French Regionals 2010

[Tender Branson]

Question:

How is it determined in each region which candidate can advance to the run-off in 1 week ?

Well, the PS has been ahed of EE in every region, so they will keep the head of lists in everyone. As for the lists, it should be proportional to the number of votes got.

I´m just asking, because in 2004 for example in Aquitaine, the FN candidate ranked 4th in the 1st round behind the UDF candidate, but it was the FN candidate who advanced to the second round.

And why do some regions have run-offs with 3 candidates and others just with 2 candidates and in the case of Corse even more ? How is that determined how many candidates advance to round 2 ?

Maybe Hashemite knows more about that.

[big bad fab]

Question:

How is it determined in each region which candidate can advance to the run-off in 1 week ?

Well, the PS has been ahed of EE in every region, so they will keep the head of lists in everyone. As for the lists, it should be proportional to the number of votes got.

I´m just asking, because in 2004 for example in Aquitaine, the FN candidate ranked 4th in the 1st round behind the UDF candidate, but it was the FN candidate who advanced to the second round.

And why do some regions have run-offs with 3 candidates and others just with 2 candidates and in the case of Corse even more ? How is that determined how many candidates advance to round 2 ?

Maybe Hashemite knows more about that.

Every list which has more than 10% of votes can make it to the runoff.

And when you have more than 5%, you can merge with another list which has more than 10%.

So, one list with 11% can make it to the runoff, alone, while another one with 16% will merge with one with 8%, and again another one with 13% will merge with one with 30%.

[big bad fab]

Le Télégramme de Brest has published rather interesting maps with results by communes in Bretagne.

One big fact: apart from the NW of Morbihan, everywhere, the abstention is high in rightist strongholds...


Otherwise, no big surprise.
Right is right, left is left, EE is bobo, MoDem is no more than a local thingee and isn't relevant any longer, Laot is rural, Troadec is leftist Breton.

[big bad fab]

The language of French politics is very left-wing, yes. Post-Revolution it always has been. But we have to remember that language isn't reality, or rather, that it isn't the only reality. If we judged left-and-right by language alone, we have no choice but to consider SFIO to have been one of the most left-wing political organisations ever to actually win seats in a national legislature - an idea that is more than slightly absurd.

If we look at policy and the parties themselves, then the picture is much more mixed and depends (as is almost always the case) on individual conceptions of left and right. A Marxist (well, a real Marxist, anyway) would have no choice but to consider French politics to be remarkably right-wing for a country in the western half of Europe, while someone from the 'libertarian' Right would have equally little choice in branding it as remarkably left-wing. Someone interested in patterns of state intervention and welfare policies would mostly note paternalism above all else (at least since 1945), someone interested in elections and power structures would note entrenched conservatism with quixotic anti-establishment tendencies. And, I suppose, someone from a minority group would, presumably, be quite likely to take one look at 'racial' discourses in French society and politics and agree with the Marxist, though for totally different reasons.

But this feeds back into the issue of language, I think; though obviously not in the same way. My understanding of what it is to be on the Left is probably different to yours (whoever you happen to be), and yours will not be the same as the first person to read this post after you.

It is a quarter to three in the morning.

Come on... The way immigrants are viewed and dealt with isn't any longer a right/left criteria: many people in France switched directly from blue-collar and popular (and populist..) left to the far-right.

But, more seriously:
Look at the rate of public spendings.
Look at the importance of public employment, not only in government but laso in public businesses.
Look at the age of retirement.
Look at the health system and the way hospitals are funded.
Look at the French agricultural policy (or its leitmotives in European agricultural policy).
Look at the inability of any local politician to slash spendings in any level of local government.
Look at the educational system and the university system, what is learnt and how it is learnt.
Look at the results of left/right polls among teachers.
Look at the results of left/right polls among journalists.
Look at the shelves of bookshops.
Look at the people who take part in TV talkshows.

France isn't a rightist country, that's for sure.
Paternalistic, corporatist, populist, if you want.
Lazily leftist, more probably.

[Antonio the Sixth]

Question:

How is it determined in each region which candidate can advance to the run-off in 1 week ?

Well, the PS has been ahed of EE in every region, so they will keep the head of lists in everyone. As for the lists, it should be proportional to the number of votes got.

I´m just asking, because in 2004 for example in Aquitaine, the FN candidate ranked 4th in the 1st round behind the UDF candidate, but it was the FN candidate who advanced to the second round.

