Talk Elections

My fellow citizens, we are assembled here today to mark a momentous occurrence: the beginning of the first election to our National Assembly. Myself and multiple other statesmen have assembled into a group to contest these elections: a group in the republican interest. We have banded together to unite against those who aspire to centralize our government, these British loyalists! We must, under no uncertain terms, yield to such draconian leadership! We, as republicans, will fight for the interest of the farmers and the states. We will ensure no King nor royal will rule over this great land! If you have heard, it is the Hamiltonians and the Tories who oppose our democratic system. These groups want more than anything to subvert us all back to rule under the British crown, through a collapse of the system!

[crowd boos]

The only way we can defeat these madmen is to cast a vote for your candidates representing the Republican faction. Every single one of my fellow republicans has pledged to oppose any policy to increase the centralization of the government. Furthermore, every candidate in the republican interest will stand for the rights of every State of this Union. Every candidate representing our values will stand firmly for the rights of the citizen and the farmer and against any push for monarchical rule!

[crowd cheers]

Yes, my fellow men. The only way to stop the British insurgency is through a vote for our candidates! Rise up, citizens, and go to the polls! Cast a vote in the Republican interest before it is too late!

I. Whereas our Revolution was fought for the defense of the self-evident Rights of all Men, we find it to be appropriate to recognize that the government of the union of the States ought to serve no duty before the protection of those Rights. We, the Radicals, shall enshrine it as our sole and primary duty to defend the self-evident Rights from threats, both Foreign and Domestic.

II. Whereas these Rights are endowed to all Men by their Creator, we find it to be appropriate to recognize that the peculiar institution of Slavery ought be limited. All Men, white or black, are born of womb, and thus serve no master from birth but their Creator. As children of their Creator, all Men are endowed to these Rights, and thus the institution of Slavery ought not be allowed to spread uninhibited.

III. Whereas these Rights encompass Freedom of Worship, we find it to be appropriate to ensure the liberty of all Men to practice their religion without fear of persecution or molestation by a Government. Whereupon the institution of one Sect in government, we fear the elimination of all others. A Government ought to be free of the influence of any one particular Sect, and instead respect the right of all Men to worship in their manner.

IV. Whereas these Rights encompass Freedom of Speech, we find it to be appropriate to defend a Strong and Free press. No Man ought to be afraid of sharing his lot, and no Man ought to fear persecution or molestation by a Government unless he is plotting to limit and constrain the self-evident Rights of his fellow Men. 

V. Whereas the establishment of these States had been birthed in the desire to worship without fear of molestation by the Royal Anglican Church, we find it to be appropriate to ensure that no group or Sect is persecuted by their fellow Men or by a Government. The address of heresy is not the role of haughty men, but of each Man's Creator following his passing.

VI. Whereas these Rights are the fundamental truths upon which our Great union of States is founded, we find it to be appropriate to further enumerate the self-evident rights of all Men in our Constitution.

VII. Whereas these Rights are the fundamental truths upon which our Great union of States is founded, we find it to be appropriate to fundamentally oppose the Creation of a singularly powerful Executive. No single Man ought to rule without the consent of his fellow Men, and it is the duty and self-evident Right of all Men to voice and determine his future.

VIII. Whereas these Rights are the fundamental truths upon which our Great union of States is founded, we find it to be appropriate to uphold Liberty as the prime virtue of our union of States.

The parents of the esteemed James Madison ought to return their petulant son to his studies, and if they are in need of good Tutors, the author would be more than pleased to provide the contact of skilled and well-educated gentlemen who would be available to take on the young master Madison and assist him in finishing out his studies.

For the young and small Madison, small in stature, small in age and, evidently, small in wit, had perhaps chose to forgo his lessons in History in favor of serving and pleasuring the Smaller Madison, and perhaps such dalliances had resulted in young Madison contracting an illness, perhaps an illness of Venus, and such an illness has resulted in young Madison's brain being corrupted, and thus young Madison's memory has been affected in a rather detrimental fashion.

Or perhaps young Madison had instead chosen to forgo his lessons in the English language, perhaps to once again benefit the Smaller Madison, perhaps instead of seeking comfort in the arms of a woman or another man, finding such comfort in the presence of the wrong end of a noble steed, and perhaps, the skittishness of such a Creature upon young Madison's advances, resulted in that Creature reacting by applying her foot to young Madison's head, perhaps thereby depriving young Madison's cranial capabilities and causing the young boy to forget the definition of several words, perhaps rather complicated for a man of his age.

Regardless of the cause of young Madison's misadventures, of course, the author also believes that a correction of young Madison's mistake, for the author is rather fond of young Madison and would be pleased to see the young man flourish into a virtuous citizen. Young Madison has previously asserted that our union of States was initially founded on the idea of a society ruled by one Sect, whereas in reality, our forefathers had crossed that great Ocean to escape the creeping arms of the Monarch of England and the Archbishop of Canterbury. And the Radical factions seeks to respect the struggle of those Men and finds it only appropriate to protect the liberty of all Men to worship in peace without fear of molestation or persecution by a Government.

