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Cathcon
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« Reply #75 on: July 23, 2013, 08:26:28 PM »

Nice work Cath!

BTW: Have you been reading my MacKenzie timeline?  (Shameless plug)

Thank you! And yes. However, it seems you stopped work.

Also, I'm planning on using MacKenzie as a nemesis to Mattingly. That good with you?
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« Reply #76 on: July 23, 2013, 08:27:25 PM »

Seems like three's a company in Wyoming - would be interesting to see a free-for-all gubernatorial primary, though that isn't very plausible.

Not sure if I overlooked this, but has Mattingly gone into self-employment or is he still working at Ford?
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« Reply #77 on: July 24, 2013, 08:29:09 PM »

Seems like three's a company in Wyoming - would be interesting to see a free-for-all gubernatorial primary, though that isn't very plausible.

Not sure if I overlooked this, but has Mattingly gone into self-employment or is he still working at Ford?

Mattingly had to let Ford go in order to make the move to Wayne and go to college on a more full-time schedule. Since then he's worked at Ted Constantine's garage, taking on more responsibility especially as Constantine ages, and with his business degree near complete, he'll be heading off to manage a new "branch" that's being opened up thanks to growing business and an opening for expansion.
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Oldiesfreak1854
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« Reply #78 on: July 24, 2013, 08:39:34 PM »

Nice work Cath!

BTW: Have you been reading my MacKenzie timeline?  (Shameless plug)

Thank you! And yes. However, it seems you stopped work.

Also, I'm planning on using MacKenzie as a nemesis to Mattingly. That good with you?
Sure, whatever you want.
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« Reply #79 on: August 01, 2013, 09:30:55 AM »

Southern Man - Brewer and Baker

January 4th, 1979: Newly sworn-in Senate Majority Leader Howard H. Baker, Jr., tapped his fingers on the arm rest as he waited outside the Oval Office. It was his second day leading the Senate--the first Republican leader since 1955--and the nation's new President decided to meet with its new Senate Majority Leader. When Baker saw Secretary of State Jefferson Dent exit--"Ten years in the Senate and he becomes Secretary of State!"--and he got up to enter.

Despite how they would find themselves positioned over the next few years, the two had more in common than their party labels suggested. Both Brewer and Baker, despite being moderates, had succeeded in Southern states. Both were centrists and had records of supporting civil rights. While Brewer's relationship with House Speaker Tip O'Neill would be frosty over the course of his presidency, he found himself preferring the company of Baker and some of Brewer's own Southern moderates to that of a majority of his caucus, and with Baker's status as "The Great Conciliator", things would run more smoothly between Brewer and Republican leadership than with the Democrats.


Among the things on the agenda for the first meeting between Brewer and Baker would be Brewer's selection of a Vice President, how to handle inflation, and SALT II negotiations. "I've been looking at a number of possibilities", began the President, "Coming in right before the mid-terms, when I was given the possibility of appointing my own Vice President, I wanted to respect the will of the people as expressed last November. Daniel Inouye--Hawaiin, war hero, and someone who's respected across the aisle. He's prepared to be appointed very soon." Baker shrugged and said "While I doubt all of my caucus will love the choice, he certainly is respected by nearly everyone in the chamber. This shouldn't be a partisan thing and I'd be happy to help his confirmation."

On the issue of the economy, the main focus was on inflation: "This is a step Kennedy put off for years and something Nixon expanded drastically. Interest rates have been far lower than they should have been and for several years." said the President in a 'Yankified' Southern drawl, "This won't be a popular decision--my predecessor knew this. Kennedy early on intended that he would tighten the monetary supply, but merely wait for the most politically opportune time. This, in theory, would have happened in 1977 or 1978. However, due to the scandals that arose early on in his second term, that obviously never happened. What I'm saying to you now is that there will be no better time. There is always an election around the corner. Better to nip this in the bud. In any case, what is projected to happen is a government-induced recession. It will not be easy, hardly the halcyon days imagined by the hippies that elected Bobby. Instead, that is the path we have to take if we want an easy end to this 'stagflation' business." Baker merely nodded. It seemed more than anything that Brewer wanted someone to confide in over the problems of his office, the bag full of crap that Kennedy'd handed him on the way out.