And why do some regions have run-offs with 3 candidates and others just with 2 candidates and in the case of Corse even more ? How is that determined how many candidates advance to round 2 ?

The UDF used to merge its lists with the UMP in the Second Round, so they became one list. The FN instead never does. An in Corse the threshold is smaller, to fit with the island's particular politics.

Look at the educational system and the university system, what is learnt and how it is learnt.

Here I'd like to have some examples, because I really fail to see what in the program is so "left-wing".

[Filuwaúrdjan]

Come on... The way immigrants are viewed and dealt with isn't any longer a right/left criteria:

My point was that left-and-right are relative (or largely relative) concepts. Public attitudes to minority groups in France don't have to fit into the ritualised boxes of French political life to be viewed as right-wing (or whatever), especially as such a judgment would have more to do general discourses and casual racism than with formal protestations on 'immigrant' issues. I don't really share that point of view, but quite a few people do.

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Similar comments can be made about almost every other country in 'Western' Europe, though with a different choice of examples in some cases (but not always). Though... the point about left-and-right being (in part) relative returns... I would certainly never view French agricultural policy (or its influence on overall European agricultural policy) as left-wing, and have difficulty accepting that there's something unusually left-wing about the French healthcare system or the way its funded, though (in both cases) you obviously do.

Personally, I'm not really sure if catagorising countries on left-right lines is especially useful, as there's too much going on and too many different (and conflicting) ways of looking at the issue (which is always the problem with abstractions).

[Hash]

Question:

How is it determined in each region which candidate can advance to the run-off in 1 week ?

Well, the PS has been ahed of EE in every region, so they will keep the head of lists in everyone. As for the lists, it should be proportional to the number of votes got.

I´m just asking, because in 2004 for example in Aquitaine, the FN candidate ranked 4th in the 1st round behind the UDF candidate, but it was the FN candidate who advanced to the second round.

And why do some regions have run-offs with 3 candidates and others just with 2 candidates and in the case of Corse even more ? How is that determined how many candidates advance to round 2 ?

Maybe Hashemite knows more about that.

Theoretically, the threshold is 10% of votes cast (as opposed to registered voters), and if you break 5% your list can merge with another list to guarantee you, in some sort, councillors. That said, the EE lists and FG list qualified will merge with the PS (except Breizh, it seems) and in 2004 most UDF lists dropped out.

Filing stuff is entirely different from one round to another, there's no connection.

The UDF used to merge its lists with the UMP in the Second Round, so they became one list. The FN instead never does. An in Corse the threshold is smaller, to fit with the island's particular politics.

Careful now. In most regions, the UDF merged with the UMP (Aquitaine, IDF, BZH, Centre, Champagne etc). But in places like Basse-Normandie, Bourgogne; relations between UMP and UDF were so bad that they didn't merge but the UDF did not, for that matter, stay in the runoff.

Also, in Champagne and Midi, the Greenies didn't merge with the PS in 2004.

[Hash]

Comments:

Low turnout is the right's base in eastern Ille-et-Vilaine and other right-leaning areas. Confirms what everybody else saw in the country. It's probably the sign of major rural discontent with the UMP, as well.

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PS: no surprises, best results in working-class areas or rural leftie areas. Low results in central Bretagne, major cities due to regionalists and Greenies. Good results also in more swing areas in central northern Morbihan around Pontivy, it usually leans right but it is a swing area, and has been such for a long time.
EE: Rennes and its large suburbia, the wealthier parts of the Cote du granite rose in the Cotes-d'Armor (maybe 'algues vertes' played an effect here).
PB: Troadec's strong base in Carhaix and the area (it's from here that he really improved upon the PB's 2009 result), and the rest of the map is a map of the 'Bretonitude' of the area: traditionally Celtic and Breton-speaking areas for him, Gallo Bretagne less so.

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UMP: Wealthy areas, old reactionary right strongholds in the eastern reaches of Ille-et-Vilaine/Leon/parts of eastern Morbihan. Bad in cities in suburbia...
MoDem: friends-and-neighbors for Joncour around Saint-Brieuc. No centrist UDF pattern at all (all those have totally disappeared). Map of a joke party.
Laot: rural areas (shock!). I feel he could've done better overall, though.

Thanks for these maps, Fabien.

[big bad fab]

- Laot reached 15-20% in many small communes... That's pretty good.

But as soon as you are in a circle of 25 km of great cities or as soon as you are in small cities (look at Vitré...), he is between 0 and 1.5%.
In Ille-et-Vilaine, that's amazing.

