Paint it Red: The Rise of the American Left (1908-1932)

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New Police Vehicles and Uniforms, Paid for with Davey Law Subsidies

  McAdoo was most unfortunate to become president in such a way. He had privately hoped to one day win the seat in the Oval Office, but only after succeeding a popular outgoing, two-term President Fitzgerald in 1929. Fawning over the luck of easy Republican wins in the second half of the nineteenth century, McAdoo had hoped to one day lead a successful and prosperous nation into an era of continued political stability after a comfortable run as Secretary of State.

  Instead, McAdoo now was thrust into the presidency, designated with the mission to ease a divided, unsettled nation. His first official act as president was secretly opening a line of communication with Russia. He had concerns that the Soviets may have had a hand in the death of Fitzgerald, and requested an audience with Premier Lenin.

  He would discover that Lenin was actually quite sick from a series of strokes, and was not expected to live out the year. There seemed to be an inevitable power struggle in Russia's future, and McAdoo's advisers did not believe that a nation in such a shape would be committing acts of espionage. Although no solid information was reached through this move, this communication line would remain open for the foreseeable future.

  President McAdoo, as he would reveal decades later, believed that there had been foul play in Fitzgerald's death, and spent much of December looking into the matter. Publicly, he censored Joanne Harris' testimony in order to assure the nation that nothing was awry, but learned from her that the president did not drink straight tea, but spiked tea. This connection to alcohol led to McAdoo's decision to expand the FBI as Fitzgerald had planned. If organized crime was large enough to potentially murder a president, then how much power did it have?

  The new president believed that it was smarter to play your hand slowly, opposing Fitzgerald's transparency policy. McAdoo did not speak much about crime control in 1924. All he did do was announce that he would be continuing the most "essential" of his predecessor's goals.

  The president, for the remainder of 1923 and the first half of 1924, did oversee a number of moderate reforms including two tax reductions and a law increasing the campaign spending limit of political parties in elections. The only measure deemed significant by the press was The Davey Law, which increased the scope of the FBI, allowed for a greater number of offices and expanded powers, and increased subsidized for local police.

  Congressional Democrats, as expected, worked with the president to pass his legislation without hesitation. Although, true, there had been nothing drastic proposed by the president just yet, the perceived unity in Congress stunned the increasingly skeptical public. So far succeeding in his first task of calming America and boosting confidence in the system, McAdoo now considered the possibility of a run for his own presidential term.

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Frank Lowden Pictured Within his Infamous Anti-GOP Pamphlet

  It was no secret that the Republican Party was splintering itself out of existence. It had lost three presidential elections in a row and had a steadily deteriorating Congressional count. It bad enough losing momentum and support to the fresher Progressive and Nationalist parties, but then the assumed frontrunner, C.E. Hughes, in December, announced that he would not be running again for president, instead continuing his judgeship career.

  Controversy erupted when Frank Lowden, who had been deliberately campaigning for national recognition of the Nationalist Party, released a pamphlet entitled "The Rise and Fall of the Grand Old Party." In it, he deeply criticized the direction of the party in its unwillingness to move forward and its complete obedience to party bosses. He referred to the nomination of Elihu Root as a "point of no return" and the nomination of Hughes as a "nail in the coffin."

  One of the last paragraphs of this pamphlet was what causes the controversy. According to Lowden, men working for the RNC knocked on the governor's door and threatened violent action should he continue construction of the Nationalist Party. He stated that this was a fine example of what he was fighting against. "America had undergone a Great Transfer of political power in this past century from the ordinary to the plutocrat. The Republican Party represents all that need be vanquished. It is apparent that my saying so puts my person in danger."

  RNC Chair John T. Adams would attack Lowden's pamphlet calling it a "bound collection of printed untruths". Adams would deny any directed instances of threatening violence against the former governor, but the damage had been done. All he would state publicly is that the claim was, "Yet another lie." This controversy, called the "Door Knockers Scandal" by the press, stained the image of the already fading GOP. As a result, hopeful to-be candidates would wait to declare their presidential ambitions or back out entirely.

  Other than Hughes, the only candidate who was readied by the establishment to lead the Republicans back into their dominant majority status had been Ohio Senator Warren G. Harding. The senator had been a moderate-conservative who gained notoriety for his ability to easily deal with political adversaries. However, Harding suddenly died in mid-1923 and the party scrambled to find another prominent face.

  A handful of Republicans looked toward Minority Leaders John W. Weeks and Frederick Gillett, but neither had shown any interest in running for the presidency. Columbia University President Nicholas M. Butler and Senator George W. Norris (R-NE) had also declined to run. Northeastern Republicans favored Massachusetts Governor Calvin Coolidge, but he refused to make a statement regarding a run at the nomination. The only man who announced his intention to win the GOP nomination by February 1924 was Representative Theodore E. Burton (R-OH), but at 73 years, he was not considered a secure bet.

  Therefore, the GOP establishment began to look more seriously at the Adams "Coming Together" strategy. This would entail a cross-endorsement of a Progressive Party candidate and, should it be successful, could potentially balloon the GOP back into its pre-Roosevelt status. This had been Hughes' recommendation years earlier and perhaps it was time to reconsider. With a growing number of Republicans abandoning the party for the Progressives, including Governor William S. Sproul of Pennsylvania and Head of American Relief Administration, Herbert Hoover, the party needed a plan.