When it came to SALT II, which was still in the works and might be for a while, Baker offered little in terms of support, though he did promise to attempt to keep his caucus civilized, and agreed with Brewer's ideal of diplomacy backed up by strong conventional forces and remained mum in terms of opposition. When the meeting ended an hour and a half after Baker first walked in, the President felt a bit more reassured about having at least one friend in the Senate, and Baker felt a bit more powerful. Nevertheless, Baker's duties as Majority Leader would take up a good deal of his time, and his presidential ambitions would have to be curtailed for the time being. 1980 would not be his year.
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« Reply #80 on: August 01, 2013, 08:19:12 PM »

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Oldiesfreak1854
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« Reply #81 on: August 02, 2013, 09:41:48 AM »

I thought you said before that Mattingly voted for Milliken in 1978.
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Oldiesfreak1854
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« Reply #82 on: August 02, 2013, 09:42:28 AM »

I thought you said before that Mattingly voted for Milliken in 1978.  And why is Griffin's name in bold?  He lost in 1978.
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Dallasfan65
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« Reply #83 on: August 02, 2013, 04:50:48 PM »

I thought you said before that Mattingly voted for Milliken in 1978.  And why is Griffin's name in bold?  He lost in 1978.

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« Reply #84 on: August 02, 2013, 07:31:46 PM »

I thought you said before that Mattingly voted for Milliken in 1978.  And why is Griffin's name in bold?  He lost in 1978.

Check the '78 Senate map, bro. And I'll have to go and correct that if Mattingly voted Milliken. When I read Fitz's ourcampaigns.com page, I was like "Seems Mattingly'd vote for him."
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Oldiesfreak1854
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« Reply #85 on: August 04, 2013, 07:36:20 AM »

I thought you said before that Mattingly voted for Milliken in 1978.  And why is Griffin's name in bold?  He lost in 1978.

Check the '78 Senate map, bro. And I'll have to go and correct that if Mattingly voted Milliken. When I read Fitz's ourcampaigns.com page, I was like "Seems Mattingly'd vote for him."
OK.  I kind of thought the same thing.  You know I wouldn't have voted for him, of course, even if he was more conservative than Milliken. Wink
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Cathcon
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« Reply #86 on: August 04, 2013, 11:43:48 AM »

I thought you said before that Mattingly voted for Milliken in 1978.  And why is Griffin's name in bold?  He lost in 1978.

Check the '78 Senate map, bro. And I'll have to go and correct that if Mattingly voted Milliken. When I read Fitz's ourcampaigns.com page, I was like "Seems Mattingly'd vote for him."
OK.  I kind of thought the same thing.  You know I wouldn't have voted for him, of course, even if he was more conservative than Milliken. Wink

Naturally. And Mattingly had a track record of voting against Milliken to uphold. Wink
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Oldiesfreak1854
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« Reply #87 on: August 04, 2013, 05:23:24 PM »

I thought you said before that Mattingly voted for Milliken in 1978.  And why is Griffin's name in bold?  He lost in 1978.

Check the '78 Senate map, bro. And I'll have to go and correct that if Mattingly voted Milliken. When I read Fitz's ourcampaigns.com page, I was like "Seems Mattingly'd vote for him."
OK.  I kind of thought the same thing.  You know I wouldn't have voted for him, of course, even if he was more conservative than Milliken. Wink

Naturally. And Mattingly had a track record of voting against Milliken to uphold. Wink
Are you going to check to see if you need to correct anything?
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« Reply #88 on: August 04, 2013, 05:41:36 PM »
« Edited: August 04, 2013, 05:44:16 PM by The Crucifixion of the Roman »

I thought you said before that Mattingly voted for Milliken in 1978.  And why is Griffin's name in bold?  He lost in 1978.