The author wishes the young Madison a speedy recovery, so that his brains may be reconditioned to function properly and healthily, perhaps for the first time in the young Madison's short life.

A Speech on the Purposes of the Tories and the Unfitness of Mr. Samuel Adams, and Other Thoughts Related to the National Election to Occur in April 1789, Delivered by Mr. John Jay in the City of New York at City Hill
March 10, 1789

Friends, neighbors, countrymen - we gather here today in the midst of the first great challenge to our young Republic. I speak of the upcoming election of which we will take part during the coming month. Not since the worst days of our bloody war for independence have I seen with my eyes something so divisive as the course of this election. Men whom I once considered noble and even friends have fallen to the lowest trenches, forgetting or unlearning the basic codes of civility of which I know they are ever so capable. Men like Mr. Adams, whom I once counted among my friends, have sharped their knives and plunged them into my back. They attack me as hating our Republic. They say I want to bend the knee to George of Hanover and those of his blood once again. They charge me as an Anglophile, yearning for the Union Jack to wave over this building and the great centers of business and government once more.

These lies could not be further from the truth of the matter. I am deeply proud and in awesome shock, at the great feats that this young Republic has been able to accomplish. Never before has such an experiment been undertaken, the goal of which is to place the base of power in the hands of so large a group of people. I fully support that endeavor and will fight with every measure of my being to protect this great experiment and ensure its success. If I hated this idea, as my opponents claim, why would I have served as the leading Peace Commissioner in Paris? Where I fought for many days and weeks to secure a strong, meaningful peace that protected us as Americans?

His statements show that Mr. Adams is a man beholden to the wild whims of passion, rather than the great strengths of reason. In our first First Secretary, we must be looking for a learned man, known for a cool temper, an even hand, and a strong respect of logic and reason. This is a man Mr. Adams is not. If Mr. Adams were to enter office as our great governor, I fear for the fate of our young Republic. As First Secretary, Mr. Adams would run the Republic as he ran New England, so brutal a manner that he has earned the label The Despot of Boston. No man who has ever disagreed with Mr. Adams has ever had a pleasant experience with him. Under his idea of leadership, I worry that men like myself - men who have firm standards and strong senses of right and wrong - would find ourselves cast aside, perhaps fettered in chains, for disagreeing with Mr. Adams when he begins to steer our Republic down a dark path. That is not the idea that General Washington lost his life for.

This is why I have assembled a band of men known as the Tories. We are men of character and standing who recognize that the best way for our young nation to grow legs and to stand tall is to embrace global trade and build a network of friends and allies across the wide Earth. Some men say that this idea of friendship with countries that were once our enemies will destroy us. I call this fearmongering by men who fear the strength of the great American mercantile class. Nations can be friends with each other without being colony and mother-state. Bonds of fraternity among nations is what elevates great Western nations from the divided tribes of Africa.

To keep us away from those African tribes, the Tories advocate for a strong central government. With out it, very easily I see a future where the men of Massachusetts take up arms with the men of New Hampshire and the men of Pennsylvania take up arms against the men of Virginia. These kinds of squabbles along state lines will be what brings down this great experiment and kills the hopes and dreams of millions of people. At this time, the men of these States united are held together by shaking bonds, built around a shared dream of what can be and a shared promise to uphold the memory and the vision of General Washington. Bonds like these can and will be broken when our division - our state boundaries - are what identify us. This is why the Tories call for a National father figure in our President, for such a figure is the only means to hold these bonds together.

President Hancock is setting a strong model for future Presidents through his lack of political opinion. It is my hope and desire that President Hancock continues to maintain such a profound political independence in the coming weeks and months as we trudge on through this election to the National Assembly and a number of men - of whom I hope to count myself one - find a way to build a coalition to secure the confidence of the National Assembly and form a Government. It is my belief that the President should be a noble man of national renown whose intentions in office are clear and well-intentioned. Perhaps that man should not be elected by the people, but rather by the National Assembly and the Senate assembled, as the highest representative of the American people. This would end the possibility of the Presidency falling to a man of low respect and lower standards.

The Tories also call for a stronger Senate in Philadelphia. It is our belief, and the belief of my person, that this empowered centralized government should not be at the whim of one man. With all power resting in the National Assembly, it would be very possible for a man who commands even a narrow confidence in that house to force through legislation that is harmful, even destructive, to the Republic. In the first National Assembly, the Senate must be given the ability to reject any legislation coming from the National Assembly. An amendment to the Constitution must also be passed to establish a strong Court of Chief Magistrates with the ability to review legislation passed by the legislative and with the support of the executive and decide if it is good and right. That is how the tyranny of George of Hanover can truly be thwarted from appearing on our shores ever again.