[Türkisblau]

President McAdoo seems interesting, and I assume that you'll spirit Stalin away in Russia, so I can't wait to see who emerges to replace Lenin. Great as always

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President McAdoo seems interesting, and I assume that you'll spirit Stalin away in Russia, so I can't wait to see who emerges to replace Lenin. Great as always

Thank you! I wanted to make McAdoo more of a straight man to the more optimistic Fitzgerald, like a cross of Wilson and Coolidge.. though I'll get more into that later on. Don't be too sure about Stalin, by the way~

[Pyro]

Robert La Follette, 1924 PNC Chair

  Where the Republicans fell, the Progressives only served to gain ground. Instead of coming across as an extension of the GOP as it had since its inception, the Progressive Party seemed to be on the threshold of eclipsing its predecessor due to the influx of more liberally-minded Republicans.

  The Chairman of the Progressive National Committee, Robert La Follette, made it a point to harness the energy of his 1920 campaign and promoted the party's new slogan: "A Just Future for a Just America". The working platform called for legislation establishing overtime pay and the legalization of the labor union among other things. It set itself in opposition to the more radical Socialist Party, placing itself as an organization for "reformers, liberals, and sensibles."

  Just as some Republicans darted their party in 1912, the same occurred as an indirect result of the Door Knockers Scandal in 1924. From January to March, roughly thirty-five Republicans announced that they would now be associated with the Progressives instead of the GOP. Compared to how this same figure in the entirety of 1923 was about five Republicans, this was quite the jump. Among those taking part in this switch were Senators Charles Curtis (R-KS) and William Kenyon (R-IA), Governors William Sproul (R-PA) and George Welsh (R-MI), and former Secretary of War, Ulysses S. Grant III.

  One lifelong Republican who chose to join the Progressives in 1924 was the son of former president Roosevelt. Businessman Theodore Roosevelt, Jr. of New York had had his differences with his father politically speaking, but after Hughes lost his campaign stated that he was unsure of his political ties. Then after the release of Lowden's piece, announced, "I have chosen to run for the governorship of New York as a Progressive candidate. I hope to have your support."

  Another child of a former president, State Representative Russell Benjamin Harrison (R-IN), stated that he would be running for a State Senate seat as a member of the Progressive Party. Harrison was not hugely influential outside of Indiana, but was declarative in his severing of ties with the Republicans. This was the trend, now, and it would benefit the whole of the Progressive Party.

  On February 20th, Robert La Follette announced that he would be seeking the presidency in the next election. He pledged to run a positive campaign centered on the overall goal of making public the railroad industry. He commented that Fitzgerald and McAdoo have acted as mimics to Theodore Roosevelt in terms of Progressivism as an explicit means to undermine the rising popularity of third parties.

  Speaking of the Democratic Party leaders, he stated, "They are frightened to death that we may replace the Republicans and be their new chief electoral opponent. Their fear will only drive us closer to victory." As exemplified by former President Johnson's subsequent, and rather unexpected, endorsement of the former Secretary, La Follette would run unopposed for the nomination.

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Stalin with Lenin Shortly Before the Latter's Passing

  The Socialist Party in the United States had been a part of the Communist International, a choice made by a majority of the party's delegates at the 1920 SNC. The Comintern, though a global phenomenon, was based in Moscow and primarily focused on exporting the October Revolution. This measure found little success by 1924. The uprising in Poland had resulted in a win for the radical left, and the revolution in France transformed the capitalist republic into a less exploitative Social Democracy, but revolutions in Germany, Mexico, Latvia, Estonia, and Hungary had failed.

  Eugene Debs had died in October 1923 as a result of complications stemming from his assassination attempt and Bill Haywood had moved to Moscow upon becoming a permanent delegate to the Comintern. Seymour Stedman was now considered one of the last remaining Old-Guard of Socialists. The party's demographic was now younger, more ethnically diverse, and constituted far more women than it had in 1912. More so, a majority of its members were, though Far Left, skeptical of the Russian Revolution and its direction, especially after the events of 1924.

  On January 21st, 1924, Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, one of the chief leaders of the Bolshevik Party and the Russian Revolution, passed away. Lenin, prior to his death, had warned of the dangers of concentrated power and criticized the other Russian political leaders. In "Lenin's Testament", he argued that the Bolshevik leaders were, more or less, unfit to wield total power and the decentralization of the state was critical. This document was hidden by those it sought to destroy: Josef Stalin, Lev Kamenev and Grigory Zinoviev.

  What followed was a power vacuum. The Troika, a collective leadership made up of the above persons, would be the new ruling executive government for the time being. While the intention was to create a temporary oligarchy to head the party, Stalin clearly held the strings. From late 1924 through 1925, there had gradually formed two Post-Lenin camps in the Soviet government: Those who believed Stalin was the rightful successor to Lenin, and those who preferred Leon Trotsky for such a role.

  Stalin and Trotsky each had stark differences with Lenin, and each argued with one another at nearly every party meeting. Trotsky had stressed a close following of Lenin's example and proposed "Permanent Revolution" as a means to expand Communism beyond the Soviet Union. This theory, in brief, espoused world leadership of the working class, meaning the goal of the Soviet Union would be to expand revolution and drive forth a global proletariat towards socialism.

  Stalin countered this idea with "Socialism in one country", which he claimed was the logical extension to Lenin's plan. As he stated in "Problems of Leninism", Russia was ready to push on to socialism without the authority of a global working class. This connected to an ongoing nationalist fervor while Trotsky's theory focused on a global movement. The clash between the two would go on through 1925, and, to simplify the situation, Stalin came out on top. Trotsky's history of disagreements with Lenin and the direction of the country would be brought up as a means to denounce him. With Stalin taking the lead, the troika was to be dissolved and Trotsky would form the opposition.