- Joncour's result indeed shows how the MoDem has vanished in this election.
And still, nationally, this is a good result for the MoDem !!!

- As for "algues vertes", not in the core "côte de granit rose", because "algues vertes" are an issue more in the south of baie de Lannion, where EE isn't so strong. And in the east of baie de Saint-Brieuc, EE is even weak. In baie de Concarneau and baie de Douarnenez, it's not so clear.
So, this issue, though a mediatic one, doesn't seem to have played a big role for the Greens.
(Troadec has clearly been a nuisance for them, on the contrary; BTW, he's currently hesitating in his appeal to vote: he initially supported Le Drian but with a unified left list; now, he's "thinking").

[Hash]

Communal results of interest

Large cities:

Paris: UMP 28.95, PS 26.26, GRN 20.57, FG 6.11, FN 6.1, MODEM 3.96, DLR 2.92, NPA 2.34
Paris-2: GRN 28.94, PS 25.52, UMP 24.18, FG 5.21, MODEM 4.79, FN 4.45 (bobo)
Paris-16: UMP 60.53, PS 11.31, GRN 9.31, FN 7.06, DLR 3.91, MODEM 3.07 (snobs)
Paris-20: PS 30.69, GRN 24.62, UMP 14.86, FG 10.55, FN 6.5, NPA 3.84, MODEM 3.69 (poors)
Marseille: PS 29.6, UMP 22.37, FN 21.48, GRN 10.05, FG 7.2, NPA 2.72, MODEM 2.38
Marseille-4: UMP 32.9, PS 22.75, FN 16.73, GRN 13.41, FG 5.44, MODEM 2.73, AEI 2.29
Marseille-8: PS 39.44, FN 24.76, FG 11.28, UMP 10.06, GRN 5.84, NPA 3.51
Marseille Arr3: PS 40.24, FN 22.89, UMP 11.36, FG 8.91, GRN 5.92, NPA 5.01 (poorest)
Marseille Arr8: UMP 35.49, PS 21.32, FN 17.85, GRN 11.98, FG 5.14, MODEM 2.67 (wealthiest)
Lyon: UMP 28.54, PS 26.8, GRN 20.32, FN 9.77, FG 5.34, MODEM 4.89
Lyon-1: GRN 29.98, PS 28.04, UMP 18.73, FG 9.43, FN 4.97, MODEM 3.63, NPA 3.36 (bobo)
Lyon-2: UMP 40.37, PS 20.39, GRN 17.11, FN 10.79, MODEM 4.77, FG 3.38 (rich people)
Lyon-4: UMP 26.85, PS 25.83, GRN 25.47, FG 6.88, FN 6.86, MODEM 3.9 (bobo)
Lyon-6: UMP 45.04, PS 20.49, GRN 15.39, FN 9.29, MODEM 4.39, FG 2.9 (rich people)
Lyon-9: PS 31.19, UMP 20.79, GRN 20.66, FN 10.64, FG 5.78, MODEM 5.18 (gentrifying old working-class faubourg)
Toulouse: PS 35.06, UMP 22.38, GRN 18.88, FN 8.64, FG 7.61, MODEM 3.66
Nice: UMP 29.95, FN 23.14, PS 23.13, GRN 10.28, FG 4.94, MODEM 2.33
Nantes/Naoned: PS 36.5, UMP 27.17, GRN 18.47, FG 6.1, FN 4.92, MODEM 3.87, REG 2.06
Strasbourg: UMP 30.32, PS 29.08, GRN 18.51, FN 7.95, MODEM 3.65, FG 2.98, AA 2.57
Montpellier: DVG 40.73, UMP 13.86, GRN 12.62, PS 11.36, FN 7.5, FG 7.31, DVD 2.63, AEI 2.49
Bordeaux: PS 35.19, UMP 28.4, GRN 13.4, MODEM 6.78, FN 6.48, FG 5.64
Lille: PS 34.09, UMP 18.38, GRN 18.07, FN 11.79, FG 6.69, MODEM 4.64, NPA 3.19
Rennes/Roazhon: PS 39.68, UMP 21.1, GRN 17.96, PCF 4.83, MODEM 4.75, FN 4.51, NPA 2.9, REG 1.81
Le Havre: PS 29.95, UMP 24.48, FG 11.37, FN 10.66, DLR 5.36, NPA 2.63
Toulon: UMP 36.75, PS 23.14, FN 18.74, FG 4.39, MODEM 2.36, AEI 2.05
Grenoble: PS 27.6, EE 26.5, UMP 19.4, FN 8.9, FG 8.1, MODEM 4.47, NPA 2.87
Angers: UMP 35.66, PS 33.58, GRN 15.03, FN 5.47, FG 5.23, MODEM 3.92 (Bechu's city)

