Labor Party Standing Committee thread: Endorsement voting

[© tweed]

the Communist Party of Atlasia (Marxist-Lenininst-Tweedist) says NO to the opportunist bourgeois parliamentarism of the Labor Party

[© tweed]

Tweed doesn't hate the players but hates the game.  Tweed created this game.  Tweed is self-loathing.

[© tweed]

Young Tweed would be delighted to engage in a dialogue with the social-democratic parliamentarians once they are through with writing their tome of a platform.

[© tweed]

Uh, why is everyone supporting Tweed?

you may as well ask why everyone is supporting zombie George Washington (should such a thing come to pass).

[© tweed]

I forecasted the exact complaints being made in this thread in my video, which I would urge all of you to watch and pay attention to.  your notion of 'treason' is absolute nonsense: THIS IS A GAME.  it is a game that is so far removed from what we want it to be, yet all of you feel this abstract loyalty to election calendars and failed structures.  have fun with it, while I, the Creator, now also take upon myself the role of the Savior.

any of your contributions to my project would be appreciated, and would benefit you in the long run.

also please note that I never called my project a 'revolution': the phrase was 'decisive, revolutionary break'.  I seek discontinuity.

[© tweed]

You guys better defeat the primary system, we have IRV voting for a reason.

I will abolish IRV via Executive Order.

[© tweed]

at the moment we need a Posters' Army, subservient to the dictates of Young Tweed.  once the proper structures are in place authority will devolve, first through a greater use of the democratic-centralist, and then with the ultimate goal being a web of spontaneous and autonomous relations.

[© tweed]

I am running for President on a left-wing but anti-Tweed platform. Do I have allies?

"It is always amusing for me to observe that even those who do not believe in your theories find it so difficult to resist your ideas that they use your terminology in their thoughts and speech when they are off guard."   --Einstein to Freud, 1932

[© tweed]

Voting has closed. The vote on endorsing the Napoleon/Kalwejt ticket is 3 in favor, 2 opposed, 2 abstentions, and 13 not voting.

quite a ringing endorsement.

[© tweed]

Young Tweed addresses the Left.

The daily struggle for reforms, for the amelioration of the condition of the workers within the framework of the existing social order, and for democratic institutions, offers to the Social-Democracy an indissoluble tie. The struggle for reforms is its means; the social revolution, its aim. Rosa Luxemberg, Reform or Revolution


Critics have noted the fantastic quality of my hitherto campaign.  An unapologetic disavowal of the Present, including its structures that are held so dear; and an emotional, though sometimes nebulous, fusion between the Old (ie, Atlasia before preferential voting spawned the UAC, Feb.-Apr. 2004) and an undefined Future.  This I referred to as “a systematic fusion of the reactionary-cultural with the revolutionary-political”.  This is the one-sentence definition of Tweedism, insofar as such a Symbolic construct can hold meaning.

And, of course, attempting to introduce a new system of thought that calls for nothing less than a disavowal of the present order, and naming it after myself, was bound to make a few enemies.  This is not a surprising occurrence; it’s been long accounted-for.  No, what may be a touch surprising to the untrained eye is that much of the resistance I face comes from within the ostensible ‘Left’.  

--

A crucial question: is this a time for Popular Frontism, or can we make-do with a split on the Left?  Here the lessons of the 1930s, and of the tragic Stalinist Third Period, hold enduring value.  It was through a split of the reformist- and –revolutionary left that fascism swept Europe.  And it was through the successive Inflection point of Popular Frontism that we saw the first building blocks of the welfare state and industrial unionism in the United States, that shook the bourgeois to its core (and led a more imaginative sect within the class to ponder an overt fascism, as we now see with Simfan’s entertainment of a Business Plot).

And here, I tell you plainly and openly, with a mix of dismay and emotional control: the conditions are not ripe for the Tweedist revolution.  This is clear.  I firmly believe that it is a historical and existential inevitability, that if Atlasia is to survive, it will have to become re-integrated with the community at-large, and will have to endure a serious and painful re-thinking of the structures it uses to define itself.  But, despite the pitiful turnout in the Midterms, and despite the success of Tweedism in altering the terms and conditions of discussion (I will note that the factions on the Left that oppose Tweedism, define themselves in large part through their explicit opposition), the structures by-and-large are holding on, will continue to exist in the immediate future, and must be confronted on their own totalitarian terms.

Another thing is painfully clear, and motivates this shift in Tweedism above all-else: imaginative solutions will not come from the Whig-Right.  Clarence’s useless, platitudinous ranting provides us will all the evidence we need to consider this a truism.  We must go on from here.

So with this, I call for the beginnings of a move towards a Left Popular-Frontism.  This beginning does not begin with resignation to preconceived points or ideas, it begins with a dialog.  And I extend an open invitation to a serious discussion between the Tweedists, the Labor Party, and the segment of the Liberal Party currently aligned with Napoleon, to develop a plan of action.