  The Socialist Party would, in the following years, come to be divided between those supporting Stalin and those in the Opposition. As was clear after the popularity of Stalin's work, the Comintern would come to adopt the theory of "socialism in one country" and therefore focus less on world revolution and more on defending the Soviet Union. In the Socialist Party, their new pro-Stalin sect, led by Benjamin Gitlow and Alfred Wagenknecht, would be known as the Loyalists while those who proclaimed solidarity with Trotsky's opposition, including Upton Sinclair and Rose Schneiderman, were called Internationalists. The remaining Social Democrats and reformists in the party did not align with either side.

  This factionalism was merely in its infancy in 1924, and as thus, the party stood united behind their candidates as they always had. Seymour Stedman would declare his intention to run for the nomination in March. He stated that he would continue the legacy of Debs and keep the party together to win the much-coveted Socialist Congress. His opposition in '24 would be Senator Rose Schneiderman, who would come from the Left to argue for the goal of "complete emancipation of sex and class."

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President McAdoo Appears for Public Pronouncement Speech, March 14th.

  President William Gibbs McAdoo had been able to win public support and confidence to his administration fairly quickly. Having been enthralled with the direction of the country under Fitzgerald, it was no surprise when the public came to admire McAdoo as an extension of the Fitzgerald years. However, understanding that he required his own identity to win over a majority of the country in an election, McAdoo sought to not only bring stability and safety to America, but to make himself stand out as a committed Democratic reformer.

  McAdoo, though a moderate, did agree to endorse a bill entering the House which would guarantee the eight-hour workday. Wholly supported by the House Socialists and Farmer-Laborers, this measure was completely rejected by the Right as a step towards Soviet Communism. As Minority Leader Frederick Gillett asked in a public concert, "Why ought there to be any considering of any Communist supported motion?" Republicans and a fair amount of Progressives turned against the Workday Bill, as did most Southern Democrats. McAdoo, having been a self-acclaimed Moderate Democrat, had been expected to follow suit, but shocked the nation by pledging full support to the bill.

  Speaker Wilson followed the example of the president, and worked tirelessly to have as many Democrats in the House support the measure as possible. The legislation was subsequently passed 226 to 210 in the House, giving the bill national attention and boosting the movement for workers' rights in the process. It took most of February to have the House pass the bill, and, once this was accomplished, it came to the Senate to decide the fate of the measure. The bill was indeed widdled down quite a bit, and now would only mandate an eight-hour workday and forty hour week for the corporations raking in the largest profits.

  For the Southern Democrats, this was unacceptable in every regard. This bill, for them, meant an extreme expansion of the federal government into workplaces. As such, just as he had done previously, Senate Majority Leader Oscar Underwood announced that he would not support the president. "We will not support any socialist legislation under any circumstances and we cannot stand behind a president willing to do so." Without any push from Underwood, Senate Democrats would vote overwhelmingly against the bill.
 
  With Senate Republicans and Democrats against the bill, it was rejected 58 to 38 on March 2nd. President McAdoo silently expressed irritation at Underwood's refusal to follow his party's de facto leader, but in later statements would only condemn Republicans. The general public had been remarkably in favor of the bill. This was exemplified through a Chicago Daily News poll which resulted in the Workday Bill had a 74% approval rating. As thus, there was anger and frustration against those who voted down the bill, and sympathy for President McAdoo.

  Regardless, two days following the rejection of the bill, John W. Davis announced that he would be running for the presidency. He stated, "We stand at a pivotal juncture of American history. Shall we stand for republicanism or federalism? We have experienced twenty-seven years of the expansion of the federal government into the lives and pockets of its people. We must curtail this trend, and I shall lead the effort." Davis, in taking the reigns and voice of the Southern Democratic faction, would cement the already-present rift between the liberal and conservative Democrats.

  New York Times journalist John Wilder wrote one week after the Workday Bill's failure, "[The people] do not see this fight in Congress as one between conservatives, liberals and socialists, but one of special interests versus the public." President McAdoo watched closely the reactions of the press, the public, and his own political colleagues and stayed silent. Not until March 14th would he make a public address.

   McAdoo, unlike his predecessor, had a way of getting right to the point without much conjecture. Only after a brief opening did the president begin pulling punches. "It is time to count our paces and review, as a service to those who, as the daily news has reported, suffered a lapse in memory. President John Fitzgerald made the following pronouncement upon being elected. 'I shall serve the demands, not of party bosses, but of the people.' As President Fitzgerald believed, as do I. The American Will comes first, not the will of party and certainly not the superfluous will of lobby appeasement.

  "It comes to my attention that this order of priorities has been skewed, particularly by those fighting against the eight-hour workday, a measure approved by the public: the same public we claim to represent. Now, more than ever, we need to recall the beliefs and intentions of the Founding Fathers for a democratic nation. One which guarantees basic rights and basic representation. I have fought to reaffirm these values of democracy, continued economic height and efficiency, and a righteous victory for the American people since that somber evening I was thrust into the role of your president. If we are to continue this fight, I believe we must do so together. Therefore, I shall announce my candidacy for the Presidency of the United States."

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Senator Samuel M. Ralston of Indiana Became Instrumental in the Democratic Race

  For the first time in nearly a generation, the directions of each of the major parties were coherent at the very beginning of the election cycle. The Progressives were going to lead with La Follette, the Socialists with Stedman, and the Nationalists with Lowden. The floundering Republican Party had only one substantive candidate of its own, and the GOP leadership was clearly gearing up for a fusion ticket.

