions.
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« Reply #96 on: June 20, 2013, 01:33:39 PM »

Btw, do you know what kind of subdivisions (as in ideological blocs/factions) are inside the PP? I've found very hard to find much info on their divisions.

This 2008 special feature from El Mundo about the post-2008 election anti-Rajoy movement and PP crisis is quite interesting and details who was pro and anti-Rajoy at the time. It's a bit reductive, but the hard right (including hardcore anti-separatists like Maria San Gil, Vidal-Quadras, Mayor Oreja) was against Rajoy while Rajoy was backed by the younger generations, many territorial 'barons' and the moderates.

http://www.elmundo.es/especiales/2008/06/espana/congreso_pp/index.html
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Nanwe
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« Reply #97 on: June 20, 2013, 02:33:50 PM »

Btw, do you know what kind of subdivisions (as in ideological blocs/factions) are inside the PP? I've found very hard to find much info on their divisions.

This 2008 special feature from El Mundo about the post-2008 election anti-Rajoy movement and PP crisis is quite interesting and details who was pro and anti-Rajoy at the time. It's a bit reductive, but the hard right (including hardcore anti-separatists like Maria San Gil, Vidal-Quadras, Mayor Oreja) was against Rajoy while Rajoy was backed by the younger generations, many territorial 'barons' and the moderates.


Thanks! I'm amazed that in theory CDS merged with PP, so where did those liberales go? (not Aguirre-like liberals, that are more like dry tories than actual liberals, but actual ones)

In any case, in case you haven't heard Vidal-Quadras created his own breakaway from PP, similar to Conde's SCD (which ironically, Conde has already abandoned lol) and apparently tried to recruit a high-profile PP man like Mayor Oreja.

I'm reall fond of the Basque PP in any case, either with the moderate positions of Basagoiti or Oyarzabal or just the fearless attitude of San Gil, even if she was hard right, she didn't sell herself to the nationalists for a piece of power, and that's as close to integrity as you get in Spanish politics.

Also, it seems like poor Madina is being hunted, check today's Antena3 news or this: elmundo dot es slash elmundo slash 2013 slash 06 slash 20 slash espana slash 1371744423 dot html [agg, let's see if I can reach 20 posts ASAP, this is tiring]
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Velasco
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« Reply #98 on: June 20, 2013, 04:21:12 PM »

The 'autonomic barometer' made by CIS, released in May 2013 (interviews were made between September and October 2012, in coincidence with the Diada demonstration in Barcelona) showed a boost of centralist tendencies in the Spain's interior regions, particularly strong in Madrid and Castile.

http://www.cis.es/cis/export/sites/default/-Archivos/Marginales/2940_2959/2956/Es2956_mapa_html.html

The question #12, referred to the organization of the State, showed that centralism had a 56,5% support in Madrid, 56,2% in Valencia, 55,6% in Castilla y León and 55,2% in Castilla-La Mancha. Three years before, percenteges were much lower (around 38% in Madrid). In Galicia 31,4% was in favour of more centralism and 49% of the status quo. Obviously results in Catalonia were quite different, with 13,9% supporting centralist options (suppression of the autonomous communities or less devolution), 16,7% the current system, 27,7% in favour of more devolution and 37,4% supporting the chance for the regions to get independence. In the Basque Country centralist options had a very little support (5,8%).

CEO poll in Catalonia:

ERC 38-39 seats; CiU 35-37; PSC 16; PP 13-14; ICV-EUiA 13-14; C's 12; CUP 6.

http://www.lavanguardia.com/politica/20130620/54376822932/erc-ganaria-elecciones-catalunya-ceo.html

As for Madina:

Also, it seems like poor Madina is being hunted, check today's Antena3 news or this: elmundo dot es slash elmundo slash 2013 slash 06 slash 20 slash espana slash 1371744423 dot html [agg, let's see if I can reach 20 posts ASAP, this is tiring]

I checked the news here:

http://www.antena3.com/noticias/espana/madina-niega-valenciano-rodriguez-liderar-corriente-critica-partido_2013062000171.html

Apparently Madina needs to be cautious if he wants to have chances in the next socialist primaries and I guess that he's not in an easy position right now. On the other hand, if he's really critic with PP-PSOE recent agreements, at least there's a little hope for PSOE.





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Nanwe
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« Reply #99 on: June 20, 2013, 04:32:33 PM »

The 'autonomic barometer' made by CIS, released in May 2013 (interviews were made between September and October 2012, in coincidence with the Diada demonstration in Barcelona) showed a boost of centralist tendencies in the Spain's interior regions, particularly strong in Madrid and Castile.

The question #12, referred to the organization of the State, showed that centralism had a 56,5% support in Madrid, 56,2% in Valencia, 55,6% in Castilla y León and 55,2% in Castilla-La Mancha. Three years before, percenteges were much lower (around 38% in Madrid). In Galicia 31,4% was in favour of more centralism and 49% of the status quo. Obviously results in Catalonia were quite different, with 13,9% supporting centralist options (suppression of the autonomous communities or less devolution), 16,7% the current system, 27,7% in favour of more devolution and 37,4% supporting the chance for the regions to get independence. In the Basque Country centralist options had a very little support (5,8%).

I find that really interesting. It's like we're heading in a collision course in which Castilla (& associates) desire a more powerful central state while peripheric regions push for more autonomy. That's just bad news.

Also, the last PSOE proposal for decentralization of justice. Awful, it'd make the regional tribunals subject to regional governments and leave the Supremo as a worthless institution. And that, well, sickens me. Our justice is already sh*t and politicized, we just don't need to be even worse and become another part of the 18 reinos de taifas (borrowing from Toni Cantó)
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