Unfortunate Son

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

"What in all of Hell do you mean 'Democrats won't support free trade'? Lower tariffs has been a stable of this party for countless generations... No, don't give me that crap, and don't listen to the so-called Democrats like Humphrey either! ... Well find the votes, even if you have to cross the aisle to those damned WASP's!"

-National Security Adviser Robert O'Sullivan in a phone conversation with Chief of Staff Kenny O'Donnell, 1975

1974

The crowning achievement of the Kennedy administration in 1974 would be taking steps toward the securing of a free trade agreement with Canada, lowered tariffs on Japan, and even establishing a trade deal with China. The first faltering step of the year would however be having to count Mexico out of any attempts at creating a North American free trade agreement. With is current President, Mexico was in no mood to give American businesses any more of a foothold in their country. However, Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, after some coaxing and certain concessions, was persuaded to sign on and in March talks began. Meanwhile, talks were opened up with Japan to lower the tariffs. The most controversial movement on trade were Kennedy's three visits to China over the course of the year to discuss opening up Chinese markets to American goods and vice-versa. While an unpopular move to many, it was intended mainly as an extension of Nixon's tri-lateral diplomacy and to strengthen ties with China and against Russia. Those of course would tie into continuing SALT negotiations.

On issues aside from trade, a guest worker program would be passed and implemented, a number of environmental and healthcare bills, all minor, would as well be signed into law by President Kennedy. Economically, millions of dollars would be appropriated to assist in the rebuilding of urban areas across the country, including the improvement of infrastructure and homes. However, little that directly grappled with the declining economy was brought forward, much less voted on and made real. Kennedy, already looking to the future, was worried about what type of president he would be.

By the end of the year, tariffs with Japan had been lowered, negotiations with Canada were going smoothly if not quickly. However, several in Congress were uneasy about greater economic involvement in Red China. All of this would have a significant effect on the mid-terms in which Democrats, especially those in industrial areas, would have a hard time winning re-election. In Indiana, Senator Birch Bayh would go down to defeat due to both economic and trade issues, and also controversial anti-gun legislation in 1973. This would prove a pivotal issue in other Senate races as George McGovern found himself losing his seat as well. In Iowa, Democratic candidate John Culver would as well meet in defeat. Nevertheless, there would be a few bright spots. In Colorado, former White House Counsel Gary Hart would win a 53% victory over incumbent Peter H. Dominick. Meanwhile, in Vermont Patrick Leahy would see triumph in an extremely close election. The most watched Senate election would happen in New York, however, and it would not be the one that Jacob Javits won handily. With a special election occurring to fill the last two years of the Senate term Kennedy had left, incumbent Republican Perry B. Duryea found himself without a leg to stand on as former Ambassador to the United Nations James L. Buckley of the Conservatives attacked his right flank while the Democratic nominee took his left. With the Liberal party endorsing the Democrat, in a surprise, Duryea had little base of support and ended up taking third while Buckley became the first Conservative party member to enter the Senate, albeit for a two year term.


Democrats: 52 (-2)
Republicans: 46 (+1)
Independents: 1
Conservatives: 1 (+1)

1974 proved a good year for the Conservative Party of New York. Not only would they win a Senate seat, but something much closer to home as well. With Governor Nelson Rockefeller retiring, a power vacuum opened up in state politics. The seat for Governor would be completely open for the first time since 1954. Given this, a pluthera of candidates jumped into the fray. However, only one person could emerge the winner. Peter J. Brennan, a union president with ties to the Nixon administration and most well known for the hard hat riots in 1970, announced in early 1974 that he would be renouncing his membership in the Democratic party and running for Governor as an Independent. At his press conference, he cited lack of concern for labor issues among the Democrats and a continued straying from the center. While much confusion was caused in the media and in both parties, a speech by former President Nixon at a banquet in favor of Brennan welcomed him into the Republican ranks and thanks to New York's fusion laws put him on their primary ballot. With conservatives fearing a "Rockefeller Republican", Brennan was given a narrow majority in the primary. In the general election, former New York City Mayor John Lindsay, a former Republican who had run for both the Democratic and Republican nominations, was the Liberal Party candidate. Despite an abysmal record as Mayor, he still had a media-driven following and was able to use support among select urban groups to split the vote enough to give Brennan a close victory.

You must be logged in to read this quote.

New York's 50th Governor

While Kennedy was discouraged by the results, he nonetheless vowed to continue. Maybe without the presence of some Democrats, the remainder might be coaxed--along with a few moderate Republicans--into coming together to support free trade with Canada. Negotiations were rapping up and he would need all the support he could get. Humphrey and his ilk had been nothing but roadblocks to success on the issue. Over the course of the lame duck period, he began a series of meetings with several Republicans including Connecticut's two Senators, Lowell Weicker and Thomas J. Meskill, and George H.W. Bush over the passage of the Canadian-American Free Trade Pact. Newly inaugurated Congressman William J. Clinton of Arkansas, meanwhile, became part of a coalition of moderate Democrats in the House that would support its passage.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Congressman Scott Westman

The tall, lanky, and strangely handsome red-haired freshman Congressman from Montana's first district placed his hand on the Holy Bible and took the Oath of Office, becoming the first of his family to saunter into the political ring since his grandfather, William Westman, who looked on admiring from the guest seats. Scott's red hair matched his fiery temper. A self-described "far left liberal", Westman had made his name earlier in the decade as an opinionated peace protester. By 1974 however, his occupation was that of high school history teacher. However, public service found him like it found William Westman and Al Smith before him. Encouraged by Robert F. Kennedy's 1972 election, Westman was determined to become part of a breed of "New Democrats". Ironically, his vision for this would involve hearkening back to older Democratic traditions.

In his memoirs, written in the early 2000's, Westman recalled that "The old New Deal Coalition was fading. Nixon's victory in 1968 had smashed it and 1972 began the forging of a New Democratic Coalition. This was not one based on blue collar populism and economic nationalism, but instead one based on the principles of peace, civil liberties, and freedom. Kennedy had changed everything, at least so we thought in 1972. Therefore, I made it my job to represent this new group in my own state of Montana. I received discouragement from my own teacher's union, the local Democratic party, and the national establishment. However, after beating Baucus, those same forces now pretended to rally for my cause. Thanks to my unique political positioning, I was able to win many moderate Republicans."

You must be logged in to read this quote.

Scott Westman, ca. 1980's

Well known in his area for his radical anti-war past and his rather "free" personal life, his presence had nonetheless sent a few shock waves through the Establishment. During the campaign he voiced support for the Canadian-American Free Trade Pact (though he desired a much wider bill) and followed through in political support, making speeches against the so-called "economic nationalism" of many of the nation's legislators. Despite serving only one term, he would be coaxed by the President, who Westman developed an admiration of, to consider running for Senate in 1976. While it would later be revealed that Kennedy considered Westman a wild card, it was true that he also appreciated his vocal and open style, something that the President had long abandoned in favor of a political persona. During his first year in the House, Westman would also be-friend Arkansas' freshman Congressman Bill Clinton. The two agreed on a few economic and social issues and were even rumored to be partaking in lewd activities with female staffers and a number of drugs. Such rumors would plague both of their campaigns in 1976, but they'd have a damn good time doing them.