The men of the Tories are not the scoundrels that Mr. Adams and Mr. Madison would make us out to be. We are men of great character with a great love and a greater appreciation for the great experiment which we have begun together. We are together in this experiment for any one man to wish the whole thing to fail would be to sign a death warrant for the entire nation. Divide we cannot rise, divided we cannot thrive, divided we fall. It is only through a strong, well-checked central government empowered by the people that our great experiment can and will succeed. Only the Tories have a programme of government that can accomplish what our new Republic needs to succeed. In April, cast your ballot papers for your Tory candidates, and tell your State Assemblymen to cast their ballot papers for Tory Senators, if you want our grand adventure to be a success. Vote for a Democratic-Republican, a Whig, or a Radical if you want to see it fail.

The young Master James Jackson, having fought so valiantly during our Revolution, has revealed that he himself does not stand for liberty; rather, he today stands solely for the protection of a petty Monarchy, the upmost source of Tyranny in our land.

For there are reason to oppose to the Institution, and they are plenty in number, yet the young Jackson would stick his nose up at them, as he has proven himself to have the character of a mild-mannered European monarchist – one must wonder if he is a secret admirer of Mr. Jay, another poorly-masqueraded disciple of King George. However, the author believes that the spirit of the American is more amicable than that of the young Monarchists on our shores, and thus will provide these arguments for the interest of the nation.

First,  that slavery is the basest and pettiest form of monarchy. For what is a King but a master of many men, and what is a subject but a slave bending to the every will of his King? Of course, the King does not drive his slaves with a whip but with a pen, with every order of government being a knife in the back of Liberty. And of course, now, James Jackson fashions the rights of the petty kings of the plantations to hold their subjects as being ordained by our Creator, a Divine Right, perhaps. But had we not fought a war to rid our shores of monarchy? Why then does Mr. Jackson spend every breath defending the foremost institution of monarchy in our country?

Second, we must think logically – we know that all Men are endowed by their Creator with certain, self-evident, inalienable rights. Our nation's soil is soaked with the blood of patriots who had fought for the protection of those rights, and isn't it right that all those born upon our soil are awarded those same, self-evident rights? For why would our Creator make one man unto the honour of liberty and another man unto the dishonour of slavery? All men means all men, and all men are endowed with those rights of freedom, and those rights are protected by our Government.

A man born on our soil, born of womb, cannot be a slave, for he serves no Master but his Creator.

Third, a slave-owner has no right to the ownership of a free-born man – he had never purchased the man, a despicable act regardless, and had no factor in the man creation, unless he fancies himself our Creator. To claim ownership over a free-born man is an act of supreme arrogance and faulty logic.

We, as Americans, have been proud in our defense of the rights of all Men, so proud that we had inscribed such beliefs in our foundational documents. We must remain steadfast in our beliefs and our values, and extend them to all Men born in our great nation.

I come here today to ask you to vote for me and the rest of the Patriot candidates come election day here in Georgia, and throughout the South. When I go to Philadelphia, I will only represent the interests of the south. This is why I joined the Patriot faction, the only faction dedicated to representing the interests of the south.

My plan for the future of Augusta and this nation is to expand freedom, liberty, and prosperity and shrink oppression. This is why I am a strong believer in state's rights and against a strong central government. A strong central government is how King George controlled us, it is what we fought against just years ago in the revolutionary war and I will not let it control us again. Also, I will never let the federal government put federal taxes on you. Federal taxes infringe upon states rights and I and the rest of Patriot candidates will never infringe upon states rights or the constitution.

Before I leave here today, I would like to respond to the accusation by Mr. Madison and the Democrat-Republican party. Mr. Madison wants you to think there is disunity within the Patriot faction. There is no such disunity in this faction, Mr. Madison just wants to spread rumor of division in a desperate attempt for votes. Both Mr. Jackson and I have the same values in supporting states rights, opposing taxation and a powerful central government, and in protecting all the natural rights of citizens of this great nation. Mr. Madison, I suggest you stop partaking in the same substances as the editors of The Republican Standard and come back to reality.

Mr. Madison also throughout the campaign has attacked the Patriot faction for our views on the military and foreign policy. Again, Both Mr. Jackson and I have served in the military. I would do anything to preserve the freedom, liberty, and prosperity this country has won. It is insane to even think, I wouldn't do everything to protect this great nation. What I won't do is advocate to send our military to Europe to fight foreign battles costing us millions. The man I would be worried about controlling this country is the man who served less than six months in the military then left.

The Democratic-Republicans views on slavery and their views on a monarchy are not the views of Augusta or the rest of the south. Augusta, on election day, reject the Republicans and the rest of the factions that do not represent our principles by voting for the only faction that will represent the south, the Patriots. Vote Gunn and vote for the Patriots.