Cities of interest:

Pau: PS 34.43, UMP 21.65, MODEM 13.6, GRN 10.83, FN 7.86, FG 5.72, NPA 2.76
Bordères: PS 37.9, MODEM 31.53, FG 7.96, GRN 6.69, UMP 6.37 (Bayrou's village)
Fulleren: GRN 44.74, UMP 21.05, FN 15.79, PS 7.89, AA 3.95 (Waechter's village)
Mulhouse: UMP 24.17, PS 23.13, FN 19.17, GRN 15.04, AA 3.86, NPA 3.13, FG 3.09, MODEM 2.97, DVD 2.51 (Bockel's city)
Ajaccio: Renucci 21.58, REG 18.20, UMP 17.81, FG 10.55, NAT 9.78, FN 6.8, Zuccarelli 4.22, Giacobbi 3.96, MODEM 3.94
Bastia: Zuccarelli 28.65, REG 18.57, FG 13.75, UMP 10.23, NAT 8.83, Giacobbi 7.65, FN 4.7
Venaco: Giacobbi 65.01, UMP 11.85, REG 7.27, FG 4.21, NAT 4.97 (Giacobbi dynasty village)
Piano: REG 27.27, UMP 18.18, Giacobbi 18.18, FN 13.64, FG 9.09, AEI 9.09, NAT 4.55 (100% for Le Pen, April 21 2002)
Porto-Vecchio: REG 34.33, UMP 33.83, NAT 7.44, FG 6.88, MODEM 5.13, Giacobbi 3.57, FN 2.89 (Rocca Serra dynasty town)
Sartène: FG 31.49, MODEM 24.24, REG 14.38, UMP 12.79, NAT 6.87, Giacobbi 2.77, Zuccarelli 2.45 (Bucchini's town)
Calvi: UMP 52.27, REG 19.23, Giacobbi 8.99, FG 4.72, NAT 4.67, FN 3.74 (Ange Santini's town)
Villiers-le-Bel: PS 47.77, FN 13.62, UMP 13.49, GRN 8.04, FG 4.51, NPA 3.45 (Soumare's town)
Neuilly-sur-Seine: UMP 67.05, GRN 8.41, PS 7.81, FN 6.33, DLR 3.95, MODEM 2.75 (Sarko)
Yerres: DLR 49.78, PS 16.19, GRN 10.79, UMP 7.83, FN 5.33, FG 4.6, NPA 2.06 (NDA's town)
Béziers: UMP 34.44, DVG 26.26, FN 14.77, PS 6.7, FG 6.54, GRN 5.48, AEI 2.72 (Couderc's town)
Pézenas: DVG 32.97, UMP 21.15, FN 10.41, PS 8.61, FG 8.07, AEI 7.94, GRN 7.67 (Drevet's adopted town)
Palavas-les-Flots: DVD 51.72, DVG 18.32, FN 8.48, UMP 6.63, GRN 4.75, FG 3.66, PS 2.64 (Jeanjean's town, wealthy resort town)
Grabels: DVG 29.5, FG 24.26, UMP 17.13, GRN 8.37, FN 8.23, PS 6.91, AEI 2.6 (Revol's town, working-class suburb of Montpellier)
Carhaix-Plouguer: REG 42.38, PS 25.22, UMP 12.44, GRN 6.33, PCF 3.71, NPA 3.13, FN 2.86 (Troadec's town)
Saint-Brieuc: PS 32.92, MODEM 23.57, UMP 14.01, GRN 12.3, FN 4.95, PCF 4.47, NPA 3.52 (Joncour's town)
Trébeurden: PS 31.03, UMP 23.23, GRN 19.18, FN 6.23, MODEM 5.99, REG 3.87, NPA 3.02 (Hascoet's adopted town)
Hennebont: PS 30.64, PCF 21.01, UMP 17.47, GRN 12.4, FN 5.97, MODEM 3.32, NPA 3.18, REG 2.63 (PCF top candidate is mayor)
La Trinité-sur-Mer: UMP 49.83, PS 20.28, GRN 11.12, FN 8.81, MODEM 3.48, REG 2.43 (Le Pen's family hometown)
Lanildut: UMP 27.34, PS 27.1, GRN 13.32, rural 12.38, FN 6.07, REG 3.04, NPA 2.34, PCF 2.34 (Laot-rural list leader's hometown)
Douarnenez: PS 33.49, UMP 27.17, GRN 13.1, PCF 6.23, FN 5.31, REG 4.38 (first PCF commune in France, 1921)
Donzère: UMP 27.8, FN 23.25, PS 21.74, GRN 11.13, FG 5.2, MODEM 3.95, NPA 2.96 (Besson's village)
Hénin-Beaumont: FN 39.08, PS 27.27, GRN 10.1, FG 7.87, UMP 7.26, NPA 2.78, CNI 2.37
Saint-André-lez-Lille: MODEM 28.63, PS 22.71, UMP 16.53, GRN 12.16, FN 9.95, FG 5.29, NPA 2.21 (Henno-MoDem top candidate is mayor)
Saint-Amand-les-Eaux: FG 58.07, UMP 15.07, FN 9.92, PS 7.04, GRN 5.02 (Bocquet's town)
Calais: PS 21.75, FG 20.56, FN 18.67, UMP 16.96, GRN 9.54, NPA 4.22, MODEM 3.42, CNI 3.05
Chamalières: UMP 42.3, PS 19.92, GRN 15.39, FG 6.94, FN 6.56, MODEM 6.26 (Giscard family stronghold)
Saint-Amant-Roche-Savine: FG 60.92, UMP 11.49, FN 9.58, GRN 7.28, PS 5.75 (Chassaigne's town)
Vichy: UMP 40.77 (lol), PS 22.18, FN 13.39 (yeah...), GRN 10.03, FG 6.37, MODEM 3.8, NPA 2.72
Commentry: PS 36.86, UMP 23.4, FG 16.21, FN 6.9, GRN 6.02, NPA 5.81 (first socialist town in France, 1882 or something)
Massiac: UMP 44.51, UMP 35.56, GRN 5.49, MODEM 4.42, FN 4.18, FG 3.58 (Marleix's town)
Melle: PS 52.62, UMP 20.72, GRN 11.71, FG 5.16, FN 4.08 (Royal's stronghold)
Saint-Georges-de-Didonne: UMP 45.8, PS 28.03, GRN 10.51, FN 8.57, MODEM 3.13 (Bussereau's town)
Vitteaux: UMP 46, PS 34.5, FN 9.5, GRN 5.25, MODEM 2.75 (Sauvadet's town)
Saint-Pierre-des-Corps: FG 45.71, PS 17.63, GRN 10.88, UMP 10.9, FN 5.99, NPA 3.31, PDF 2.31 (Beaufils-FG top candidate in Centre's hometown, industrial suburb of Tours)