Congressman Bill Clinton (D-AR-3) with his wife Hillary, campaigning in his home district

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

"In the buildup to the 1996 campaign, Dick Hudson, Mattingly's longtime adviser and campaign manager, began recommending the biographies of what he considered were the great Republican statesman that the Governor was the successor of. Not only Lincoln, but Grant, McKinley--Mattingly took a great interest in him--Roosevelt, and Eisenhower. These were men who had led the Republicans not just in policy, but in electoral victory, throughout the history of the party. Hudson had long held an interest in politics and elections, as evidence by his profession, and had a keen eye for history. Therefore, while Mattingly's conversion to conservative Republicanism had been one of circumstance--rising social and foreign policy liberalism, economic decline under RFK--it became his credo. As the early 2000's commenced, Mattingly came to see himself as one in a long tradition of midwestern Republicans that came from humble origins to defend and preserve the union. Though not a highly educated man in any formal definition, he nonetheless began to see things as an epic battle, waged between those that would protect the country and those that would have it torn apart. I would not go so far as to say he was a tool of Hudson. Hudson only sought a maintainable Republican majority. Instead, he was an intelligent man, shaped by circumstances and forced to respond in very harsh terms."

-Rick Perlstein in Star Spangled Eyes

May 6th, 1975
Mattingly, leaning back in a recliner in his small house that he shares with two other automotive workers, sips a cool one (or four) while smoking, watches the news.
News Lady: ...And with the final vote of the House, a close one, the Canadian-American Free Trade Pact has passed and President Kennedy is expected to sign it into law. Following lowered tariffs with Japan last year and talks with China, this is the latest victory for the President on the issue of free trade.
Mattingly: [muttering, in the midst of his swig] Well there goes the whole damn country, again.
News Lady: Among the bill's supporters was Congressman Scott Westman, who we had the chance to interview.
Second News Lady: Mr. Westman, you've been a strong proponent of this and other free trade legislation since you're election. Do you view this bill as an important step for the country?
Westman: Absolutely. Free trade has long been in the Democratic tradition, and the opposition that came from the labor branch of the party was startling. I'm glad the President has decided to work for this, and that the country has gotten behind it. I can only hope we continue this in the future. Seeya back at the apartment.
Second News Lady: Oh, haha-
News Lady: Thanks, Diane, for the interview.
[Mattingly, as he sees the interview take place, notices the shocking red hair of the freshman Congressman, his style of speaking, and so on.]
Mattingly: [Inside his head] Hmmm.... I remember this guy from somewhere... [flashback to September 28th, 1968] Oh snap! It's that bastard from the Montana peace riots!

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

I'm sorry, where in mythread does it state something regarding Agnew and Civil Rights? I can best address complaints when I know what they're about.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

I'm sorry, where in mythread does it state something regarding Agnew and Civil Rights? I can best address complaints when I know what they're about.

Somebody mentioned something about Agnew and law and order.

You may be thinking of myself or dallasfan. Both of us are aware of the synopsis of his 1966 gubernatorial campaign. I don't think I did, and can't recall dallas saying, anything related to Agnew and opposition to civil rights.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

So Mr. Oldies, what are your thoughts on the state of America, and the attitudes of our friend Christian Mattingly, at this point in history?

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Mattingly, 1975

With the beginning of a recession in 1975 and the lowering of tariffs, Mattingly suddenly found himself laid off from his position at Ford. Reduced to hanging out in his garage, feet up, watching television and drinking, he eventually took advantage of his new lot in life and took the path many laid off auto-workers found themselves in. He began repairing cars during the day and collecting checks from Ford every few weeks. And, like many, he ended up making more money while not working. At that time, Mattingly began putting aside a lot of money and taking night classes at the local community college.

As 1976 approached, naturally, he began to discuss politics with his former co-workers, friends, and his house-mates. "After this?" he remarked, tossing a wrench over his shoulder, "I'll be damned if I think about supporting him." Not that Mattingly was unhappy with the money he was pulling in, but he saw a number of other people, both colleagues and those that had been below him, leaving their jobs. Mattingly for his part had been able to survive thanks to incredibly low prices on his repairs and the amount of time he invested in his work, allowing him a greater rate of productivity. "No, no I don't f#ckin' sleep. Sleep's for f****ts", he was remarked as saying. While okay in present company, comments such as that would later be made known, endangering his electoral prospects in some cases. Continuing, this work ethic would become a hallmark of his later business career.

Known for his personality, productivity, and prices ("The three P's of business, motherf#cker"), Mattingly began looking to expand, even advertising and bringing on one of his housemates, also unemployed, as a partner of sorts. At one point, he did waffle on his position on Bobby Kennedy. "I'll be damned, but it seems that this economy's working out for me!" Nevertheless, he looked eagerly forward to 1976, a year where it was speculated Michigan's own Gerald R. Ford might be a candidate. As well, New York Governor Peter J. Brennan was a personal favorite of Mattingly's. "Seems like my kinda guy", he stated, not caring about the fact that he knew little of Brennan's record as governor, having heard of him during the Hard Hat Riots in 1970.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

The 1976 Republican Primaries

   At around the same time that Mattingly was preparing for another Christmas celebration at his parents’ residence and preparing once again to spend his time smoking and drinking beer in the garage—this time making sure their car was in order, candidates were preparing to barnstorm in Iowa. Shaking hands, speaking in barns, and canvassing across the state were Governor Daniel J. Evans of Washington, former Treasury Secretary John B. Connally of Texas, former Vice President Spiro T. Agnew of Maryland, and others. The candidate gaining a surprising following was Senator Beauregard Disraeli of Wyoming. A firebrand libertarian with questionable religious affiliations, Disraeli’s anti-tax, anti-government rhetoric was connecting with a number of voters, surprisingly even blue collar ones. “The government has seen fit to establish itself as the ultimate power in this nation, a coercive and destructive force that has established a near-feudal empire based on the ideas of property taxes, monopolies on infrastructure, and a thuggish enforcement office known as the Internal Revenue Service.” He as well would call for an end on “The bi-partisan ‘War on Drugs’ that the fascists in Washington have seen fit to saddle us with.”

   With Ford out of the running—in fact retiring from elected politics that year—the moderates of the party had felt trapped between the Texan Connally, the rabble rousing Disraeli, the populist, allegedly corrupt, and floundering Agnew, and the—by any measure—liberal Evans, it seemed like they would in fact turn to the Washington Governor. However, the low key campaign of Senator Thomas J. Meskill of Connecticut was able to gain favor in New England.
   Come the Iowa Caucuses, while Connally worked to build a coalition of evangelicals and business, Agnew found himself losing ground as allegations of corruption while Governor of Maryland came forward, and Disraeli alienated several undecideds even while getting strong youth support, Governor Evans was able to escape with a narrow plurality and claim victory in Iowa. With that, Connally, Disraeli, and the rest of the gang moved onto New Hampshire where Meskill, who had been quietly laying groundwork, was able to come up with victory. However, it was closer than expected thanks to hard work by both Connally and Disraeli.

   Connally, again failing to claim victory, retreated to Florida where a large amount of financial support was coming from. Working hard to gain the votes of Cubans, Southerners, conservatives, and business, Connally won with just barely over 40% of the vote a week after Meskill and Evans had upped their delegate counts, stopping their momentum, at least in the South, cold. By the end of March, the race was still a tossup. However, it seemed that Meskill might soon have to drop out, winning nothing outside of New England. Connally, for his part, had managed to win big in the delegate rich Florida and had also claimed victory in Kansas, showing support outside the South. Evans was displaying the most versatility, gaining support from liberals and moderates in the Mid-West and in the past almost beating out Meskill in Vermont.

   After Meskill lost both the New York and Wisconsin primaries—one  being large, richa in delegates, North-Eastern and his type of state to win in, and the other being crucial to showing he could achieve victory outside of New England—he dropped out, making a half-hearted endorsement to Evans. This had the opportunity to put all the moderate and liberal support behind Evans and deliver him wins even in relatively conservative states. That was when the White House stepped in. Kennedy, long paranoid of growing right-wing attacks and what he appraised as his slim grasp on power—both he and his brother had come into office on thin victories and in RFK’s case losing the popular vote—had bothered to compile massive opposition files on all his opponents. Only a week and a half before the Pennsylvania primary, evidence was released associating top Evans campaign aide Ted Bundy with the disappearances of a number of women he’d been in relationships with. National Security Adviser Robert O’Sullivan would later be attributed to being in charge of a number of “plumbers” operations such as these.