Check the '78 Senate map, bro. And I'll have to go and correct that if Mattingly voted Milliken. When I read Fitz's ourcampaigns.com page, I was like "Seems Mattingly'd vote for him."
OK.  I kind of thought the same thing.  You know I wouldn't have voted for him, of course, even if he was more conservative than Milliken. Wink

Naturally. And Mattingly had a track record of voting against Milliken to uphold. Wink
Are you going to check to see if you need to correct anything?

The update with the '78 Senate elections doesn't mention Mattingly's gubernatorial vote. To my knowledge, he's vote for the Democratic nominee in both '70 and '74, though I'll check on that. EDIT: doesn't look like I made one for '74. Will edit one in.
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« Reply #89 on: August 05, 2013, 09:22:47 PM »
« Edited: December 13, 2013, 03:03:28 PM by Cathcon »

Sweet Home Alabama - The Times and Trials of President Brewer

Daniel Inouye, a Senator since 1963, political leader in his state since 1953, and a World War II veteran with a near-unassailable record, was easily confirmed as the 41st Vice President of the United States of America on January 8th, 1979. Despite some questions about his eligibility due to having been born in Hawaii pre-statehood, they were easily quelled with his defenders pointing to the examples of the Founding Fathers, Hiram Fong--who'd received votes at two previous RNC's--and the constitution as reason for allowing Inouye's confirmation. With few able to question his patriotism after hearing his oft-repeated tale of serve in the second World War, he was quickly given a near-unanimous confirmation as Vice President.

However, Brewer would not find himself so lucky on other issues. While Treasury Secretary Russell Long would cleverly guide the new President away from cutting several water projects and damaging "pork" directed at the Gulf area, he would be unable to fully curb Brewer's anti-earmark and anti-inflationary instincts and relations between the White House and Congress would sour. As was expected, the Southerner Brewer and the Northern Catholic, Speaker Tip O'Neill, would butt heads. With O'Neill leading a still-powerful Democratic House despite the nation's Republican drift in the mid-terms, several of Brewer's cost-cutting initiatives when it came to pork-barrel spending would see failure, though the Presidential veto remained strong. Working, however, with Howard Baker, Republicans, and Southern and suburban Democrats, he managed to sign the Airline Deregulation Act of 1979. While other deregulatory initiatives would see failure, it would be one of the President's few legislative policy successes. The opposition to his measures would lead Brewer to seek out a centrist coalition comprised of moderates from both parties in order to haggle his way to narrow success on a number of other bills. Among them would be the federal government's first civil service reform in over 100 years. His other accomplishments would all be in the area of taking on waste and cronyism in Washington, akin to how he had done so in Alabama. These actions that were often violently opposed by even his own cabinet members, though would be later praised by even his harsher critics on the Republican side.

Foreign policy, meanwhile, would provide the most visible sign of the failure and collapse of the Brewer administration. While Brewer had continued to proudly continue SALT negotiations with Secretary of State Jefferson Dent leading the charge, and success seemed to be nearing, all of that would go to waste with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in April, 1979. With Republicans practically calling for Brezhnev's head, the President's progress seemed all for naught. In a speech on the floor of the Senate, Senator Bob Dole, Republican of Kansas, proclaimed "In a world where our greatest rival and our greatest partner in negotiations for the past decades decided to blatantly violate international peace, it seems absurd that the United States should even consider to surrender parts of its nuclear arsenal." Dole's words would be among the most civil uttered from the Republicans on the issue. Public approval for SALT sank, and to combat it publicly, President Brewer enacted a grain embargo on the Soviet Union, took away Soviet fishing rights in U.S. waters, and--in an act that nearly triggered Dent's resignation over what he called "idiotic Hell raising"--he announced that the United States would boycott the 1980 United States Moscow Olympics. Meanwhile, the SALT talks were scrapped completely by the fall of 1979. Inside the White House, National Security Adviser Cyrus Vance would resign to be replaced by the more anti-communist Zbigniew Brzezinski. While there were whisperings that Dent himself would be gone, Brewer still trusted his fellow Alabaman with the reigns of diplomacy and dispatched him to attempt to smooth things over with the Soviets and try to bring an air of normalcy back to diplomatic relations, to little avail. Covertly, the United States began funding the Mujahideen at the advice of Brzezinski, creating a proxy-war in Afghanistan.