  The Democrats had the only real competitive race in 1924. President William Gibbs McAdoo was loved amongst the public, and they seemed to identify him as one of their own. The same could not be said regarding his relation to the Democratic Party. The Southern Democrats had been prepared to launch their candidacy against President Fitzgerald: the man they affectionately deemed the "Boston Liberal". John Davis and Oscar Underwood were planning such a move as early as 1921, and had the pieces in place to sufficiently scare the establishment into, at the very least, placing a Southern Democrat in the vice presidential slot if not completely overturning the controversial president.

  However, Fitzgerald's death complicated the plan. President McAdoo not only had the advantages that went along with incumbency, but managed to steer himself clear of Fitzgerald-era controversies. McAdoo stayed silent on nearly every worrisome issue, aside from, of course, the eight-hour workday, and even on this he remained steadfast. The Workday Bill's defeat by the Congressional conservatives was a means to generate controversy and, in turn, hurt McAdoo's candidacy. It had the opposite effect. McAdoo's popularity soared.

  Aside from core support in the Deep South, John W. Davis had no path to the nomination. This did not stop the West Virginian, however, and he only toughened as weeks went by. Davis, truth be told, ran his campaign against Fitzgerald's policies, not McAdoo's. He brought up every unpopular issue addressed by the recently departed president, and in each of his speeches came to the conclusion that McAdoo was working towards immense government expansion, a link with the Soviet Union, and a "land of unprecedented unemployment."

  McAdoo's strategy for the primary was not unlike President Johnson. That is, he sought to stay above the fray, act presidential, and only address issues brought up by Davis when his campaign staff deemed it absolutely necessary. Where this tactic had failed for the former president, it worked for McAdoo. The president had public support in nearly every corner of the nation, even in the South. Sections of West Virginia and Tennessee where Davis had name recognition and endorsements were, understandably, against the president, but in the Carolinas, Texas, and McAdoo's own native Georgia, the people were abundantly in favor of a second term for the incumbent.

  Endorsements for President McAdoo from local and state officials, including Governors Clifford Walker (D-GA), Cameron Morrison (D-NC), Patt Neff (D-TX), and Cary Hardee (D-FL) greatly assisted in the fight against John Davis. What was exceptionally influential in the race against Davis was the announcement of pro-KKK, anti-Catholic Senator Samuel M. Ralston (D-IN) that he too would support the president.

  McAdoo made sure that these endorsements, especially those from Southerners, were broadcasted nationally, thereby de-legitimizing the entire point of Davis' campaign. John Davis' began to lose momentum towards the end of April, and his candidacy would fail to pick itself up. Although the convention was well over a month away, President McAdoo already began focusing on the general election.  

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Republican Senator Theodore E. Burton, the Leading Contender for the GOP

  May saw a break from printed politics in the United States due to the opening of the 1924 Summer Olympics in Paris, France. Even nations with a grudge against France agreed to put Postwar ilk aside to join in the peaceful competition. Much of the nation became encapsulated in this event, cheering on their some 299 participating athletes in over 100 sporting events. Dozens of newspapers and magazines, even those known for political analyses, reported extensively on the Olympics.

  Nonetheless, behind-the-scenes politics went on as usual despite the purported break. The May Day Parade was conducted as it had in past years in remembrance of the May Revolt and the labor movement as a whole. Unfortunately for those organizing the New York event, it had a pitiful turnout. Socialist Norman Thomas, giving his voice for the movement, stated that the country was distracted by the Olympics and the scheduling clash with a Manhattan jazz concert headed by Louis Armstrong.

  Robert La Follette took this as a sign of waning public affection for socialism, and spent most of May campaigning in his very pro-worker home state of Wisconsin. Unlike the president, he had already been politically hardened through years of working in politics. His serving as a representative, governor, and senator from Wisconsin earned him nearly thirty years of experience and battle-scars. He won national attention and support while working as State Secretary to President Roosevelt through World War I, and again while competing with President Johnson.

  La Follette paid a highly publicized visit to Governor Daniel Hoan (S-WI) and the two released a joint-statement pledging unyielding support to workers and farmers of all industries and each decried the old two-party system and its candidates. He would also campaign heavily in these early months in Illinois and Minnesota, digging up support for himself, for the cause of reforming the state, and overall, working to present the La Follette Progressive brand as a new alternative to the Democratic Party.

  In all of this, the former State Secretary was constructing for himself the foundations of his political campaign. In his perceived fall of socialism, he saw the opportunity to gauge interest for his campaign from a dejected working class. In reality, the SP was still going strong in 1924, but La Follette believed that he had the potential to win against McAdoo just as TR won against Wilson. The Progressive candidate did not attack McAdoo directly in any of his statements, but did remark on the failure of "moderate action" to properly cope with the gaps in the system, and this line would form the basis of his campaign.

  All of this made RNC Chair Adams quite nervous. His entire electoral plan revolved around co-nominating the eventual Progressive candidate in hopes that it would boost the Republican Party's notoriety and, eventually, its membership. However, he was counting on Hiram Johnson being nominated, not the left-wing "Fighting Bob". Higher-ups in the Republican establishment began searching to corral a "throwaway candidate" for the election as a last minute alternative, but in this era of political upheaval and the waning of the GOP, nobody wanted to have his political career be ruined.

  When June finally arrived, only four candidates stood ready for nominating by the GOP. This included state representative Arnold Davidson (R-IA), businessman William Wrigley Jr., Congressman Everett Sanders (R-IN), and former Ohio Senator Theodore Burton. The party was at an impasse, and as a result, was divided on what to do. Even Senator Burton could not ignore the sheer implausibility of being elected in 1924 against the other, more politically adept and publicly adored, contenders.