   In the media fallout and subsequent arrest of Bundy, Connally sprang ahead in the polls, narrowly winning Pennsylvania. Disraeli’s campaign was also revived, taking ten to twenty percent in Western primaries that Connally won by good margins. Meanwhile, Evans found his support disintegrating beneath his feet. With Connally re-focusing his campaign and bringing to light his pragmatic record combined with his extensive experience, he was moving rapidly. Evans’ last stand came on May 25th when he failed to win anything but Oregon. While he would go on to win Rhode Island in one of the final round of primaries, he officially dropped out after the 25th, leaving Disraeli the only opposition to Connally. Connally following that became the presumptive nominee.

   Mattingly, for his part, did participate in the Michigan Republican Primary due to its status as an open primary and, after a bit of nail biting, the reluctant Democrat decided to support a former Democrat and voted for John Connally. In an interview, he would state that “Sure, I wasn’t enthusiastic about Connally, but the only opposition to Kennedy were some write-ins and a few random names. And hey, Evans had made some very good foreign policy points and you can look at his record regarding Vietnamese refugees. However, Connally no doubt had those similar positions along with significant experience and a campaign that appealed to me.” It was true that, in the final days of his campaign, Evans had tried to run to the right of Connally on foreign policy, bringing up his support for refugees from the defeated South Vietnam as well as the Nixon administration’s defense cuts. It was surprising how quickly he’d attempted to turn Connally’s experience as well as his support among hawks against him, saying “The last time Connally worked under a President, that President supervised the betrayal of America’s foreign policy interests, including the SALT treaty and an agreement—approved by the current President—that sold out our ally South Vietnam.” However, it was not enough and all Evans could do was hope for a Vice Presidential pick.

Red - Former Secretary of the Treasury John B. Connally of Texas
Blue - Governor Daniel J. Evans of Washington
Green - Senator Thomas J. Meskill of Connecticut
Yellow - Senator Beauregard Disraeli of Wyoming

   Among the top contenders for the Vice Presidency were Senator Bob Dole of Kansas—a favorite of the conservatives and Mid-Western delegates and a personal recommendation by Nixon, House Minority Leader Ford, Senator Thomas Meskill, Governor Ronald Reagan—a proud Connally supporter who had to put his presidential ambitions on hold due to an assassination attempt on him in 1975, and, unsurprisingly, Governor Peter J. Brennan.  However, at the convention, all hints were put out that it would be Meskill due to his experience and of course the geographical and ideological factors. However, Connally, focusing on Nixon’s strategy of choosing an “attack dog” running mate and in an attempt to focus on working class voters and “cloth coat Republicanism”, chose Dole.

The Republican Ticket, 1976

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Who's Beauregard Disraeli?  Is he from another version of Americana?  And did you create the map of Jefferson Dent's Senate election in 1968?

Beauregard Disraeli hails originally from Americana I in which he was a two-term Libertarian president in the 80's, avowed Satanist, and former Wyoming Senator who, according to the first post, had run in 1972 and '76 as well.

And no, I believe Dallas produced that for Kal in another thread (I think Americana 3, though I'm not sure).

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

General Election, 1976

     The Republicans believed they had the general election almost sewn up due to discontent over Kennedy’s presidency. However, Connally was nowhere near as clean a nominee as they’d hoped. While throughout the election cycle leading up to the debates Connally had been gaining and a Republican victory was predicted. Nevertheless, the President was confident. Despite Connally’s debating skills that Kennedy’s coaches were worried about, Kennedy left the debates with what looked like a solid win come election night.

   The way in which the landscape changed was surprising. It would be on the economy—the rockiest part of the last four years—that the GOP met their downfall. While Connally charged that “The current President has come into office and has failed utterly to sustain the economy that Nixon left us with”, the President responded that “It was thanks to the policies you pursued as Nixon’s Treasury Secretary—wage and price controls, a raised debt ceiling to stimulate the economy, reduced federal reserve loan rates—that the American economy is still struggling as it is today. The Republicans have come forward saying that they would fix the very situation they created and have provided no answers as to how to do so.” While lines like that alone would fail to sway the electorate, Kennedy’s continued hammering of Connally on his tenure under Nixon would change a significant amount of the electorate’s minds to “undecided” only weeks before the election. On foreign policy, meanwhile, Kennedy managed to successfully fend off Republican attacks and call Connally’s proposals “needless war-mongering to a nation that, only four years ago, ended one of its most bloody and disastrous conflicts on the books.”

   In the final stretch of the campaign, Kennedy began climbing up in the polls. With a media blitzkrieg in fiscally conservative parts of the country explaining Connally’s record as Treasury Secretary, his conservative base was in danger. Come election day, with a large amount of votes up in the air, the undecided eventually broke for their President. Historians and political commentators would largely attribute the victory to Kennedy’s status as an incumbent, doubt regarding Connally’s record, a foreign policy perceived as successful, and overtures to economic moderates. Behind the scenes, hard work by the Kennedy team to bring as many African-Americans to the polls and of course the sabotage of Evan's campaign played a part. The former would have a significant effect in Florida, Ohio, Alabama, Kentucky, California, and Missouri.

President Robert F. Kennedy (Democrat-New York)/Vice President Albert P. Brewer (Democrat-Alabama) 341 electoral votes, 51.8% of the popular vote
Former Secretary of the Treasury John B. Connally (Republican-Texas)/Senator Robert S. Dole (Republican-Kansas) 197 electoral votes, 46.8% of the popular vote
Former Senator Eugene McCarthy (Independent-Minnesota)/[Various] 0 electoral votes, .87% of the popular vote
Others: 0 electoral votes, .53% of the popular vote

While President Kennedy celebrated his successful re-election, Connally was left to grieve his defeat.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

1976, Continued

   In the summer of 1976, Mattingly was forced to move into Detroit in order to attend Wayne State University, choosing to make the leap from community college early, having completed some credits faster than expected and hoping to have a better chance of getting in. Using savings of his, he was able to find a small apartment, one of the cheapest he’d been able to locate. In order to maintain an income, his makeshift operation as a “neighborhood mechanic” was closed down in a sense and he became an employee at a local garage, working early in the morning and late at night under a Greek man named Theofanis Constantine (originally “Constantinou”). “When I think back to Teddy Constantine, I remember thinking I’d known a thing or two about cars. He taught me more than I thought was even left to know on the subject. And I also know, I also know that if it hadn’t been for his kindness in hiring me—a guy who didn’t have the advantage of being free for normal work hours—I wouldn’t be where I am today. When I finally graduated in 1979, after several years and countless dollars spent for that degree, it wouldn’t by Ford that I turned to. Constantine’s garage needed some business sense. Even in the midst of what, at least in my lifetime, was the single lowest point for the American economy, Constantine was looking to expand, and in many ways it made sense. With fewer people buying new cars, they needed the ones they had repaired, and repaired well. We—the business as a whole—had a good record of quality and consistency and when in the middle of the recession ‘Constantine Repair’ opened a second shop, I was made manager. With the seventies coming to a close and ‘Morning in America’ approaching, things were bound to change.” His ascendancy in the small company is rather understated, given that by 1979 he’d already been managing the garage in the late afternoons and had begun to handle accounting. In terms of Mattingly’s personal life, the tall half-Sicilian with a permanent beard stubble and a cigarette clutched in his teeth seemed have developed a certain underlying confidence by the late 70’s that allowed him to “hit his stride” with the ladies in time to meet his wife in December of ’79.