Above: Jefferson Dent, Brewer's Secretary of State and an ally since the beginning of the decade, picture in between heated discussions with Soviet representatives following the invasion of Afghanistan in April, 1979.

As another sign of the heating Cold War situation, Brewer nixed plans to draw down troops in South Korea and signed some of the first increases to military spending in a number of years for the 1980 budget. Nevertheless, the President, committed to nuclear disarmament, insisted in nevertheless decreasing the nation's missile supply, "to set an example of what this nation and this world expects from its leading powers."

On August 6th, 1979, a new Federal Reserve Chairman was inaugurated. Paul Volcker, a Democrat, nevertheless pledged to curb the money supply and raise federal interest rates, advice that, less than a decade ago, had been pushed by conservatives to President Nixon. The subsequent government-caused recession that would peak with unemployment over 10% angered several members of the Democratic rank-and-file that, as a force of habit, supported more Keynesian measures. With tensions with his fellow Democrats already at an all-time high, Brewer nevertheless pushed forward, privately unhappy to see his Presidency going down the tubes, but all the more resolved to solve the problems Kennedy had left him.

As the year drew to a close, Brewer found himself in far worse a position than the one he had started with. As a newly-inaugurated President, he had resumed the SALT II talks that had stalled with Kennedy's resignation, had pledged a new era of good government, and had looked to forge a path that bowed neither to the far right or radical left. What resulted, instead, was a United States that seemed both overly aggressive and willfully weak, a White House that was consistently juxtaposed to members of the same party in Congress, and an economy that seemed to have a bright side only to detached monetarist economists. Thus, it was small wonder when two big-name challengers emerged to give Brewer a run for his money.

Representing both labor and hawks, Senator Henry "Scoop" Jackson of Washington was waging an aggressive and well-funded campaign criticizing Brewer's "economic defeatism and weakness in dealing with the Soviet Union". While Jackson was uncharismatic and wooden on the stump, this was supplemented with backing both from labor and his Senate colleagues. It was rumored that Ted Kennedy, who due to his brother's shenanigans was keeping a low public profile for the time being, privately supported Jackson and that O'Neill was lining up support from his House subjects. Meanwhile, representing the "New Left", "Kennedycrats", and the West, former Secretary of State George McGovern was using grassroots left-wing activists as well as Hollywood's most famous names to fight viciously for the soul of the Democratic party. With both the party's right and left in opposition to him, and with both his own country and the entire globe in rebellion to his will, Brewer announced that both he and Vice President Inouye would seek re-election.
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« Reply #90 on: August 10, 2013, 06:38:14 AM »

I like Inouye's selection as VP, even though it probably mean his senatorial career is probably over.

Also Purple heart the pic Cheesy
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« Reply #91 on: August 28, 2013, 02:54:06 PM »

Sorry, folks. While I would love to continue to develop the narrative of not just my character but all this timeline's characters, college may be too much of a burden for me to do that. No idea on when I'll be able to next update this. Peace out.
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« Reply #92 on: September 01, 2013, 10:10:52 PM »
« Edited: September 01, 2013, 10:17:14 PM by Former Acting Governor Cathcon (F-ME) »

Prom

April 27th, 1979. Dick Hudson couldn't help but grin ear to ear. He was sweating in the suit, nervous as all Hell, the tie just a bit too tight, his glasses slightly fogging, and his hair starting to shift out of place and into his eyes. And yet he grinned. Here he was, the Class of 1979's prom, arm-in-arm with the girl of his dreams. "One of the problems here," a friend had told him, "is that you two, you aren't even really in the same social groups. Sure, we're all friends here, but what you're gonna try to do, that'll be unexpected." Dick was finding himself very glad having ignored his friend's advice.