  In a move to highlight Adams' plan and set the stage just right, Theodore Burton agreed to back out of the race. On June 2nd, he would announce an end to his presidential campaign and a full endorsement of La Follette. He too declared that the GOP delegates ought to "come to a final compromise" with the purpose of ending the "feud" between the Republicans and Progressives once and for all. With only eight days remaining until the festivities began, the Republican convention would certainly be one to remember.

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Photo of the Exterior of the 1924 Republican National Convention

  On a bright, sunny morning, the Republican National Convention kicked off on June 10th in Cleveland, Ohio. The event took place inside of the brand new, grandiose Public Auditorium, giving the press the impression of a truly Grand Old Party. The national committee for the party organized comfortable seating for the elderly, exciting music to begin festivities, and a careful police presence.

  The Public Hall had the capacity for 10,000, and this event needed it. The convention was attended by an exceptional amount of former Republicans who had the full intention of swaying the party in the favor of the Progressives. There had been a sense of optimism when the convention began, due to the higher-than-normal attendance of the gathering. RNC Chair John T. Adams arrived ready and willing to battle fiercely for the 'Coming Together' to actually take place, and battle he did.

  Adams led the contingency of the GOP who were willing to nominate Robert La Follette for president if it meant ridding the nation of another independent, third party candidacy. Charles Evans Hughes spearheaded this movement and, during the convention, allocated his full support. Just as he had stated during his 1920 presidential campaign, Hughes again stressed that the failure of the Republican establishment to nominate Roosevelt crippled the party. Now he declared, "This crossroads faces us once more. Shall we once again hand the election to the Democratic Party or make a stand?"

  The business wing of the party was not about to let Adams drive the nominating process. Senate Minority Leader Frederick H. Gillett became the leader of this faction, and completely refused to allow a nomination of La Follette to occur. From the center podium, in an opening speech, he stated that although he had no personal interest in attaining the presidency, he would allow his name to appear on the ballot if it "quieted this left-wing dissent." Gillett's statement did little to quell the tension, and only accelerated the growth rate of the rift between the factions.

  It seemed as if every hour, another dissenting camp grew from the balcony. A handful of delegates outright rejected the policies of Adams and were calling for a recall. There were also those who stated their unwillingness to nominate a candidate for 1924, instead believing President McAdoo unbeatable and hoping to reorganize party strategy ion order to contain Congress. A collection of former Republicans, including Arthur Hyde of Missouri and William Sproul of Pennsylvania, then announced that they would be willing to re-join the GOP if they were to nominate La Follette. All of this occurred on the first day of the RNC.

  Two days had passed with very little accomplished. The pro-establishment Republicans were locked between Gillett and Adams. A deliberately standard party platform, one calling for a minor increase of the tariff and furthered support of federal military spending, had been voted on, but even this took nearly the entire second day. The bickering simply would not end, and debate would swiftly turn into shouting matches.

  In a move that complicated the situation even further, word reached the convention that Governor Calvin Coolidge (R-MA) stated that he would support a measure temporarily endorsing the Nationalist Party as a means to balloon long-term GOP membership. In his words, this would assure that the Republican Party was open to settlement with former Republicans without endorsing Robert La Follette. The other factions did not agree with Coolidge's idea, believing Lowden could no longer be affiliated by the Republican Party, much less endorsed. In response to Coolidge, the bickering factions only doubled-down on their own plans.

  Towards the end of the third day, the balloting finally began to a crowded and aggravated crowd. The results only demonstrated the ongoing deadlock.

REPUBLICAN BALLOT		1st Call		1112 DELEGATES
Robert La Follette		397
Frederick Gillett		231
Frank O. Lowden		165
Everett Sanders		10
William Wrigley, Jr.		1
Arnold Davidson		1
OTHERS/BLANK		307

  For the first time since 1912, the number of abstentions reached 300. 300 delegates decided that the best method to move forward was to do nothing and/or wait for the dust to settle. La Follette, who had said nothing of the Republican Party his entire campaign and did not attend the convention, was in first with 397 votes. He was followed by the 302 abstentions, then Gillett, then Lowden. All throughout this call, and those taking place after, the shouting "debate" would go on incessantly.

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Leaders of the Three Republican Factions at the '24 RNC:
(Left to Right) Frederick Gillett, John T. Adams, and Calvin Coolidge

  The bickering turned into war, with the divided party leaders acting as if this rift between the dissenting factions had always existed. Adams was furious that the party appeared to be moving away from his leadership, and started reverting to backroom dealings in order to push his agenda. He was decisively pulling the strings of the Eastern GOP establishment, and he hoped that his power would allow for the endorsement of the Progressive candidate. The pro-Adams faction was made up of the left-leaning segments of the party, including the New England and West Coast delegations. In an address he made to the delegates on June 14th, he stated, "If we shall fail to move with the tide of this nation, we will find ourselves in a state of permanent obscurity."

  The business sect, which had been supported by J.P. Morgan and dozens of other multi-millionaires, pushed even harder against Adams, and called for an immediate recall of the RNC Chairman and the appointment of Massachusetts representative William M. Butler to his post. This faction became supported chiefly by the New York and Illinois Republican delegates, but would also come to include the entire Midwest delegation. Frederick Gillett, now coming to the realization that he was the last hope for an independent GOP candidate, announced on the sixth day of the convention that if he should fail to receive the nomination, he would leave the party itself and thereby encourage his supporters to follow suit.