First, I'd like to congratulate the winners of last weekend's election to this Parliament. It's been a giant step for American democracy, not only for those who have been elected to serve as your MPs, but also all those voting and participating, to take part in this grand experiment. It's also no surprise that this campaign was one of the most vicious in history, and I can safely say that every faction leader, including myself, has some blame in this matter. However, in the wake of these results, the American people gave us a task: to unite all of our warring factions to create a government that truly represents the will of the people. For this reason, when you, the voters, handed me the beginnings of a mandate, I wished to look beyond the ideological and geographical realm of just the Republican faction, to create a government of National Unity to not only represent the diverse policies taken to heart by Americans, but also to mend the broken ties between our factions. It was not the wish of our great General Washington to see us in such a divided state of affairs. While it is obvious we cannot put this faction genie back into the bottle, we can strive, through our own divisions, to create a stronger and more United national community. That is why, today, I announce the first Government to be submitted to the will of Parliament. One compromising MPs from the North and the South, from the East and the West. One from every section of our ideological space. Today, I announce that the Western faction, led by James Wilkinson, and the Whig faction, led by Samuel Adams, will both join me and the Republican faction to form this government of National Unity.

I'd also like to thank the people of Charlottesville and the neighboring constituencies of mine that handed our great Republican deputies such a strong mandate. Additionally, I'd like to thank those up and down the Atlantic who elected all of our seventeen MPs to the next Parliament.We have a large task ahead of us, but we cleared the highest hurdle: getting the trust and the support of the American people. I'd finally also like to thank the leaders of the rival factions, in particular the Patriot faction, who competed in this election. Without you, this great democratic Experiment would not have even happened in the first place. While we had many disagreements over the course of the campaign, some of which rose to an uncivil manner, we still are able to come back at the end of the day and unite together to serve the American people, which should be a Hallmark of our democracy.

Some of you may believe this to be the end, that we have accomplished the greatest feat. And you may be right. But I and many others serving in this government and Mr. Hamilton, who has become the first Leader of the American Opposition and his team of MPs, have a long road ahead of us. Onwards, I say, to the volunteer of the Republican campaign. Onwards, to the MPs elected across the seaboard. Onwards, I say to the inaugural cabinet of this National Government. Onwards!

After a long deliberative process, I am proud to announce that I have completed the formation of the inaugural cabinet of the First Secretary. This cabinet shall include the following gentlemen, from diverse parties and regions of these United States. First, for the office of Second Secretary, my closest advisor, and successor to the office shall I be incapacitated, shall be Samuel Adams of the Whigs. Second, for Secretary of State, the office which shall be tasked with the internal affairs of the nation, I shall appoint Thomas Jefferson from the Republicans. For Secretary of Foreign Affairs, I shall appoint Samuel Adams, as the holder of Second Secretary shall hold a secondary cabinet position due to the small nature of the Second Secretary's role. The man that shall be tasked with Secretary of the Treasury shall be Albert Gallatin, of the Republicans. For Secretary of War, I shall appoint James Wilkinson of the Western faction. For the man who shall hold the office of Secretary of the Navy, I shall appoint Frederick Mulhenberg of the Republican interest. And finally, for my Attorney General, I shall appoint James Monroe of my own party.

These men I have trusted to lead the various cabinet offices that guide our nation, and for this reason, I have only chosen such men who I believe represent the diverse nature of our nation and the highest caliber of skill.

After a yet another long deliberative process, I am proud to announce that President Hancock has approved my nominees to the High Constitutional Court. First, for Chief Justice, George Clinton of New York shall be appointed. The four associate justices that shall serve on the Clinton Court shall be Justice Luther Martin of Maryland, Justice Aedanus Burke of South Carolina, Justice Henry Tazewell of Virginia, and Justice James Warren of Massachusetts. These nominees, as the Cabinet, serve to represent the nation's district ideologies and were selected from every corner of our nation. I wholeheartedly trust each and every member of the Clinton Court to be able to interpret the Constitution with skill and to preserve our freedom and values.

Free the Deputy from Kentucky now, he has been jailed for something that should be protected in the constitution. The freedom of Speech is a natural right granted by God and how dare the Radical faction and the Governor of Pennsylvania to take that away. Shame on them! This is not an act from a Constitutional Republic, it is an act of a government that is oppressive.

I do disagree with the Deputy from Kentucky on many things including what he was protesting when arrested but I and the enlighted thinkers that inspired our revolution believed in god given rights. Once again, I feel that I must call that we free the Deputy from Kentucky.

While the Deputy from Kentucky is still being unfairly imprisoned, I do believe that Mr. Madison must find a replacement for the sectary of war. This is a very important role especially as we have received so many threats from foreign governments. I feel it is nessicary whoever takes over as the sectary of war must have a military background as the Deputy of Kentucky did. This is why I recommend that Mr. Madison choose the Patriot faction leader James Jackson as the next sectary of war. Jackson won't rush to conflict and he served bravely in the revolution. This will suit him very well if Mr. Madison decides to choose Mr. Jackson as the next sectary of war.

Before I leave, I must once more call on the Governor of Pennsylvania to free the Deputy from Kentucky.

To the honored reader,

I have come out of my long retirement to respond, in some fashion, to the recent events that have befallen our country. Of course, my opinion is merely that of a lowly spinster, but I believe sometimes we need to acknowledge some events that our prudent politicians may deny...