He stood atop the stairs, beaming in triumph, knees almost knocking with nervousness as he walked her down to the eating area. Sarah Madigan. He repeated it in his head "Sarah f#cking Madigan." By what he considered an objective measure (his eyes), the hottest girl in his class no doubt. And for all he could care, the entire world. Sarah f#cking Madigan. And he was going to prom with her. He escorted her over to the table they'd been assigned, pulled back her chair, and placed it so he could sit. Only then did he withdraw his own chair to take his place to her left. The food was unworthy of note, the conversation filled with frequent laughs, though nothing significant. The temperature, awful. None of that mattered tonight though. Sarah f#cking Madigan.

Coming into high school, Dick had the luxury of knowing roughly 90% of people there. She was a new student at the time. Nevertheless, she quickly made friends with everyone, including the quasi-introverted Hudson. Not particularly used to girls talking to him instead of the other way around, he easily fell for her. As the years passed, he'd watched her cycle through a few different boyfriends, all socially a bit higher-up than Dick or anyone he regularly spoke with. However, he was able to maintain a friendly relationship with her, and he'd had the good sense to join sports such as track & field that she also joined. All the while, the idea of this likely impossible end goal drove every single interaction with her, from something as benign as borrowing a pencil to practically writing her assignments for her. However, with the surprise ending of a relationship mere weeks before prom, Hudson had been given an opportunity fro on high. "It's not like she hasn't been dropping signals all week." he confided to a friend as they walked towards his car after a track meet. A natural observer, and someone who spent a lot of time thinking, young Richard Hudson would finally make the fateful decision to ask Sarah f#cking Madigan to the 1979 prom. "Hell, if it weren't for this, I'd probably be trying to see a movie that night," he told the same friend.

He was still incredibly surprised when she said "Yes." The succeeding rush to find a tuxedo--no such luck--and to make preparations to finally have a chance with what he considered the girl of his dreams was a blur. Finally he settled on his one suit, a blue and green tie of his, and was ready. Smirking looking back on it, he'd say "I looked completely f#cking ridiculous. This stupid kid, suit that doesn't fit. And that stupid tie! Meanwhile, those huge glasses and that late 70's hair." She, on the other hand, looked like the most beautiful thing he'd ever seen. He dress was simple, yet elegant, he hair the best example of looking good during the 70's. These were phrases Hudson would repeat in the years to come, recounting that night.

His own dancing was mediocre, he not being a person that saw much use in moving one's feet in any particular pattern, but he nevertheless enjoyed himself, watching her writhing body in front of him. "I was utterly captivated." Sarah f#cking Madigan. The after party was a bit of a shock to him. A nerd of sorts who, all his life, had largely put the girls he'd liked on a pedestal above him in his mind, he wasn't used to the idea that such a girl could drink. She could and she'd done it in the past. This was his first time getting drunk with her, however. Regardless of how people joked, however, no "thing" happened that night. Loud music--"Evil Woman" by ELO--drinks, dancing, yelling. Hudson was still grinning like an idiot as he smoked his 6th cigar of the "night" as he saw the sun creep over the horizon, she beside him on the curb, her blonde locks splayed across his left shoulder, almost asleep.

At around ten A.M. or so, he drove her home. There would be class next week, track meets in the future. He drove to his own house still smirking. "The best night of my life, by far." he told friends later that day. He would later modify the title for Prom, 1979. "The first day of the rest of my life", he'd say in the future. For a young Dick Hudson, things were looking up.
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Oldiesfreak1854
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« Reply #93 on: September 03, 2013, 07:02:06 PM »

Great job!  I can't wait to see how Hudson gets involved with Mattingly later.
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« Reply #94 on: September 19, 2013, 07:11:17 PM »

I'm thinking like, maybe I should update this at some point? I dunno. With my schedule, my day's pretty clear unless some unexpected socializing comes up which is quite likely. Especially with November apparently being "write a novel" month, I should probably warm up my writing chops.
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« Reply #95 on: September 21, 2013, 07:38:05 PM »