  The right-wing of the party, as allied with Coolidge, was adamant in supporting a Frank Lowden presidency. Support for this faction came primarily from the South, but also from portions of the Ohio and Kansas delegations. As James K. Joyce, one of the pro-Lowden delegates, would go on to say, his faction did not actually believe Lowden would be elected president. Alternatively, Joyce stated that he supported the Nationalists in order to widen the party base, perhaps turn Lowden back to the GOP, and set the stage for a more conservative party going forward. The slogan of this faction, "Lowden or Bust", rang out from the balconies throughout the convention.

  Abstentions only grew and grew, and by the thirtieth ballot, the count reached 350. Wrigley and Davidson dropped out of the race, as did Sanders by the 13th ballot and each endorsed Adams' plan. The debates went on and the calls with it, for days upon days.

REPUBLICAN BALLOT		1st Call		10th Call		20th Call		30th Call		1112 DELEGATES
Robert La Follette		397		401		412		393
Frederick Gillett		231		240		246		210
Frank O. Lowden		165		188		177		159
Everett Sanders		10		7		0		0
William Wrigley, Jr.		1		1		0		0
Arnold Davidson		1		0		0		0
OTHERS/BLANK		307		275		277		350

  The party convention had begun in a light, exciting mood on June 10th. Now, on June 22nd, after seventy-seven ballot calls, the party was slowly dissipating into rabble and confusion. At last, in the middle of a speech, Channing Cox of Massachusetts was interrupted by Gillett who stormed the stage podium. Gillett, somewhat hoarse from the lengthy convention, demanded that Chairman Adams immediately resign. To thunderous applause from roughly one-third of the delegation, Gillett declared, "We can take no more of [Adams'] corrupt and tyrannical action. Resign!"

  The pro-Adams' shouted back at Gillett to sit down, with one pro-La Follette delegate from Missouri resorting to yelling expletives at his supposed Senate leader. Adams did not respond to this call, and only continued to demand for order. After ten or so minutes, Gillett quieted down and calmly walked out of the convention hall. His supporters followed him out the door. James Joyce, Leonard Wood, Henry Cabot Lodge, John Weeks, Charles Dawes, and dozens of other prominent Republicans, in both anti-Adams factions, left the arena. Left with roughly one-third of the starting delegation, Adams somberly led the seventy-eighth and final ballot call.

REPUBLICAN BALLOT		1st Call		20th Call		40th Call		60th Call		70th Call		78th Call		1112 DELEGATES
Robert La Follette		397		412		399		395		339		417
Frederick Gillett		231		246		233		255		259		0
Frank O. Lowden		165		177		140		142		153		0
Everett Sanders		10		0		0		0		0		0
William Wrigley, Jr.		1		0		0		0		0		0
Arnold Davidson		1		0		0		0		0		0
OTHERS/BLANK		307		277		340		320		361		695

  Chairman Adams and C.E. Hughes had won the battle. Robert La Follette was nominated with only 417 votes, with 695 abstentions from the vacant delegate ballots. Theodore Burton was then selected as the vice presidential nominee. Officially, the Republican Party now designated Fighting Bob as their nominee, but it was difficult to ignore the reality of what occurred. The party split in 1912 was extremely damaging to the GOP brand and nearly eliminated the party as a fighting force all together, but it had survived. This new split was not in two directions, but three.

  Adams remarked that the conservative bolt was merely a "tantrum" and they would come to reason before long. Hughes would later state that the split was inevitable considering the "childish stubbornness" of the right-wing. William Sproul would sarcastically state, "I do so hope [the Right] relishes their victory in Vermont come November and considers this worth it."

  La Follette himself, on the following morning, would thank Adams and the Republican Party for his nomination, but announced that if nominated by the Progressive Party, would continue broadcast himself still as a Progressive first. This was a huge blow. On official state ballots, La Follette's name would appear in both the Progressive and Republican columns, but the candidate would not associate himself with the GOP in any other fashion. Therefore, keeping in mind the seemingly irreparable three-way split, the Adams-Hughes plan to "come together" ended in one of the nation's most striking political fallouts in history.

[Pyro]

Congressman E. Hart Fenn, One of Many Republicans who Joined the Nationalist Party in 1924

  In the immediate aftermath of the Republican National Convention, the mainstream press printed an assortment of speculative news. The chief headline had been "Major Walk-Out at the RNC" with "La Follette Nominated" appearing second. Other subscriptions fancied stretching the truth or including personal opinions, leading to one particular political cartoon depicting a three-headed elephant arguing with itself.

  John T. Adams, C.E. Hughes, Theodore Burton and other moderate to left-leaning Republicans would continue to stress that the outcome of the convention was a long-term victory, but it could not be disputed that it had been a short-term disaster. The original goal of 'Coming Together' was to grow the party, and now it was only smaller. This could not have been more evident when Majority Leader Frederick Gillett, two days following the RNC, announced that he would be open to running on an independent ticket.

  Gillett, once again, purposefully phrasing the issue in a reluctant tone, stated that the idea of standing alongside the Progressives sickened him. "Conservatism cannot be offered as tribute in Adams' compromise." Other moderate and right-leaning GOPers stood with Gillett, including prominent National Guardsman Hanford MacNider who released a statement condemning the RNC Chairman for his "tyrannical" behavior and refusal to comply with the demands of the party majority. The wealthy elite who had supported Gillett's run during the convention would again support his run against La Follette. Many of these men desired a conservative president, and, unconvinced by McAdoo's performance thus far, would again prefer a Republican.