For all the the talk of the rights of the states happening within the halls of the Congress, we see instead the Deputies and the Federal Government going directly against the contract they had signed not too many years ago... for they are trampling on the rights of a state to enforce its own laws.

Even more egregious is that they trample on these rights in order to defend one of their own. I had thought and believed, like many of my compatriots have, that our men of government are not above any law, that they are equal citizens with equal duties to respect laws that they may pass. No man ought to be above the law, and no Deputy ought to act as so haughty to believe that.

But what is worse, remarkably, is that the Federal Government has left the State of Pennsylvania to its own devices, rather than aiding it in its time of need – a time when armed rebellion is within its territory and is threatening its territorial integrity.


It has revealed a lesson we have all known but refused to acknowledge for a long time, that the Deputies so elected only stand to defend the rights of states when it serves their own political agenda, and would be ready to hang the States out to dry rather than come to their aid.

Of course, it is possible to rectify this mistake rather soon, and come to the aid of the State so in trouble, to help bring peace to the region, and to protect life and liberty throughout the union. I hope the First Secretary, and the Administration, shall take the proper steps to react to the crisis in our Country.

But, of course, this is the mere whimsy of a lowly spinster, who may not have had the grandeur of a high education, who may have not had well-bred families who taught her to ignore the perceived rambling of a stranger, who may have not been elected to rule above her countrymen, and thus whose opinion may be disregarded. But if today our government disregards the warnings of a bitter spinster, who may guarantee that tomorrow, our government will listen to any citizen or voter? And if they turn their backs at the concern of a state, so vital to our union, how may we guarantee that they will continue to uphold our democracy?

Perhaps I have been carried away in my statement, but that is the rather natural progression of thoughts...

As I'm sure you've all heard, my Secretary of War has been imprisoned in Pennsylvania for supporting secession. It is the position of this government that Secretary Wilkinson's rights to freedom of speech have been infringed upon, and it has come to my attention that this violates section XII of the Pennsylvania Constitution, guaranteeing rights of freedom of speech, and for this reason his arrest does, in fact, stand illegal.

Furthermore, he cannot serve as my cabinet minister for War for very obvious reasons, so on an interim basis, I am appointing Whig Benjamin Lincoln to serve as his replacement until he may return to the government.

Additionally, it is the matter of the government and the Republican faction to remain neutral on the Westsylvania crisis. The Governor of Pennsylvania requested help from my government to crush the secessionists, but as I have previously stated, we intend to remain neutral in this conflict for very obvious reasons. As a result, I responded to his request stating that we would only get involved as a matter to facilitate negotiations, and request control of the militia to ensure impartiality and the release of Gen. Wilkinson for the duration of the talks so that he could negotiate, and only for that reason. As I have previously stated, our position is only to help facilitate these talks and no more.

However, as a most unfortunate result, it has come to my attention that the Pennsylvania press has most grossly mischaracterized this situation, saying I had asked for most tyrannical and monarchial protections for my Ministers and myself, which remains entirely untrue. Our government would never support such a measure, given our small government dispositions and anti-monarchical position. These accusations are most cowardly of who states them, and I ask for an immediate apology from these newspapers which have printed these most erroneous statements.

Your First Secretary,
James Madison

I come to address the nation yet again this week after a most startling turn of events in the Pennsylvania crisis. The Governor, who we had been in negotiations with to reach a solution with the Westsylvanians, now has perished after a duel with Mr. Jackson. I'd like to give my condolences to the Governor's family.

After this event, unrest has even further grown in Pennsylvania, with the ideological divisions between East and West only growing more stark, to the point where our own union could be at stake. For this reason, I ask for the Governor and the chief representative of the Westsylvanians to indicate their intention to meet with me in a designated neutral zone before one week's time shall pass, so that we can start the negotiations to end the hostilities. Furthermore, both men shall meet with me in person to begin talks only up to a week further from this date, or, to preserve the integrity of this union, I will need to resort to bringing federal forces in to end this crisis and issue a ceasefire, as a neutral force impartial to the Pennsylvanian government or the Westsylvanian protestors, to allow negotiations to occur. I will respect the rights of the State of Pennsylvania to regulate its own matters up until the last second, and even in federal action their rights given to them would still be respected, but if we cannot start talks to reach a compromise, I must take action, or we will suffer severe consequences.

Ladies and Gentlemen, we have reached a critical test in our union's integrity. We all believe in the same central ideals, so I call on all to lay down their arms and await a peaceful resolution. We broke from the British only a few short decades ago in the pursuit of life, liberty, and happiness to only see it crumble over a section of land? I, and I hope every other American will stand with me in agreement, will do whatever small portion I can to keep this union intact. We may be from the North or the South, the West or the East, but above all, we are Americans. Never forget that.