I'm thinking like, maybe I should update this at some point? I dunno. With my schedule, my day's pretty clear unless some unexpected socializing comes up which is quite likely. Especially with November apparently being "write a novel" month, I should probably warm up my writing chops.
I know what you mean.  I need to get back to my timeline at some point, too.
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« Reply #96 on: September 24, 2013, 01:58:23 AM »
« Edited: September 24, 2013, 01:34:47 PM by Cathcollegecon »

The 1980 Democratic Primaries, Part I

President Brewer, who had headed a largely moderate—though divisive—policy as president, would find himself facing challenges from both his right and his left. Senator Henry M. Jackson, a Cold War hawk who had been a firm opponent of President Kennedy on foreign policy matters and had raised Hell early on for Kennedy’s amnesty for draft dodgers, was making another go at the presidency. Eight years earlier he’d been an unsuccessful contender, garnering a mere 3% of the primary vote. Now, with a weak incumbent and his age starting to catch up with him, 1980 might be the Washington Senator’s last chance. While “Scoop’s”—as Jackson was affectionately called—foreign policy would hit Brewer’s right flank, he would also position himself to the President’s left on economic matters, currying favor with unions in industrial states. Jackson would go as far as to put forward a New Deal-esque “full employment” platform plank in the spirit of the late Hubert H. Humphrey.

President Brewer would find himself facing intra-party foes on both his right and left as he sought election in his own right in 1980.

It would be former Secretary of State George McGovern that took up the cause of the “Kennedycrats”. Economically to the former President’s left, McGovern nonetheless was the obvious heir to Kennedy’s coalition of minorities and young voters that had propelled him through the primaries in 1972. McGovern, who had been a Kennedy supporter in both 1968 and 1972, had foregone a run of his own for several years. In a similar predicament as Jackson and with a full head of steam building up behind the idea of a left-wing grassroots campaign, the idea for McGovern to challenge Brewer seemed obvious. While Jackson racked up endorsements from “big labor”, it would be McGovern that sought out the support of fellow liberals. Senator Christopher Garrett of Vermont would be one of the first to fall in line behind the South Dakotan. Shortly after would be former Secretary of Labor Caesar Chavez. Jefferson Dent, whose political sympathies were more in line with McGovern, would nonetheless refuse to get involved in the three-way race due to his position as Secretary of State and loyalty to his fellow Alabaman Brewer. More economically moderate “Kennedycrats” such as Seantor Gary Hart of Colorado would as well choose to sit on the sidelines rather than back one of the President’s challengers. The only one to get involved would be Montana’s Scott Westman who gleefully endorsed McGovern over “the good ol’boy” from Alabama, despite what some would call Westman’s economic “conservatism”. Some had even pushed for the charismatic Montanan to run himself, but he backed off. “With the state the Democratic party’s in right now,” he would comment half-jokingly, “I’ll have plenty of chances to run in an open field soon enough.”

George McGovern's campaign would benefit both from left-wing activists alienated by the moderate policies of the last eight years as well as "Kennedycrats"--social and foreign policy liberals opposed to Brewer's centrist policies.

The first contest of the race would be the Iowa Caucuses. The state where, eight years ago, Robert F. Kennedy had taken home victory, it could prove an important indicator of the way the race would shape. While Brewer in theory could appeal to the farm vote in the state, the caucus was dominated by doves and grassroots left-wing activists. With McGovern from neighboring South Dakota able to easily shovel in volunteers and command a ground campaign, he had the obvious advantage and it paid off with a first place victory over Brewer with Jackson coming in an unimpressive third. However, Brewer had hardly placed his hopes on Iowa. New Hampshire, which had been involved in the nominating process much longer, would prove much more crucial in the eyes of his campaign. Emphasizing his moderate record in a state known for its fiscal conservatism, it was hoped that the Southerner could nonetheless convinced New England to support him. Polls leading up to the primary showed a Brewer victory and it was believed the President would be back on track to an easy nomination. However, in a surprise, Jackson would walk away with the Granite State’s delegates. Having worked hard to shovel in Catholics and blue collar workers, hard campaigning by former Governor John W. King, and with McGovern siphoning off left-wing support for Brewer, Jackson was able to narrowly overcome his own President. Rumors circulating that Ted Kennedy preferred either Jackson or McGovern to Brewer didn’t hurt, and would hopefully--for the Jackson campaign--help in other New England. On the same day as New Hampshire, McGovern walked away with an easy win in Minnesota, and Jackson had, two weeks prior, won the Maine Caucus with little opposition from Brewer. Going into March, Brewer had no wins under his belt despite his status as an incumbent, and his opposition was gathering strength.