While things might have been looking up for Christian Mattingly as 1979, for the Democratic party, the picture right before the 1980 election would not be so rosy. Three years earlier, they were riding high, having ensured a “New Democratic Majority” existed in the country. The only election in which the Democrats had gained a majority since FDR’s last run in 1944 was the 1964 landslide against what they all saw as an extremist. 1976, to many in the party, had ensure that the Democrats would retain national political dominance, regardless of what 1968 had done, and they proceeded to act on that belief, arrogantly.

Nevertheless, the 1976 Senate elections were essentially a draw. With Democrats maintaining their slim majority (though not one particularly threatened by the opposition), the balance of power would remain intact. While James Buckley had been defeated by Bella Abzug in an upset due to the unpopularity of Connally in the Northeast and the strength of RFK in the Empire State, Republicans would see luck in other races. In Texas, George Bush would be re-elected by a healthy margin against a no-name opponent. Meanwhile in California, a state the President had won, former Governor Ronald Reagan, physically not up to the rigor of a presidential campaign since ’75, was nevertheless able to pull off a Senate victory again John Tunney. Montana probably had one of the most significant results that night. Freshman Congressman Scott Westman, a self-styled radical liberal who was, in actuality, to the right of much of his party on economic issues, had been able to win an upset in the primary and then proceed to a victory in the general. Westman had been forced to battle the Democratic reputation in regards to gun rights and the like. However, his personal popularity and ability to appeal to the people of Montana would pave his way to a win. All around, a shift in Democratic strength in the North was quite evident, with gains in Vermont, New York, and Pennsylvania. Meanwhile, the GOP made gains in the West and Mid-West with the exception of Rhode Island where liberal Republican former Governor (and Nixon Navy Secretary) John Chafee was elected.

Democrats: 53 (+1)
Republicans: 46
Independents: 1

In Wyoming, both Congressman Humphrey Wilkinson and Senator Beauregard Disraeli were elected by hefty margins. The two, both known for their rather questionable personal lives, strange ideological and even religious views, and egos, had not sat well with each other since they were both elected in 1970. With Disraeli running for President earlier that year, Wilkinson had considered primarying him but had decided against it at the last second. The Representative would nevertheless be caught "joking" about having to find a way to "bump Disraeli off".

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

You must be logged in to read this quote.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Great updates!  But it's spelled "Esch," not "Esche."

Ah, sorry about that, and thank you.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

I really like the ballot inclusion in this timeline. Would you be ok if I incorporated that feature in my timeline later?

Sure bro. I sadly haven't copyrighted all the stuff used in this yet.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Dick Hudson

As of December 1976, Dick Hudson was a virginal high school sophomore, unhappy with the state of things in the country. A nondescript Protestant Christian in a rural township, thing in figure, pale in complexion, and thick in glasses, he as well hailed from a traditionally Republican family, of the mid-western conservative stock. Politics, however, didn't figure largely in the lives of the Hudson family aside from vaguely traditional beliefs and voting patterns. However, Richard, blessed with a mind adept at most things--but for science. In all honesty, reading about the body's biological cycles was intangible ad nonsensical to him--had for some reason or another chosen to turn his mind toward public policy, history, and political parties.

"What RFK is doing is typical of the current leaderless bench of the Democratic party. He's failed utterly in terms of the economy, environmental regulations--while well intentioned--will ultimately lead to a greater burden on private enterprise. Meanwhile, his energy policy is based on far fetched futuristic ideals that are lacking any grounding in the reality of our current situation. Foreign policy-wise, he's betrayed America's position in the Cold War as not even his brother would." Such statements were well filed in his brain and ready for repetition should someone ask him about Bobby Kennedy. While lacking a real dog in the 1976 primary fight (He, like more than a few residents of the Wolverine state, had been hoping for a Ford candidacy), the 16-year old volunteered for the Connally campaign and spent his afternoons and weekends trekking from house to house--and this was rural Michigan, so the houses weren't too close together--peddling Connally literature to folks who in all likelihood were going to vote for him anyway.

Social life-wise, Hudson found himself in a strange crowd. A small cabal of stoners and a few geeks--he being one of them--it was odd that they'd coalesced. Nevertheless, it had become a bit common to find a pair of guys in a car smoking while a third perused a copy of "The Inferno" by Dante Alighieri. And on occasion that third guy smoked as well. Meanwhile, he found himself nervously chatting with girls in far different social circles. Life was okay for Hudson. Not incredibly, okay, and somewhat hopeful. Not with Connally's loss though. That pissed him off to no end. With that, he was looking forward to 1980. "Hell, I'll be in freakin' college by then. What the Hell am I gonna be doing in there?" Among potential 1980 candidates, he was looking at Senator Bob Dole, newly elected Senator Ronald Reagan--"Who the Hell cares if he got shot in 1975? By 1980 he should be ready to get rid of Al Brewer or whoever the Democrats nominate."--and held a secret hope that Congressman Guy Vander Jagt of Michigan might try a run. "Damn, I better get a freakin' girlfriend too." he lamented.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

December 24th, 1978

Radio: ...Yesterday in his holiday address to the country, President Brewer promised to the nation a new period of calm and tranquility, announcing his intention to firmly reach across the aisle both in the country and in the Cold War.

Monday morning, Christmas Eve. Snow rains down from gray skies as a brown cadillac pulls up to Ted Constantine's garage in Detroit, Michigan. Christian Mattingly, dressed in khakis, an untucked Oxford shirt with the sleeves rolled up, and a heavy jean jacket, pulls into work. In his left hand are his keys as he clomps through the snow from the small parking lot into the garage. In his right hand is clutched a two-inch thick sandwich with about four kinds of meat in between the two pieces of toast. Mattingly unlocks the front door of the office area and heads on in. He slaps the half-sandich down on the single desk that comprises the garage's office and begins making coffee. Coffee ready, he pours a couple spoons of sugar in it and heads back to the desk.

Mattingly: Sandwich's cold. F#ck.

Mattingly opens up a pile of notebooks and accounts, shoves a piece of paper into the desk's typewriter, and begins to examine the garage's costs, expenses, and all the rests. It's now 10:00, and a satisfied Mattingly leans back in the chair, lights a cigarette, pops his feet onto the desk, and continues reading through the books. Suddenly there's a ding indicating someone entering the closed mechanic's shop.

Mattingly: [inhale, exhale, cough] Someone there?

Co-worker Mark Roy, a grayed 55-year old mechanic and co-worker.

Roy: You here Mattingly? Jesus. It's f#cking Christmas Eve for God's sake
Mattingly: Satan doesn't break for Christmas, neither does the economy, and both are out to screw us. The only way to stay on top of 'em is to work when they do.
Roy: Huh. You're f#cked up, Mattingly.
Mattingly: Maybe. Maybe I am. But f#ck anyone that thinks they're going to beat this business.
Roy: Well good luck with that. Just came into get some stuff I left behind. Hope you don't get visited by three spirits tonight.
Mattingly: Ha! I'd have to have money to be Scrooge. Don't worry about me.

Roy exits. Mattingly leans back and gazes over at the ash tray.

Mattingly: Cigarette went out. Dammit.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Dick Hudson strongly reminds me of me.