Your First Secretary,
The Rt. Hon. James Madison

Today, I come to the nation with good news and bad news. First, the unsavory news. After spending countless hours with both parties and exploring all possible options, both sides failed to reach an agreement. I attempted to get the Pennsylvania Government to compromise with the Westsylvanians, but to no avail. Both sides would not agree to the terms of any sort of resolution.

I have to say that with every option I gave to the Radical Government, they vehemently declined. They showed no aptitude to resolve the crisis at all, but instead to leave their countrymen burn in the fields of war, and our Union, too. While the Westsylvanians are ascribed much of the same, I do believe that the Government of Pennsylvania should have at least been willing to compromise a little more than guaranteeing the demise of the Westsylvanians in one way or another.

Now, this is where the good news begins. While we have reached an impasse, we do still have multiple options remaining on the table, and this government will continue to explore all possible alternatives to resolve this situation and preserve the Union as fast as possible. I will readily update every American with our next steps, as so that we can be united in our quest to preserve this grand experiment.

Your First Secretary,
The Rt. Hon. James Madison

I have been informed that the Radical government in Pennsylvania has been impeached, and the state sits leaderless as the valleys and the cities continue to burn. For this reason, martial law has been declared in Pennsylvania, and the federal government will take temporary leadership of the state as I and members of my government attempt to resume negotiations with the Westsylvanians and end this crisis. I will continue to keep you all updated with every development in our effort to save this union.

God bless America.

Your First Secretary,
The Rt. Hon. James Madison

Men of Kentucky, you have a choice this election. A choice of keeping your slaves and keeping your economy alive or allowing your economy to be murdered. A choice of the Patriot faction and their pro-slavery stance or any other faction and their no position or abolitionist position. This election is a referendum on slavery and the choice is clear for Kentucky. Choose the Patriot faction so Kentucky can become a slave state.

Only the Patriot faction has made a clear stance, unlike the other factions, on slavery. The Western faction believes that it is not important to western values, they are wrong especially as this election comes since it will decide the fate of slavery in Kentucky. Not only has the Westen faction not taken a clear stance but also the Democrat-Republican faction haven't taken a clear stance. Until those factions take a clear stance on slavery then the people of Kentucky have to reject them and put people in office that will defend slavery, those candidates belong to the Patriot faction.

We must show the factions that the south wants a clear stance and a pro-stance on slavery. The only way we can show that is by sending two more Patriot deputies to Philadelphia and sending a Patriot to the governor's mansion and state legislatures. Kentucky, you have a clear choice for the election now it is your time to make the right choice.

Gen. Wilkinson in recent days has decided to levy attacks against the Patriot faction and myself. The western faction attacked me for saying that this election is about slavery, that is true. This is an election that will be a referendum on slavery in Kentucky and I know a large majority of Kentuckians agree that Kentucky should be a slave state. This is why I am in Kentucky, I am here to tell them that only one faction is a true supporter of slavery and that is the Patriot faction.

Our faction is the only faction that has a pro-slavery stance in their factions platform. The westerns may have proposed some pro-slavery legislation but they are a wild card for how they will support slavery. Even in the pamphlets attacking my views, they said that some won't support slavery. If you vote western then you do not know how your state will end up, if you vote Patriot then you will have a governor that supports slavery, you will have a state legislature that supports slavery and you will have deputies in the national assembly that support slavery. Gen. Wilkinson cannot say the same thing if you vote for the western faction because he cannot guarantee that his faction's candidates will support slavery.

Gen. Wilkinson also said that the western faction and its deputies wouldn't support expanding slavery. That is a very radical statement especially from a southern. As this nation grows especially in the south, this nation will need to expand slavery because it is vital to much of the south if we continue to grow as a nation westward.

The western faction has misled Kentuckians for too long, Kentucky must choose the choice that will guarantee that Kentucky will become a slave state.

Thankfully, we have now entered the beginning of the end of the Westsylvania Crisis with the end of my negotiations with the triumvirate. We have settled on a resolution, at long last, and we have ensured that no action will be taken without the democratic consent of the Pennsylvanians, the Virginians, and the Marylanders. First, a referendum in the counties affected by the proposed split will occur, with a simple majority of 50 percent required to be in affirmation of the split for secession to commence. Furthermore, in accordance with the Constitution, consent must then be given by each state legislature in a simple majority vote if the referendum shall be ratified by the Westsylvanian peoples. These terms will ensure that there is no tyrannical declaration by a federal power in either direction, and that the states' rights are respected. These are the terms agreed upon by the triumvirate governing Westsylvanian lands, the interim Government of Pennsylvania, and myself as the federal government.

Finally, we have moved not to further infighting, but towards peace, and the preservation of our Union. Let us learn from this conflict, and move forward as a unified people. God bless America.

Your First Secretary,
The Rt. Hon. James Madison

Mr. Speaker,

I have finally returned to this grand National Assembly from these negotiations, and while this resolution is not perfect, we have found a resolution to the Westsylvanian crisis, and in the process, preserved our Union.