Senator Henry M. Jackson, a foreign policy hawk and self-styled New Deal liberal, would attempt to build a coalition of conservatives, anti-communists, Catholics, unions, and moderates to unseat Brewer. He would benefit greatly from a surprise victory in the New Hampshire primary.

With Massachusetts and Vermont approaching, it'd be up to Brewer to attempt to maintain relevance and momentum until the March 11th Southern primaries.

Green - Former Secretary of State George McGovern of South Dakota
Blue - Senator Henry M. Jackson of Washington
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« Reply #97 on: September 24, 2013, 02:39:36 PM »
« Edited: September 24, 2013, 08:20:01 PM by Cathcollegecon »

The 1980 Republican Primaries Part I

Since Election Day, 1976, several Republicans had been warming up for what they hoped would be a victorious candidacy in 1980. The obvious choice for the Republican nomination was Senator Bob Dole. Rising from a one-armed World War II veteran to a Kansas representative, a Nixon "hatchet man" and finally the 1976 Republican nominee for Vice President, Dole's center-right voting record and appeal to poorer rural voters were seen as assets. Obviously not an associate of far right "Goldwaterites" but by no means a liberal Republican, it was believed Dole could forge a "Nixonian" path to the nomination, between whatever candidates the conservative and liberal wings respectively put forward. Over the last four years, Dole had worked to expand his political brand, keynoting dinners across the nation and especially in important early primary states. His speeches would range from a Disraeli-hosted conference on civil liberties where he lambasted the soon-to-be ex-President Kennedy on constitutional violations through wire-tapping of political opponents, to a meeting of rust belt labor unions where he opposed "the reckless Democratic movements towards free trade". Patrick J. Buchanan, who had made the far-sighted decision to sign onto the Dole campaign early, would head the "conservative Democrats" division. "Since the late 1960's, blue collar Democrats have felt more and more alienated by their own party. While Nixon attempted to bite into this bloc, he did so unsuccessfully. Connally was the wrong man to try this in 1976, with his connections to 'big oil'. What our man, Dole, has is a unique opportunity to permanently expand the Republican base. Blue collar workers hasve been turned off by the seeming obsession the Kennedycrats have developed with free trade. The obvious corruption Kennedy displayed in his last years in office didn't help, and Brewer has made few concessions to labor. Should McGovern or Brewer be nominated, and we put forward Dole, this could be a significant realignment and we'd be fools to waste the opportunity." Political scientists would credit Buchanan's division of the campaign as it came into play in the general election for important political changes that would come into effect over the next three decades.

To many, Bob Dole was the "obvious choice" for the Republican nomination in 1980. With his status as 1976's Vice Presidential nominee, his unquestionable service in World War II, his own humble roots, and a campaign designed to appeal to a broad spectrum of the population, the race would be Dole's to lose.

However, Dole was hardly the only candidate in the race. Also from the wreckage of 1976 emerged the libertarian-leaning Beauregard Disraeli of Wyoming. The last four years had made his message of limited government seem all the more poignant and rumors had it that Disraeli was laying important groundwork for an upset in New Hampshire. Despite frequent questions rising as to his religious affiliation and his radical political associations, the charismatic (opponents said "Hitleresque") Senator was able to dodge such accusations.

