To see how Trump could lose, simply look at how Obama could have lost in 2012. Maybe the economy goes bad. Maybe a shaky ally has an anti-American revolution much as Iran did in 1979. Maybe he decides to use the treasury as a piggy bank for patronage or has a corruption scandal. Maybe he cheats on Michelle with a white woman who has a child by him. The states would not be the same, as America would still be highly polarized.
It's really simple to figure how Obama would have done in 2012 had his approval numbers been 5% lower, which is about where I see Trump's approval numbers. Cut Obama's percentage of the vote by 5% and raise Romney by 3%, figuring that 2% would have gone to left-leaning third-party nominees (Green, largely)
Obama, 10% or more
Obama, 5-9.9%
Obama under 5%
Romney under 5%
Romney 5-9.9%
Romney, 10% or moreObama 187, 46% of the popular vote
Romney 351, 50% of the popular vote
As you can see, this hypothetical scenario would be nearly an inverse in the the numbers of electoral votes of 2012. of how things went in 2016.
So how do I see Trump doing if such a scenario applies to him? Figure that the Democrat does not lose so many votes to third-party, left-leaning nominees, that about 3% of usual Republican voters end up voting for third-party, right-leaning nominees, with the Democrat getting just over 50% of the popular vote and Trump getting about 46%, Basically, Trump loses everything that he lost in 2016 and everything that he won by 10% or less with the exception of Texas -- but Indiana, Missouri, and Montana get shaky for him.
Again, margins, which I consider the real measure of winning and losing.
Democratic nominee, 10% or more
Democratic nominee, 5-9.9%
Democratic nominee under 5%
Trump under 5%
Trump, 5-9.9% -- not shown
Romney, 10% or more -- not shownI'm using polling and not adjusting any previous election.
When the losing nominee gets 45% or so of the popular vote, strange things happen that start showing characteristics of an electoral blowout that rapidly diverges from the close Presidential elections to which we have been accustomed since 2000. The easiest thing to remember in accordance with what I have seen for polls for a very long time is that Texas straddles 400 electoral votes for a Democrat, which has been so since the 1992 Presidential election.
It's up to President Trump to shore up the approval numbers -- and more importantly, pare the horrid
disapproval numbers that bedevil his Presidency. As a partisan Democrat, I lack the imagination to see how such is possible. Disapproval means giving up. I have no idea of what states would go to Trump by high single digits because the only ones that could are those that seem very solid for Republicans.
Yes, my model for an Obama loss is crude, but that is what one gets with an alternative history.