  Frederick Gillett declared he would run as a business-oriented Independent Republican candidate. Standing adjacent to the newly completed Lincoln Memorial, Gillett stated that he would be the only candidate in the race willing to stand for Christian values and the "rights of all common-sense conservatives". His campaign promoted modernizing the banking industry and introducing moderate humanitarian reform. His running mate, Major General Leonard Wood, would balance out the ticket by appealing to the Right. He would promote his war record and rally for Johnson-era Red Scare tactics in order to "cure the national disease of labor unrest."

  Anti-Adams/pro-establishment Republicans including John W. Weeks and Representative Martin B. Madden (R-IL) would endorse and campaign alongside Frederick Gillett in his run. Funded by major businesses and corporate enterprises, this presidential campaign would go on to spend more money than any previous independent campaign. Gillett had hoped to corral the GOP dissidents towards his cause, and although plenty of Republicans wold go on to support his ticket, just as many would abandon the GOP for the Nationalists.

  Governor Calvin Coolidge would formally endorse Frank Lowden for president on June 23rd, declaring that the economic nationalism espoused by the former governor would be critical for the preservation of American practical idealism. He referred to Lowden as the "conqueror of negro violence in Chicago" and a "proven champion" of conservatism. Coolidge himself would run for re-election as governor on the Nationalist ticket.

  Following Coolidge's endorsement, dozens of prominent Republicans began to pledge their support for the Nationalist Party. More so, plenty of right-leaning Republicans would run in 1924 as Nationalists instead of GOPers. Representative E. Hart Fenn of Connecticut would famously remark that the Nationalist Party, in forming a coherent right-wing alternative to the increasingly competitive far-left, represented a "cataclysmic rebirth of American politics" between these two extremes. Lowden's party appeared to finally be expanding beyond his own image.

[Pyro]

Bird's-Eye View of the 1924 Democratic National Convention

  The nation had been so charged with the obliteration of the Republican Party in June of 1924 that very few paid much attention to the Democratic National Convention. Beginning on June 24th in Madison Square Garden, New York, the Democratic Party now hoped to portray a confident, strong leadership going forward. President McAdoo, having destroyed John W. Davis in the months leading up to the convention, was prepared for an easy ride. Because the RNC had been such a disaster, even a deadlocked convention would emerge in a better state than the Republicans had.

  The delegates quickly poured into the hall and debate swiftly began regarding the official party platform. It took only a few short hours to sort out the basics, including standard accommodations to appeal to farmers, business owners, and manufacturers. Much of the platform included comparisons between the Democrats and the Progressives. For instance, the official platform stated that the Democrats stood for "all Americans", opposed to Progressive 'catering' to certain parts of the population.

  The platform, and McAdoo's candidacy, called for an "honest government" which would take a firm stand on the issues and not waver according to special interests or current events. The party also agreed to take on La Follette's Public Railroad plan, and referred to it as an unjust measure which would lead to unprecedented government oversight and a definite transport cost increase. Regarding the infamously top-down, anti-worker rail industry, the Democrats promoted a "peaceful co-operation between employer and employee".

  The party also came out strong for the continued enforcement of Prohibition, stating that upholding it was the same as "upholding the constitution and all laws". On the KKK, however, the party remained silent. The delegates, and indeed most Democratic voters, were divided on the issue. The Northern Democrats, in the spirit of Fitzgerald, believed that the hate group ought to be condemned, outlawed and dealt with. Many Southerners were not necessarily on the side of the Klan, but neither were they willing to condemn the organization. As such, the platform did not mention the group and neither did President McAdoo.

  John W. Davis pushed a last-minute attack against McAdoo, stating that his silence on the actions of the Klan meant endorsement. This temporarily rallied up the convention, but, speaking on behalf of the president, State Secretary Cox rebutted Davis' claim. As Cox stated, the president was neutral on the matter, and represented the majority of Americans in this stance. Davis would later remark on how disturbed he was personally in McAdoo's silence, writing that the president was, by siding with the anti-Catholic "Klanbake", "tarnishing President Fitzgerald's progress with Christian unity."

  Senator Oscar Underwood would once more ally with Davis against the president, and work to make the first ballot call as competitive as possible. The Majority Leader indeed had a personal grudge with McAdoo and sought to bring down his leadership as quickly as possible. Underwood despised Speaker Wilson for "robbing" him of the 1912 election when he assisted in Clark's move to split the Democratic vote, and the fact that McAdoo was Wilson's son-in-law did the president no favors. The Alabaman would not speak personality on the matter, but it had been clear since 1912 that this grudge was genuine.

DEMOCRATIC BALLOT		1st Call		1098 DELEGATES
William G. McAdoo		784
John W. Davis		304
OTHERS/BLANK		10

  As predicted, President McAdoo was nominated on the first call, trouncing Davis and forcing the latter to drop from the race. John Davis would begrudgingly concede, then endorse the president. Oscar Underwood, five days following the convention, would announce that he would be stepping down as Majority Leader, and that his current term in the Senate was his last. He cited health concerns, but in truth could not bear to deal with another McAdoo-Wilson leadership.

  There had been quite a wide-open contest for the vice presidential slot. Dozens of representatives, businessmen, and activists would wage war for the opportunity to run alongside McAdoo. The most prominent of whom included Secretary Claude Swanson, Governor John Burke (D-ND), Governor Charles W. Bryan (D-NE), and Senator Carter Glass (D-VA). The winner had appealed to the Northern Democratic base, had previously worked with President Fitzgerald, and had the potential to carry New York for the Democratic Party. Senator Royal S. Copeland of New York was this man. He had won on the first ballot, and, with a complete endorsement by the president, would be graciously placed alongside him.