He's a good half of the atlas.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

July 4th, 2004
Mattingly was glad he'd chosen to spend the holiday in the country. Better than his office at least. Damn the assholes he'd have to face when he got back. "These are dark days for the Republic, my friend." he muttered as he grasped the bottle of Jack Daniels in his right hand. Here he was, feet on desk in a darkened office as he watched the countryside explode with light. "A million bullet holes in the sky... and out of them rains fiery blood..." he thought in a rare moment of poetry not authored by his speech writers. He'd seen the sky fill with light, Armageddon make the stars bleed and men scream. "The Tet Offensive..." he whispered. Just to hear the sound of it. Nights of gore and death. It was there he'd rediscovered religion. It wouldn't be the last time it had taken trauma to turn him back to God. It figured that it was on nights he'd seen the sky fill with fire that he'd seen the face of God. "Thy Kingdom Come, Thy Will Be Done." Apocalypse had unfolded across the borders of his eyes. He'd seen creation burst asunder. All that was left was the work of the Lord. Mattingly, looking back on his nearly 56 years of existence, and the over 36 years since that first night of "Tet". Assuredly, he had done the Lord's will. God-- not history, as biased as that was--would judge him for that. It mattered not what the heathens and murderes and limp-wristed Washington sycophants said. As he leaned back and watched his panoramic view of the land behind his property--"Legally purchased off of profits of a morally administered business"--he felt content. He remembered the famous words of that one Southern band... "Kennedy does not bother me, but does your conscience bother you?"

October 9th, 1978
President Robert F. Kennedy sat down in the Oval Office, camera facing him from across the massive desk, he gulped. This was his last time doing this. "Ready Mr. President?" one of the camera crew asked him. After nearly six years of this, Kennedy had understandably grown accustomed to the majesty of the office. The massive Washington residence, the secret service escort, Hell, even the frustrations he would miss. What other man could have the frustration of having to finagle his way to passing an agenda for an entire nation? Were you to ask him one comment he had about the presidency at the moment, he would undoubtedly say "I f#cked up." He heard them count down. He gulped, sighed, and stared--ready for battle. The light came on.

"My fellow Americans. It is much to my regret that I am addressing you on this day of all days. Columbus Day has a special significance to all those of us in the Western Hemisphere. Were it not for the actions of those seeking a brave new world, we would not have been so blessed as to call this fruited plain ours, to lay claim to purple mountain majesties, and celebrate under sacred skies. It was in Plymouth Bay of the state where I was born, Massachusetts, that brave Pilgrims made their new home. To our South, in Virginia, others came to make the Jamestown settlement. As our colonial roots were formed, we developed a greater sense of independence until the final drama of our revolution played out.

"From New England to Georgia, this was a national revolution, and from the battlefield to Continental Congress, ours was not born only of blood and fire. It was a revolution of ideals and principles. A commitment to good government, the rule of law, the proper limits o government, and the consent of the governed. Since those days, we have endured national strife and division, secession, depression, and two world wars. It is with the full weight of history bearing down on me that I address you today. We have faced congressional grid-lock in the past. However, only once have articles of impeachment been brought against the President of the United States. In the 1860's, following the death of Abraham Lincoln, the nation was left with a much lesser man at the helm. While Andrew Johnson doubtlessly attempted to bring the country together, his troubles only deepened as his term continued. Historians today look on the Tennessean as a failure as president.

"I have never been a quitter. Americans of all stripes are not known for their retreats. Nevertheless, for the good of the nation, I feel I must resign of the office of President of the United States of America. It would not serve the American people well to insist on serving out the remainder of my term. With articles of impeachment currently being pushed for, the agenda the public voted in favor of two years ago stalled, and international progress at a standstill, it is clear that we must take a bold and unprecedented approach in order to allow this country to move forward. Any legal troubles that members of my administration or myself will happen outside the confines of any public or political office. Vice President Albert Brewer, a dedicated public servant with a commitment to equality, opportunity, and civil rights, is well equipped to serve as Commander-in-Chief.

"Having occupied this office for nearly six years, I confess, I am uneasy in parting with it. Nevertheless, it is an action that must be undertaken for the sake of our beloved Republic. And so, my fellow Americans, this is the last time I am addressing you as President. America has seen better days, and will so under President Brewer. Thank you."

The light from the camera faded. He sat back. It was over. It seemed fitting that 2 Timothy came to him at this moment. "I have fought a good fight, I have finished the race, I have remained faithful." Had he remained faithful? In the light of what he had done, at what cost, and for what, he couldn't say with utter moral certitude that, in the end, he would be on the side of the angels. Nevertheless, he gritted his teeth and morosely faced the walk to Marine One.

The actions that had forced Robert F. Kennedy would face countless examinations over the course of the next few decades. The single sloppy break-in to Hubert H. Humphrey's Washington office, the secret network of extra-legal operatives working out of the White House basement, the wire-tapping of political opponents--real and perceived, and Senate Minority Leader Howard Baker's poignant question of "What did the President know, and when did he know it?", would all be subject to the judgement of history for years following.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Ah, thanks. I was having some mixed memories of that verse (long story).

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Fascinating, simply fascinating. A break-in at Hubert Humphrey's office?

Also, did any of Kennedy's Cabinet resign with him? Are we going to get another Halloween Massacre?

Thank you. I may have jumped the gun as I think I scrapped an earlier update that included details on 1977. Gonna have to backtrack on that.

O'Sullivan was the most prominent casualty, the attempted promotion to Secretary of State in 1977 having been tanked thanks to more evidence from the unfolding break-in investigation.. However, other low-level Kennedy loyalists were purged throughout 1977 and '78. However, there's been near complete cabinet rotation since 1973. Any and all Republicans are gone, either due to rotation or out of disgust with the scandal. After the O'Sullivan nomination fell through and his subsequent resignation from the office of NatSec Adviser. Instead, Interior Secretary George McGovern reluctantly took the post. However, with the incoming President Brewer, there's going to be some cleaning house and the importation of a "new gang" from down South.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Robert F. Kennedy: The Final Days

By the time President Kennedy took the Oath of Office, the seeds that would lay waste to his hard-fought prize had already been planted. The secret "plumbers" operation run out of the White House; recorded conversations courtesy of the White House taping system; break-ins orchestrated at the offices and homes of such Kennedy enemies as Hubert H. Humphrey, George Meany, Peter J. Brennan--O'Sullivan went into a flurry of work following his election, and even George McGovern; and of course the operations of questionable legality and obvious jurisdictions violations that resulted in the outting of Ted Bundy as a serial killer. Legal investigations were underway as RFK was sworn in for a second time that he had little idea about. At the time of his resignation in 1978, 1950's-esque images of men in suits performing illegal activities in the middle of the night  had filled the public's heads, and by 1979 more than one attempt of a TV movie had been made that focused on the events that brought down the second Kennedy.

Nevertheless, coming into his second term, Kennedy's eyes were hardly on the goings-on in his residence's basement. Instead, he was looking to turn his 51% into a mandate for vast change. He'd been re-elected on a coalition of liberals, economic moderates, minorities, and youths, and Kennedy intended to take these various strains and transform them into a political transformation. Already he'd scheduled negotiations for a SALT II and had policy-makers--led by Daniel Patrick Moynihan--looking into the feasibility of a guaranteed income program to replace the heavy bureaucracy of the current entitlement system. As well, the 1976 Mexican elections had yielded another national Mexican President--José López Portillo--though one that was open to promoting Mexican economic development. Kennedy was hoping that together with Trudeau, they might cajole Portillo into opening up Mexico to her neighbors to the North.