Upon my return, I've took note of multiple things. First, I've been informed that my party's brand has potentially been permanently damaged in the eastern successor state of Pennsylvania by the outcome of these talks. And while I have much remorse for my fellow compatriots who strive to achieve political office in those lands who will now be consistently denied for generations to come, I will say I have no regret. I believe it better to preserve our Union while destroying my party, then to preserve my party while destroying this Union.

Furthermore, I have heard of many of my fellow Deputies that have criticized my performance in the negotiations in the battle field. I have a few notes for these Deputies. First, do experience these events in the same order as I have these past few weeks, and attempt a resolution when the Governor would not stop short of eradicating the Westsylvanians, as I had, before rendering a judgment yourselves. Without being too presumptuous, I believe the vast majority of you all would have acted in the same manner as I did given the hand I was dealt.

And secondly, if the unpopularity of this event eventually causes my political demise for one reason or another, then so be it. For it has been better for me to do my small part in preserving this Union than preserving my own electoral chances. I would rather return to Charlottesville Town without any office and yet know what I had done may have possibly tipped the scales in peace's favor, than to hold onto my seat and the office of First Secretary for dozens of terms knowing I had done absolutely nothing to resolve the crisis and have the nation burn beneath my feet. That, Mr. Speaker, would be the actions of a true tyrant. And that, for better or worse, is why I swiftly rode to the negotiating site, to preserve this Union for hopefully years to come and to put an end to this raging crisis.

I do not know, nor may ever know the full impact of this conflict on our young nation's future. I only hope it has shaped us in such a way that no future First Secretary may ever need to deal with such a crisis again.

I yield the remainder of my time.

After strenuous negotiations with Mr. Adams and the Whig faction, Mr. Nicholas Gilman, along with his brother John, and the former Radical officials in New Hampshire have determined that it is in New Hampshire's best interests that they join formally with the Whigs.

It has become clear over the past years that the Whigs are the only faction ready and willing to support New England's interests in the National Assembly. The Whigs have shown an ability to achieve demonstrable progress in the National Assembly, and Mr. Gilman is proud to declare himself and others as members of that esteemed party.  

As such, Mr. John Gilman is now prepared to run for governor of our great state in his new capacity as a Whig, and he is hopeful that he will lead New Hampshire into the new year.

Mr. Speaker,

I have taken the floor to address the Assembly and this country on the state of our Union. Right now, it seems in almost every state there is some sort of secessionist movement or uprising brewing. Let it be known: yes, we are a collection of individual states, which have their own distinct histories and cultures. But more importantly, let it be known: Union comes before States in our title for a reason. We are a collection of states, but we are also more. We are, first and foremost, a united entity, a united country with a common goal under one government. We are one nation under God. So yes, I do sympathize with each individual secessionist effort and the opposition to those efforts. But I cannot come to terms as to these groups taking up arms, brother against brother, in a war of fire against each other. We are all Americans, and I cannot agree with any group which claims to liberate their peoples by incredible force from the oppression - of what? A state government? Hardly an entity to die for, to lay your lives down for! But yet, I also cannot agree with state governments which seek to dispel these movements by jailing their leaders and their comrades. What are you afraid of? Of freedom, liberty, and the values we stood for in the battles against the British? I cannot agree with either of these groups. We are sitting for a test, a great and important test for the whole world to see. Will this Grand Experiment function? Or will we fall to pieces when our individual identities take precedence over our common goal? We cannot allow such a fate. So yes, secession is fine, disagreement is acceptable. But when brother takes up arms against brother, and lives are lost? This shall be no more. America, we must stand as one. We must end the unnecessary hostilities, or our country, our society, our very way of life may crumble. America, everything is at stake in this test. It is now your choice to determine if we pass it.

I yield the remainder of my time.

Your First Secretary,
The Rt. Hon. James Madison

America, the crisis that has rocked this nation has finally met its end.

While on the surface it had appeared that negotiations were all but over and the state of Pennsylvania was on a trajectory to complete destruction, this was not the case. Over the past few days, with the assistance of my Second Secretary Samuel Adams, we had been negotiating a peaceful exit to this crisis with the new Pennsylvanian government, one that not only the Westsylvanian peoples could agree to, but also all Pennsylvanians.

And, fortunately for every party, we have reached such an agreement. For the Government of Pennsylvania's full support in allowing Westsylvanian secession if the Western counties vote in affirmation in the referendum, the Federal Government will assume all state debts of the Government of Pennsylvania, and we will construct a canal between Harrisburg and Philadelphia, connecting Pennsylvania's most important city to now the most important river in the nation - the Susquehanna. Given these, which will significantly increase the quality of life of those residing in Pennsylvania, hostilities will be calmed and order returned. When the preceding will happen, martial law will be suspended permanently in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and a full end to this crisis can occur.