I have enough for now.

[Hash]

- Laot reached 15-20% in many small communes... That's pretty good.

But as soon as you are in a circle of 25 km of great cities or as soon as you are in small cities (look at Vitré...), he is between 0 and 1.5%.
In Ille-et-Vilaine, that's amazing.

Overall, he got 2.3%. I think he could have reaches 4-5% rather easily. The fact that he's dead in cities isn't surprising, really, of course, just like CPNT was dead in cities in its heyday.

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It's very interesting how little effect local environmental issues have for the Greenies (except maybe Notre-Dame-des-Landes - the Greenies won over 30% there), around nuclear plants, mediatic environmental problems or open-air trash cans etc. In some countries, a good part of the Green vote comes from areas with recent environmental or ecology-related problems.

[Hash]

Apparently talks between FG-NPA and the PS in Limousin have broken down and there will be triangulaire between PS, UMP and FG-NPA there. The PS didn't want an NPA candidate in an eligible spot.

In NPDC, talks are apparently resuming between the FG and PS, after the FG was rumoured to have walked out and ready to spark a quadrangulaire.

[Filuwaúrdjan]

The Plaid Llydaw map is interesting. Reminds me, just a little, of electoral patterns somewhere else...

[Antonio the Sixth]

Well... It's pretty stupid that they didn't merge their lists in Bretagne. Anyways, Le Drian will probably win without EE, and the only result will be that they will have less seats in the Council. A pity for them.

[Hash]

Well... It's pretty stupid that they didn't merge their lists in Bretagne. Anyways, Le Drian will probably win without EE, and the only result will be that they will have less seats in the Council. A pity for them.

Le Drian was giving them 10 seats, against 11 in 2004. Obviously, they had the honour to say no.