Of the few things Kennedy would manage to accomplish, he would create the Department of Environment and Energy. To head "E&E", Senator Floyd Haskell of Colorado, a former Republican who was in danger of losing re-election, was chosen. However, by October 1977, investigations into the "plumbing" network had clouded out hope of pushing forward any of the President's agenda including pending environmental legislation. Attempting to ignore Congress' investigation and appear "above the fray", Kennedy persisted in pushing a continually stalling and failing list of items he wanted to see passed. By the middle of '78, it was obvious that everything was all but lost for the administration. Senate Minority Leader Howard Baker's poignant comment of "What did the President know, and when did he know it?" was being replayed across radio waves and had even been turned into mid-term campaign ads in swing states. With some very conservative members of the House beginning to make noise about drawing up articles of impeachment and the subpoenaing of hundreds of hours of White House records, and Kennedy's bargaining position overseas shrinking, it was becoming apparent that a change of executive might be quite necessary.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Albert Brewer:
Ending the National Nightmare

For the last six years or so, Albert P. Brewer had served quietly as Vice President. Resentful of his side-lining during those many years--he'd been used largely as a political tool in order to gain support for gun control or from Southerners--Brewer came into office intending to take no prisoners in an attempt to give the country its faith in its leaders back.

"Our long national nightmare is over," he began in his first address after assuming the presidency, "and the storm clouds surrounding the White House have dispersed. However, the damage remains in the form of wrecked faith in this country's leadership, a feeling of fatality in regards to this nation's future, and a weakened community spirit. The wars of the last decade are over, the scandals that plunged our national ship of state into the gale have calmed. Now, we are left to eras their legacies and move forward. Let us begin. Let it be known that this new administration will pull no punches in righting the wrongs of the past."

While Brewer had been made little more than someone to fill the second half of the Democratic ticket, that would be the first of his "righted wrongs". The first acts of his new presidency would be to clean house. All the old Kennedy hands would be gone. Robert O'Sullivan--whose failed nomination as Secretary of State in May had only helped to open up more of the administration's scandals--had left with Kennedy. However, Brewer wasn't terribly trusting of several of the perceived "Kennedy loyalists" such as George McGovern--who by then was Secretary of State--and intended on bringing on cabinet members whom he felt wouldn't have divided loyalties. What this resulted in was the enlisting of a number of moderate Southern Democrats. By October 31st, with the Senate glad to confirm new cabinet secretaries in place of Kennedy's hands and Republicans being surprisingly helpful, the "Halloween Massacre" had occurred and the "Brewer Gang" was in place. Of those left from Kennedy's cabinet, only Moynihan, Haskell, and Long remained--Moynihan for his policy know-how and Long due to his perceived trustworthiness.

Secretary of State: Jefferson C. Breckenridge Dent (D-AL)
Secretary of the Treasury: Russell B. Long (D-LA)
Secretary of Defense: Richard Stone (D-FL)
Attorney General: Robert Evander McNair (D-SC)
Secretary of the Interior: William A. Egan (D-AK)
Secretary of Agriculture: James Earl Carter (D-GA)
Secretary of Commerce: Timothy Wirth (D-CO)
Secretary of Labor: Joseph A. Califano, Jr. (D-NY)
Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare: Leon Panetta (D-CA)
Secretary of Housing and Urban Development: Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D-NY)
Secretary of Transportation: Terry Sanford (D-NC)
Secretary of Environment and Energy: Floyd K. Haskell (D-CO)

White House Chief of Staff: James B. Folsom, Jr. (D-AL)
National Security Adviser: Cyrus Vance (D-NY)

Brewer's cabinet was comprised largely of Southerners and moderates. Committed to the enforcement of civil rights, Brewer was nonetheless no "labor liberal". During his tenure as Governor of Alabama, he'd expanded state services such as education and infrastructure but had also worked to streamline government. This spirit of reform he would carry to the national level as President, ironically continuing a number of his predecessor's economic aims. His business and industry friendly attitudes were as well an unexpected continuation from Kennedy who, while committed to urban affairs, had also favored free trade and a more fiscally conservative government.

State was the most dramatic appointment. Jefferson Dent, the two-term liberal Democrat from Alabama had been one of Brewer's closest allies and had helped him win his narrow re-nomination in 1970. Without that, Brewer would likely have lost re-election and would have never come to national attention beyond 1971. During Brewer's days as Vice President, the quiet second-in-command would consult frequently with Dent, both frustrated for different reasons with the incumbent but both also crucial allies to him. With Brewer needing an experienced and familiar hand helping him to "right the ship of state", Dent was a natural choice for either State or Chief of Staff. Dent, wanting to remain in the Senate, nevertheless took the opportunity to become Secretary of State, an oft thought of goal. Chief of Staff went to the man who had worked on the Vice President's own staff for years, Jim Folsom, Jr. who had made a recent foray into Alabama politics but was called back home to Washington. While under Dent SALT II negotiations would continue, Brewer wanted to stress that America was nevertheless prepared militarily to face any threats and thus the hawkish neutron bomb-supporter Richard Stone of Florida became Defense Secretary. Robert Evander McNair--Brewer's Attorney General--had been a Southern Democratic Governor at an important time for the state. While not a robust liberal champion of civil rights, McNair had nonetheless worked tirelessly following the Orangeburg Massacre to ensure a peaceful integration in South Carolina. A Western Governor for Interior and a Southern "New South" Governor for Agriculture, Egan and Carter were obvious choices for their respective places. Leon Panetta was a surprising pick for HEW. A former HEW Department official in the Nixon administration as a Republican, Panetta had resigned in disgust due to his battling with the administration over integration. Following that, Panetta worked for John Lindsay before returning to his law firm and running for Congress in 1976 as a Democrat. When Kennedy had come into office in 1972, Panetta had been considered a possibility for the HEW slot and six years later he received it, foregoing re-election for a chance to work in the cabinet. Among other potential cabinet picks was Congressman Bill Clinton of Arkansas. However, with Clinton embroiled in a race for Governor, he turned down different offers for Agriculture, Commerce, and even Attorney General (offered at a whim) in order to pursue his goal.

While some were surprised at the entirely Democratic cabinet--Kennedy at different times had included a number of liberal Republicans in his cabinet--Brewer saw no reason to reach out prematurely. As well, there would be non-Democrats in positions outside the cabinet including former Nixon Posmaster General Winton M. Blount, a fellow Alabaman who served as Ambassador to the United Kingdom before his resignation in November, 1979. Following the Halloween Massacre, the mid-term elections were due. With a bad economy and a ruined Democratic brand thanks to Kennedy, predictions were not rosy for the President's party. Brewer, knowing this, decided to sit out the storm and be prepared to work with the victors, whoever, they might be.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

"I, like millions of Americans, watched the Kennedy administration unravel throughout his second term. As the tragic assassination of his brother had been the defining political and cultural event of the 1960's, Bobby Kennedy's resignation was the most significant moment of the 1970's. Between 1960 and 1980, a Kennedy would occupy the White House for over a decade, would head three Democratic tickets, and would preside over the Cuban Missile Crisis, the end of the Vietnam War, and the passage of SALT, three of the most significant points in the Cold War. However, on October 9th, 1978, the name was ruined in presidential politics. Had Robert F. Kennedy managed to end his presidency as scheduled and even on a note of mediocrity, Ted Kennedy would have had a chance in the 80's or the 90's, possibly. However, when Bobby, Ethel, and their entire family boarded Marine One on that fateful day, their grasp on power was forfeited. Two years later, in an attempt to downplay the family, Ted Kennedy himself--the "liberal lion"--saw his speech nixed at the last minute. He himself would never run for President of the United States.