While some "movement conservatives" might have decided to fall in line with Disraeli, viewing him as the proper heir to Goldwater's legacy of limited government, they were hardly in the majority. Instead, another Sun Belt conservative, from a state not entirely unlike Goldwater's, would find himself inheriting significant conservative momentum. While it could be said that the base would be unwilling to nominate another Texas conservative, his man's supporters were mute to the idea. Two term Governor Hank Grover, a "dyed in the wool" conservative from the Lone Star State, was determined to take his career national. After an upset win against incumbent Governor Dolph Briscoe in 1974, he'd worked to build the Republican coalition in Texas alongside John Tower and George Bush. Like Disraeli, he too would attempt to gain momentum in New Hampshire thanks to his anti-tax and pro-gun platform. However, few expected him to succeed outside the South.

Bringing up the fourth wing of the party, outside the "centrists", libertarians, and conservatives, would be Senator Lowell Weicker of Connecticut. With his colleague Thomas J. Meskill tied up in a race for re-election, the ambitious Weicker saw an opportunity to jump into the primaries. To the left of a good member of his caucus, Weicker was nonetheless a loud voice in his party. Expecting a Republican victory in November, Weicker's next opportunity to run would likely be in 1988, when he would himself be pursuing re-election for his Senate seat. Rather than waste the opportunity, the Senator was hoping to build a coalition that combined Evans' and Meskill's supporters to defeat "the far right direction of this party".

Lowell P. Weicker, the liberal senior Republican Senator from Connecticut, would find himself the ideological successor to candidates like Nelson Rockefeller, Pete McCloskey, and Daniel Evans in seeking the Republican nomination for President. While it would be said that he was a candidate out of his time--"the last time a liberal like Weicker could've won was twenty years ago!"--the candidate would run an aggressive and well-funded campaign, its wheels greased by rich New England and New York donors with connections to the banking and technology industries.

The first contest would be Iowa, where Dole scored an easy 35% victory over his opponents. Coming from the nearby Kansas and with his support for resuming grain sales to the Soviet Union, the choice for many Iowans was obvious. A day later in Hawaii, with significant support from retirees, veterans, and military voters, Dole won with over 40%. With February starting, a number of minor contests would take place in which the other candidates would hope to play catch-up. Weicker would take Maine, Grover Arkansas, and Disraeli would take his home state of Wyoming with 56%. Dole would make a strong showing there nonetheless, almost completely overshadowing the others for second place. The New Hampshire primary, taking place on February 26th, would easily seal the deal for Dole. To Dole's campaign, the rural state should be perfect for the Kansas Senator. However, he was hardly the only one contending there. Weicker's appeal to New England moderates was an obvious threat, as was Texan money flowing in for the Grover campaign. However, every observer would be stunned when Disraeli, in a surprise, took the Granite State with less than 30% of the vote. In his victory speech, the Wyoming Senator would compare his victory to Eugene McCarthy's near-victory twelve years earlier. "In this very state, the citizens attempted to stand up to a government of hatred, statism, and oppression. While Senator Eugene McCarthy would fail to gain victory, his surprise showing would open the door to the prospect of unseating Lyndon Johnson. This victory shall serve the same purpose as we take our message to the Republican National Convention and then finally to the United States of America. The blatant attempts at socialism and statism coming from Washington D.C. have long awaited their stopping, and now it is time." Dole, for his part, won the Minnesota Caucuses easily. While he'd won more states than any of his opponents, with Southern primaries approaching and a loss in New Hampshire, everything was up in the air.

Blue - Senator Robert J. Dole of Kansas
Green - Senator Lowell Weicker of Connecticut
Red - Governor Henry "Hank" Grover of Texas
Yellow - Senator Beauregard Disraeli of Wyoming
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Oldiesfreak1854
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« Reply #98 on: September 24, 2013, 07:06:17 PM »

Dole's middle initial is actually J (for Joseph.)
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« Reply #99 on: September 24, 2013, 09:03:06 PM »

Dole's middle initial is actually J (for Joseph.)

Thanks for the correction, dawg. I don't know why I associate certain folks' names with wrong middle initials. Went like that for me and the Gores as well.
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