While I would like to take complete responsibility for this resolution, I cannot in good conscience. As stated earlier, my colleague and Second Secretary Samuel Adams assisted considerably with a resolution to this crisis in addition to myself, but also I would like to give credit to every member of the Madison Government, and even the Radicals, Mr. Brackenridge and Mr. Bache, for helping in a swift resolution to put an end to this turmoil in some capacity.

This has served as the first test in many of our nation's will to survive and exist. And yet, through it all, we have persevered. No other nation on this earth can boast to such a resolution through democratic means. This, America, has proved our strength in adversity and our ability to preserve our Union, as one Union, under a united government, and under God.
 
Your First Secretary,
The Rt. Hon. James Madison

First, I am within my bounds to question your experience in rendering such a judgement. You only served as the leader of a party - and an interim leader at that - while I have had the helm of the nation for the past three years. You may think of them the same - a most curious and incorrect assumption - but they are most certainly not. And no, this deal does not "poorly affect the whole country". I suggest you read up on your facts before rendering such a judgement. No unnecessary taxes shall be levied with this, and instead, the debt shall be paid off through new sources of revenue for the government, along with the rest of the debt. In fact, this is a benefit, not a harm! It is a good thing that you are not the President, as we need a steady hand that does not act in the interests of only himself and does not judge the situations completely. Next, I think you should take a lesson from yourself. If you were truly fighting for all of America, you would see that this deal acts in the best interest of keeping this nation together, and keeps our economy in good health, too. Instead, you opportunistically pick out the worst parts of the deal without context - provided nicely for you above, and use them as false talking points while doing nothing for your citizens in the process, while my government and myself fight for our nation's integrity. This is the crux of my question. You have done nothing except twist the knife in this crisis, while I have helped to bind our diverse cultures back together. And finally, and most hilariously, you seem to have made a talking point out of thin air. Never did I ask if you wanted me to assume all state debts. This is a complete and utter lie, and while I'm surprised you would go as far as that, I should not be shocked, given your record.

Governor of Georgia Mr. Gunn, all you want is to create strife for your own political gain, even going as far as to make up words out of my mouth. This is repulsive behavior in such a tough time, and a bad reflection upon the party you lead. In my administration, I have treated every state equally, including building a canal which goes through Maryland and Pennsylvania - a part of my deal, and aiding citizens by not increasing taxes. And yet, you go against your own philosophy by serving only the interests of yourself in a crisis, and flat-out lying to meet this end, instead of helping to rebuild our nation. You want this to be a smear on my legacy, and yet, it has completely backfired.

Shame be to Mr. Gunn, and if these Patriots shall not condemn this behavior, shame be to them.

Mr. Speaker,

I would like to take this pause in debate to address a matter of recent importance: the assumption of Pennsylvania's state debt. Unfortunately, especially in a time such as this, it appears there are liars on both sides of the aisle in the wake of this resolution. On our left, with the Hamiltonians, a claim of most untruth has been levied: that we have shown favoritism to the Pennsylvanian government. This is completely and entirely false. We did not show favoritism, instead, we were finding a solution to a most extraordinary problem. If other states feel left out, I call on them: do, start a rebellion. Wage war against your brethren until your cities are burned to the ground. Ensure the almost complete destruction of our Union.

On my right, with the Patriots, they also levy the claims as stated before, but with an additional untruth: that these will cause an undue burden to the taxpayer and the national debt. Yet again, this is entirely false. The government, instead of yielding to the taxpayer, will instead create new sources of revenue, as we already have before, and prevent the growth of the national debt further by funding our expenditures.

And, I call furthermore on these who so boldly criticize this resolution without further substance. Come forward, and do instead of causing further strife, help our nation, by providing a solution of your own. If you believe that this resolution was not the best for our nation -- prove it. I can tell you that, most likely, you will not.

I yield.

Yet again, you have smeared my experience. Never in my letter did I write that my experience as a deputy is comparable to yours except when I said I have served as long as you in the national assembly which is completely true. I also have experience beyond the assembly which you do not have other than your time in the continental congress which I was also in. I was a general and governor so I do know how to be one of the heads of the military and the leader of a state and I also learned how to negotiate in those positions.

What alarms me is not that you try to dismiss my experience but that you believe this three million will just disappear. How will this be done? Mr. Madison, your answer is a new revenue stream but what he is forgetting is that we need that new revenue to pay for the expansion of our government since we did just pass an act that would move our capital which will cost lots of money, our government did just pass an act which would create a new national mint which again will cost a lot of money. I doubt that this new revenue stream is so powerful that it can pay off our debt plus three million more plus the money we need to pay for the new capital and national mint.

Beyond our debt, I would like to discuss the claims you levied against me in your newspaper. Mr. Madison, you said that I put my own political career above the people I serve. These claims are outrageous especially coming from you Mr. Madison. I served my country as a general and now I am serving the people of Georgia, first as deputy and now as Governor. I am not doing anything for political capital, I am doing it to better my country and my state and I don't believe adding another three million dollars to our national debt helps Georgia or the United States of America.

Also, I don't have to smear your legacy. You are doing a pretty good job at that already.