Perhaps even moreso than the 1980 Presidential Election, President Brewer's inauguration symbolized a dramatic shift in national politics and culture. Brewer quickly cut ties with nearly all of Kennedy's cabinet members and brought in an almost entirely new team--with only HUD Secretary Moynihan and Labor Secretary Califano to represent the Northeast. Whereas Kennedy had projected an image of a youthful president, working to ensure global peace and winning elections on the backs of the youth and minorities, Brewer attempted to bring the Democrats back to their roots. Nevertheless, his moderate political style rubbed both Kennedy's "New Left" friends and the party's labor liberals represented by the likes of Henry M. Jackson and Hubert H. Humphrey the wrong way. Coupled with the awful economic situation he was left with, it would be Brewer's lack of a political base outside the South and his distrust of Western progressives and Northeastern "Laborals" that would doom his presidency. While he might have been a good president in his own time, the narrow situation he was left in and the mis-steps that were a result of this set of circumstances destroyed any chance that Brewer would be beloved by his constituents.

While the year 1978 would be best known for the controversial Kennedy resignation, the disaster for the Democrats it caused in 1978 would be of equal importance to the path of the nation. While I was slaving away in preparation for mid-terms of my final year at Wayne, toiling at Ted Constantine's garage, and awkwardly talking to as many girls as I could, the last fourth of my time that should have been used for studying was instead used for volunteering for Robert P. Griffin's re-election campaign. While my voting history wasn't the most friendly to Republicans, the local campaign was glad to welcome in a young, blue collar, white ethnic with a reputation for hard work. I held no official paid position, though I became essentially responsible for the campaign in and around Wayne County.

Election night, 1978, would be a fateful one for my future career. Not in the automobile industry which I entered into scant years following that day, but in politics. Richard J. Hudson was a high school senior when I first met him. Skinny, bespectacled, and a fond wearer of t-shirts advertising several well known bands of the time, the boy was a "political nut"--my description. Not in terms of beliefs, I found him to be a fairly mainstream Republican, unlike myself, but in terms of commitment to the idea of electing Republicans and how to do it. Milling around Griffin headquarters on a rare night I spent away from my hovel, I met him smirking as he saw Tsongas had been elected in Massachusetts. "What's your deal? Isn't he a Democrat?" "Haha, yes, but he should be a Republican. At least in Massachusetts. He ran to the right of Brooke." "Huh. Sounds like my kinda guy." "Why? Don't tell me you're a Democrat." "I don't know what the Hell you'd call me these days. I typically vote Democrat locally, but I haven't voted for anyone named Kennedy in my life, except in a middle school mock election." "So what're you doing here?" the bemused high school teenager asked me. "Well let's say I'm drifting farther and farther away from the Democrats, though I gotta say I like Brewer better than the guy before him." "Well welcome to the ranks. Hopefully by this time two years from now we can count you as officially one of us." Our conversation drifted for about an hour. It was only when Michigan was called for Griffin that we broke our dialogue to cheer. After that, Hudson seemed to wipe his hands and said with a satisfied smirk that his job was done and that tomorrow he'd hopefully be resuming his social life. "I let politics get in the way of me doing crap for too long," he said getting up and donning his jacket. As he departed--he would go on that year to finally score with the girl that would become his wife--he bid me farewell and disappeared into the night, back to his home somewhere far to the north of both the campaign headquarters and my own home near Wayne State. I thought that'd be the last I saw of the kid. Twelve years later he'd be my campaign manager."

-My Mother's Son, Christian Mattingly

The triumphant Senator Griffin

The 1978 Senate Elections

The 1978 mid-terms were the most devastating for the Democrats in decades. In the Senate, not only were they the biggest net loss they'd seen since 1968, but it was the first time the Republicans won the Senate since 1952. While they gained four seats they lost ten. Of the four Democratic gains, three were made by some of the more conservative members of their party--David Boren in Oklahoma, Jim Exon in Nebraska, and Paul Tsongas in the normally liberal Massachusetts--leaving figures in the Democratic establishment with little hope for the upcoming Senate session. Tsongas' defeat of liberal Edward Brooke was one of the Democratic gains that actively moved the body to the right.

Republicans: 53 (+7)
Democrats: 46 (-7)
Independents: 1

Notable Republican pickups included the Virginia and West Virginia where Republican Governors successful won races for the Senate. Arch A. Moore was a traditional West Virginia moderate Republican who had supported expansion and modernization of the state's infrastructure. John Warner on the other hand was a former Navy Secretary and one-term Governor who was fiscally conservative, hawkish, but also pro-choice. Other new Senate Republicans--though ones that hadn't won pickups for their party--were Nancy Landon Kassebaum and Dick Cheney of Wyoming. Cheney, a former Nixon administration official, had won a tough primary against the more moderate Alan K. Simpson.  As in 1972, a number of important mainstays of the Republican bench--Strom Thurmond, Charles Percy, Mark Hatfield, John Tower, and of course the new Senate Majority Leader Howard Baker--were all re-elected.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Maverick - Thad O'Connor and the '78 Election

The 1978 mid-terms welcomed in a host of new Republican officeholders across the nation, and in Maine's second Congressional district it was no exception. For Thaddeus Gillespie O'Connor (R-ME-2), the real campaign had been in the primary as opposed to the general which he won by several points. Since returning home from Vietnam, the "vagrant"--so he'd been called in his path for the nomination--had come a long way. Born to a Democratic family in Eastport and the son of a fisherman and proud Adlai Stevenson supporter, O'Connor had nonetheless gravitated towards the Republicans. Originally a member of the growing conservative movement--a rarity in the Northeast--Thad had proudly cast his first vote for Barry Goldwater in 1964. Nevertheless, after seeing the horrors of war in the jungles of Vietnam, he'd returned to the states a changed man.

The new Thad O'Connor, shortly after his return, volunteered on a long-shot Republican campaign for Senate in Alabama. Not knowing much of the candidate at the time, he identified with Jefferson Dent's anti-war stance. After Dent's surprise election, Thad had worked as an aide for the freshman Senator. As Dent burned all his bridges with the party and switched over to the Democrats, he and his loyal aide parted ways on good terms. Returning home to Maine and spurned by his widowed father, Thad lived with his uncle for two years in Bangor before setting off for Portland at the age of twenty-five, finally taking a job at Stevenson Brewing where he'd find a friend in the square-jawed brewing heir Hank Stevenson who would provide him housing in the coming years.

Around the same time that O'Connor took up residence in Hank's attic, he became involved in local Republican politics. A former Senate aide, Thad had more experience than most. While both Hank and Thad were proud members of the GOP, they were of quite different brands in the growing GOP. While Thad retained his "Goldwateresque" views on domestic policy and economics, Vietnam and the "hippie" movement had made their mark on the veteran and he chose to caucus for liberal Republican Pete McCloskey who was challenging Nixon in 1972. While Maine didn't have a primary that year, O'Connor did attend the Cumberland County Convention where he would be elected a precinct delegate for McCloskey, though he never made it to the convention. However, the experience had re-introduced him to some of the Republican names in Maine as opposed to his small collection of Washington and Alabama contacts and would be his first real step towards entering the halls of Congress seven years later. That November, Thad somberly wrote-in a ticket of Oregon Senator Mark Hatfield for President and Congressman Pete McCloskey for Vice President. "A far cry from what I voted for eight years ago", he thought as he smirked and printed on the "write-in" line. Hank would jokingly blame Nixon's loss on Thad, saying it was close enough to come down to one vote--even a vote in a state that had gone comfortably for Nixon.

Over the next few years, Thad's involvement in the Maine GOP would increase and both he and Hank would frequently attend Republican Committee meetings. In 1975, however, Thad's alienated father died unexpectedly and after attending the funeral and receiving the empty house in Eastport, Thad negotiated a transfer back to his hometown. With the 1976 election approaching, Hank and Thad stayed in touch. However, the two would come to a serious political rift. While Hank would easily find himself in Connally's corner, Thad eventually chose New England's favorite son, Senator Thomas J. Meskill of Connecticut to campaign for. Meskill easily took the state against rivals from the South and West, however, the two were coming to a political parting of the ways. However, Hank would bridge the gap when he generously contributed to and volunteered for O'Connor's 1978 campaign for the U.S. House of Representatives.