[Antonio the Sixth]

Well... It's pretty stupid that they didn't merge their lists in Bretagne. Anyways, Le Drian will probably win without EE, and the only result will be that they will have less seats in the Council. A pity for them.

Le Drian was giving them 10 seats, against 11 in 2004. Obviously, they had the honour to say no.

It all depends to the score they made (yeah, I'm to lazy to look at the results and see how much they would deserve with a proportional repartition), but yes, it seems a clear underrepresentation.

[Hash]

Well... It's pretty stupid that they didn't merge their lists in Bretagne. Anyways, Le Drian will probably win without EE, and the only result will be that they will have less seats in the Council. A pity for them.

Le Drian was giving them 10 seats, against 11 in 2004. Obviously, they had the honour to say no.

It all depends to the score they made (yeah, I'm to lazy to look at the results and see how much they would deserve with a proportional repartition), but yes, it seems a clear underrepresentation.

EE says they deserve 14-15.

[Math]

Paris: UMP 28.95, PS 26.26, GRN 20.57, FG 6.11, FN 6.1, MODEM 3.96, DLR 2.92, NPA 2.34
Paris-2: GRN 28.94, PS 25.52, UMP 24.18, FG 5.21, MODEM 4.79, FN 4.45 (bobo)
Paris-16: UMP 60.53, PS 11.31, GRN 9.31, FN 7.06, DLR 3.91, MODEM 3.07 (snobs)
Paris-20: PS 30.69, GRN 24.62, UMP 14.86, FG 10.55, FN 6.5, NPA 3.84, MODEM 3.69 (poors)

What I find amazing about Paris is not the high level of spatial polarization, but the fact it perpetuates despite social changes (gentryfication, boboisation). Exactly the opposite of Lyon.

[Hash]

As always, geoclip has results for almost every level: http://www.geoclip.fr/fr/

[Antonio the Sixth]

Well... It's pretty stupid that they didn't merge their lists in Bretagne. Anyways, Le Drian will probably win without EE, and the only result will be that they will have less seats in the Council. A pity for them.

Le Drian was giving them 10 seats, against 11 in 2004. Obviously, they had the honour to say no.

It all depends to the score they made (yeah, I'm to lazy to look at the results and see how much they would deserve with a proportional repartition), but yes, it seems a clear underrepresentation.

EE says they deserve 14-15.

Well, it's probably true. Not surprising from the PS : they praise Greens where they need them and bully them where they don't.

[Math]

Just a little question to our Breton secessionist, why is the PB so strong in Loire-Atlantique from Notre-Dame-des-Landes to the boundary since it seems significantly weaker on the other side of the Brittany border ?

[Hash]

Just a little question to our Breton secessionist, why is the PB so strong in Loire-Atlantique from Notre-Dame-des-Landes to the boundary since it seems significantly weaker on the other side of the Brittany border ?

I'm not a secessionist! I'm not sure with the PB did well in that area, it didn't do that well there in 2009 so it's either some sort of very local factor maybe surrounding the candidate, weird results caused by turnout or something else. I didn't think it can be because of the airport, that's the Green thing though I think Troadec opposed it as well.

[Hash]

News: there is finally no deal between FG and PS in Limousin, so a three-way there. No deal either in Picardie between FG (non-Gremetz, 5% or so) and the PS. And of course, l'exception bretonne for the PS-EE deal.

A new map, results by constituency:



lol at Marleix's base in Cantal. lol also at NDA's base in Yerres. Favourite son patterns to the max. The results around Saumur and Chateau-Gontier (the UMP deputy, Favennec, was on the UMP list, though) for the UMP are also interesting, as is Joyandet's strong showing in Pontarlier and Vesoul (where he's mayor) and also the UMP's strength in northern Bas-Rhin.

What is really amazing is how sh**t-poor the UMP did in Lorraine, it's quite shocking. Also, another thing to pick up is how poorly the UMP did out west. Auxiette and Beauvais are ahead of the UMP by the first round in their regions, showing a continuation of the recent turn to the left of the historically right-wing reactionary belt of the inner west.

As in 2004, the destruction of the UMP in working-class areas is shocking, though not unsurprising.

Lorraine, Midi and Bretagne are the 3 regions where the UMP did not win any constituency.

[MaxQue]

What happened to UMP in Lorraine? UMP is pretty good there usually, if I remember well.

[Filuwaúrdjan]

Lorraine is amazing. Marseille and surrounds too, actually. And three coalfield constituencies for the commie in Nord; not surprising (popular local deputy and all that) but interesting.

Oh, and Orne. Haha.