Verily,
Young Tweed.  

[© tweed]

I will run for the NE senate seat. Has this party already made an endorsement in that race?

sounds good, you're my pick bro.

[© tweed]

And so the Left divides again.

blame preferential voting.

[© tweed]

Young Tweed himself is right here: the only candidate who has even the most tedious understanding of the labor question, seeking any and all Labor Party members who are able and willing, and willing to take your questions.

[© tweed]

I think it's frankly disingenuous to characterise Tweed's candidacy as merely a "left-wing" one...

this is an important point: I have from the beginning hinted at the possibility that, within a purely Atlasian context, my candidacy is far-right.

[© tweed]

Young Tweed himself is right here: the only candidate who has even the most tedious understanding of the labor question, seeking any and all Labor Party members who are able and willing, and willing to take your questions.

Tweed you realize we are talking about the left trying to be somewhat united and you are on a whole different page

am I?

The daily struggle for reforms, for the amelioration of the condition of the workers within the framework of the existing social order, and for democratic institutions, offers to the Social-Democracy an indissoluble tie. The struggle for reforms is its means; the social revolution, its aim. Rosa Luxemberg, Reform or Revolution


Critics have noted the fantastic quality of my hitherto campaign.  An unapologetic disavowal of the Present, including its structures that are held so dear; and an emotional, though sometimes nebulous, fusion between the Old (ie, Atlasia before preferential voting spawned the UAC, Feb.-Apr. 2004) and an undefined Future.  This I referred to as “a systematic fusion of the reactionary-cultural with the revolutionary-political”.  This is the one-sentence definition of Tweedism, insofar as such a Symbolic construct can hold meaning.

And, of course, attempting to introduce a new system of thought that calls for nothing less than a disavowal of the present order, and naming it after myself, was bound to make a few enemies.  This is not a surprising occurrence; it’s been long accounted-for.  No, what may be a touch surprising to the untrained eye is that much of the resistance I face comes from within the ostensible ‘Left’. 

--

A crucial question: is this a time for Popular Frontism, or can we make-do with a split on the Left?  Here the lessons of the 1930s, and of the tragic Stalinist Third Period, hold enduring value.  It was through a split of the reformist- and –revolutionary left that fascism swept Europe.  And it was through the successive Inflection point of Popular Frontism that we saw the first building blocks of the welfare state and industrial unionism in the United States, that shook the bourgeois to its core (and led a more imaginative sect within the class to ponder an overt fascism, as we now see with Simfan’s entertainment of a Business Plot).

And here, I tell you plainly and openly, with a mix of dismay and emotional control: the conditions are not ripe for the Tweedist revolution.  This is clear.  I firmly believe that it is a historical and existential inevitability, that if Atlasia is to survive, it will have to become re-integrated with the community at-large, and will have to endure a serious and painful re-thinking of the structures it uses to define itself.  But, despite the pitiful turnout in the Midterms, and despite the success of Tweedism in altering the terms and conditions of discussion (I will note that the factions on the Left that oppose Tweedism, define themselves in large part through their explicit opposition), the structures by-and-large are holding on, will continue to exist in the immediate future, and must be confronted on their own totalitarian terms.

Another thing is painfully clear, and motivates this shift in Tweedism above all-else: imaginative solutions will not come from the Whig-Right.  Clarence’s useless, platitudinous ranting provides us will all the evidence we need to consider this a truism.  We must go on from here.

So with this, I call for the beginnings of a move towards a Left Popular-Frontism.  This beginning does not begin with resignation to preconceived points or ideas, it begins with a dialog.  And I extend an open invitation to a serious discussion between the Tweedists, the Labor Party, and the segment of the Liberal Party currently aligned with Napoleon, to develop a plan of action.

Verily,
Young Tweed. 

[© tweed]

Nix, you realize the Labor Party voted to endorse me before Seatown intervened right? And I accepted their soul-searching and offered Snowstalker my second preference immediately at his first candidacy but now I don't know what I plan to do. I have stuck by my word, can't say the same for others.

was that the 3-2 vote with 12 not voting?

[© tweed]

1. This party never even tentatively endorsed Tweed. I tentatively endorsed Tweed because I was given to understand that he had a better idea of what he was doing than he did. There was, rightly, a rebellion within the party and I, I think rightly, backed down when I realized that I was wrong and most of the party was right.

this I do not like.  if I ran a contained and boring campaign like my opponents it would be easy to wear a veil of teflon, never make an error.  I will make errors!  but I will act, I am nebulous, not a formed commodity packaged for the June election.  try, fail, try again, it works, try again.  Permanent Revolution to Trotsky, 'Begin at the Beginning' from Lenin.