1978

Having moved back to Eastport in 1975, Thad was back in Maine's 2nd District, represented by Republican William E. Cohen. With Cohen leaving the House for the Senate in 1978, the seat was open. The establishment favorite was State Senator Olympia Snowe, hailing from Auburn. A political moderate, Snowe had the support of the district's wealthier donors--what there was to be had--and received early endorsements from important names in the district, though Cohen himself was too focused on his own race to formally give her his blessing. However, what appeared to be an easy race for Snowe would come to a dragging halt beginning with the entrance of "vagrant" Thad O'Connor into the race. Campaigning to Snowe's right on economics but to her left on social issues and foreign policy, as Thad gained support, battle lines would be drawn. While Snowe was in support of the SALT treaties, she nonetheless made clear her support for higher military funding, especially for the navy. As well, she had to work to escape earlier comments that she supported Kennedy's economic policies--aside from free trade. The political oddity that was Thad O'Connor meanwhile built a strange coalition of youths, libertarians, anti-war activists, veterans, and rural conservatives. Campaigning on the issues of resisting gun control, free trade, tax cuts, he took different strains of both the "hippies" and of the conservative movement, as well as much older straings of "paleo-conservatism", and turned them into a political fist that shattered Snowe's centrist path to victory. By the end, the Snowe campaign had resorted to attacking O'Connor's previous state of residence, his mode of dress, and association with hippies. On primary day, Snowe's support from hawks, blue collar workers, urban voters, and women would fail to prevent O'Connor's close victory, which had been aided in part by the endorsement of Oregon Senator Mark Hatfield.


Mr. Thaddeus O'Connor of Eastport, 54%
State Senator Olympia Snowe of Auburn, 46%

One thing that would be important would be demographics. Not only did O'Connor capture traditional rural Maine Republicans in the northern part of the district, but growing cloisters of young voters--former hippies, baby boomers, and the like--that were springing up in the same area of the state voted heavily for him as well. While on the whole this type of voter would help Democrats across the country, for O'Connor, the anti-war, environmentalist, and fiscally conservative "Long hairs" were a loyal constituency.

Above: Congressman Thad O'Connor (R-ME-2), an oddity in his party due to his good terms with the counter-culture, would face attacks due to his mode of dress, residence, and associations in the 1978 Republican primary.

On the night of his primary victory, Thad received a call from Montana's soon-to-be senior Senator, Scott Westman. A Democrat, but one that O'Connor liked--"Not the cradle-to-gravers we've become accustomed to"--Westman had stayed out of the race due to Thad's need to appeal to Republicans. The Montanan, of similar ethnic stock as O'Connor, it turned out, was pleased at O'Connor's victory over what was referred to as "the military-industrial-centrist-WASP complex that seeks to control far too much of this nation". Westman that night made a personal contribution of $3,000 and what began was an incredibly strong bi-partisan friendship between the two. Several months later, the Representative-elect received a call from another Democratic Senator, this one a voice from his past. "Jeff! I can't believe you remembered me after all this time. I was impressed by your appointment to Secretary of State. God, I can't believe it, remembering how far you've come from the long-shot in '68, just ten years ago." "Well congratulations, Thad. From what I've heard you had quite the race yourself, though that was in the primary. Jesus, it's been long." The conversation between Secretary of State Jefferson Dent and his former aide would have to be brief as Thad was called back to his victory celebration by Hank. However, on January 3rd, 1979, O'Connor and Dent would reconnect over bourbon in the Secretary of State's office before Dent re-acquainted him with Washington.


The voting record of Thad O'Connor
1964: Senator Barry M. Goldwater (Republican-Arizona)/Congressman William E. Miller (Republican-New York)
1968: Former Vice President Richard M. Nixon (Republican-New York)/Governor Spiro T. Agnew (Republican-Maryland)
1972: Write-in: Senator Mark Hatfield (Republican-Oregon)/Congressman Paul N. McCloskey (Republican-California)
1976 Primary: Senator Thomas J. Meskill (Republican-Connecticut)
1976: Eugene McCarthy (Independent-Minnesota)/vacant

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

The Gang from the Cowboy State

On the same day Thad O'Connor reconnected with his old friend Jefferson Dent, another man made his fateful return to Washington D.C. Richard B. "Dick" Cheney had just been officially initiated into the most eccentric state delegation in the United States Congress. The man he shared the state with in the Senate was an ardent anti-government "libertarian" with religious affiliations that, though often questioned, were never quite discussed openly. Beauregard Disraeli, aside from all this, wasn't the most personable of people. He'd made his political career with anger-filled anti-tax speeches and decrying "the modern Washington affinity for needless social and economic legislation", not through the "grip 'n' grin" that several politicians had become experts at. The Senior Wyoming Senator by 1976 had earned himself a reputation for being "the right-wing Huey Long of our day", and Cheney wasn't entering the chamber on good terms with the man.

Since Nixon's defeat, Cheney and several other Republican government officials had been in exile from the national government. A former assistant to Donald Rumsfeld (1969-1970), White House Staff Assistant (1971), and Assistant Director of the Cost of Living Council (1971-1973), Cheney'd retreated back to Wyoming temporarily following the 1972 election. Once there, his interests gravitated towards the private sector. Serving temporarily as an aide to Congressman Wilkinson, Cheney had abandoned the office due to dismissing Wilkinson as "a raving lunatic" and in mid-1973 used some contacts to land a high-paying job at a Fortune 500 company. It was only with the election of 1976 approaching that Cheney re-appeared in Wyoming, this time was the Western director of Connally's presidential campaign. With Disraeli having a well-organized set of activists in the Rocky Mountain states and especially inside Wyoming, Cheney entered into an alliance with Wilkinson--who hated Disraeli--to fight the "Disraelites" at the precinct and county conventions. Wilkinson endorsed Connally days after his announcement and used his own network of support and Connally's well-funded machine to get Connally second place in the state and deny the state's Senator a landslide.

Thus, it was easy to see why there was no love lost between Disraeli and his incoming colleague on January 3rd, 1979. Cheney, calculating and cerebral, made no attempt to approach the man that was just as frosty to him as Cheney was in return. After one met Disraeli, however, meeting Wilkinson was little surprise. Between the far-right delusional Representative and the near-anarchist and rumored Satanist, Cheney was the objectively "normal" one. However, with the amount of contacts Cheney built in his service on intelligence and military committees and the power which he brought to the office, in 1981 the three would be profiled as "The Most Dangerous Delegation in America" by a left-wing magazine.

Over the course of Cheney's tenure as the campaign's Western director, he oversaw easy victories for Connally in Kansas and Oklahoma caucuses. Continuing his role in the general, Cheney oversaw massive amounts of funds and was regarded as a competent executive, battling pushes by the Kennedy campaign in Montana, Nevada, and New Mexico. However, he failed to retain California for the Republicans, which was one of the several big states that helped push the President over the edge. Now a Republican leader of sorts in Wyoming and having worked in 1977 as part of an anti-detente political action committee, Cheney's star was rising and he entered the primary for Senate. Facing Alan K. Simpson who represented moderates in the state, Cheney beat out Simpson's fiscally conservative stances by focusing on foreign policy and social issues. Winning easily in November, he entered the halls of Congress, having last worked there as an intern for William A. Steiger in the late 60's. Seated next to Disraeli and with Wilkinson doing as he did in the lower chamber, Cheney thought "What a pickle I've gotten myself into now." However, he was there, and was determined not to let the populist mental patients get the best of him.