DEMOCRATIC BALLOT		1st Call		1098 DELEGATES
Royal S. Copeland		739
Claude Swanson		212
Charles W. Bryan		42
Carter Glass		18
John Burke		16
George Berry		10
Alvin Owsley		6
OTHERS/BLANK		4

  The Democratic Party, unlike its chief rival, stood united once more. The economy had turned around under Fitzgerald and McAdoo and the latter's administration brought forth a number of popular and, very necessary, social reforms. With, seemingly, the perfect ticket to appeal to the entire country and a successful legacy already in place, could anything stop the president in his re-election bid?

[geekknight]

Nice posts once again! This should be a very interesting election coming up.

[Pyro]

Robert La Follette Arriving to the Progressive National Convention

  Robert La Follette had run unopposed for his party's nomination and, looking towards the general election, had established an organized strategy to challenge President McAdoo from the left. The Progressive National Convention, taking place in the Chicago Coliseum, opened its doors on July 2nd. The PNC had the full support of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the left-reformist Nonpartisan League, the moderate AFL, and the minority of the United Mine Workers. In other words, any labor union or activist group which did not identify itself as socialist, anarchist, or Marxist would come to support La Follette in 1924.

  The PNC was attended by thousands of delegates and proponents of reform, including many former Republicans who came to support the Progressive Party's platform and agenda. Some of the prominent speakers included Senators James Garfield, William Borah, and former President Hiram Johnson. Each of these men, for the two days of the convention, spoke out in support of La Follette's public railroad program and his initiative to legalize labor unions. Garfield stood out just as he had four years prior, pointing towards the accomplishments of the Roosevelt/Johnson administration as the "Greatest Era of our time".

   The young Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., known for his war service and run at the New York governorship, stood out amongst the crowd for his particularly virulent statements against the Democratic Party. Roosevelt expresses his utmost support for La Follette, quoting the latter's 1920 speech that the Progressive Party was one of "progressive activity, not centrist complacency." TR Jr. won a standing ovation for his speech, and quite a few state delegations demanded he be placed as the vice presidential nominee. Shortly after this, the ballot began.

PROGRESSIVE BALLOT	1st Call	2054 DELEGATES
Robert La Follette	2039
OTHERS/BLANK	16

  La Follette spoke briefly following his swift nomination. He paraded the party's platform, and promised to fulfill the establishment of a progressive income tax by the end of his first week in office. Most of La Follette's speech was made up of comparisons between himself and McAdoo, including one particular note that while the president had allied himself with "an agent of hate", or the Klan, the Progressive believed in "agents of healing and prosperity". It had already been established that the Progressive candidate would be placing himself to the left of the president, but now McAdoo was painted as a conservative. This would come to totally alter the dynamics of the race.
  

PROGRESSIVE BALLOT	1st Call	2054 DELEGATES
William E. Borah	1390
Theodore Roosevelt, Jr.	399
James R. Garfield	246
Burton K. Wheeler	10
Gifford Pinchot	4
OTHERS/BLANK	5

  Idaho Senator William E. Borah was selected as the vice presidential nominee, defeating Senator Garfield and insurgent Roosevelt. Borah was perceived by the press as more of a moderate to counteract La Follette's left-leaning policies. The "Lion of Idaho", serving since 1907, was one of the earliest supporters of the Bull Moose Party and the Roosevelt campaign. The Progressive establishment, knowing the public was moving decisively against the interventionist foreign policy of the past, deliberately chose Senator Borah for his stringent anti-imperialist policies.

  Although the PNC had been resoundingly successful in quickly accomplishing its mission, the convention had occurred the same time as a major turnaround in Great Britain and the press was split between the two events during the first week of July. The Conservative government in London had refused an economic measure proposed by the centrist Liberals to slightly lower the tariff and increase the income tax. The country, forced into loans by the Treaty of Versailles, had entered into a multi-million deficit by the first half of the decade.

  Each party searched for solutions, and while the two-thirds Conservative majority planned on staying the course of non-intervention capitalism, those in the Liberal and Labour parties demanded action. To cope with repetitious losses, unregulated British banks increased interest rates and sporadically closed accounts in order to remain profitable. The erratic monetary system combined with accelerating inflation plummeted Great Britain into a recession in July of 1924.

  While the chief opponents to the leading party promoted minor social welfare programs and regulatory measures imposed on the banking industry, it turned out to be the English Independence Party who won the greatest amount of public support. Led by Jacob Leaper and William Joyce, the EIP would win the national spotlight through its loud blaming of the United States and Germany for the nation's woes. One letter released by Leaper stated that the Treaty of Versailles, the "great toppling of the British Empire", was deliberately designed to hurt the British and force them on their knees. This party discovered a dormant right-wing populism and ran with it.

  In October of 1924, the EIP would proudly win eighty-nine seats, taking the place of the Liberals as the third-largest delegation in Parliament. The Conservatives just barely held on to the majority after losing over 150 of their seats, putting their total at 309. The Labour Party took 173 seats, winning additional votes in Manchester and Middlesbrough. The Liberals, with chief support in Scotland and Wales, managed to retain 32 seats. Other parties, including the Communist Party of Great Britain, Scottish Prohibition, and the Constitutionalists won the remaining 12 seats up for grabs.

  Although they did not win the majority, one could not deny the triumph of the Independence Party in this election. The gains of the Labour Party and the EIP demonstrated the ongoing, seemingly near-global, fall of the political center and the rise of the extremes. Regardless, the recession in Britain would continue for some time, and unemployment figures would increase as a result. Many of the newly impoverished would come to blame the sorry state of Britain on the failure of capitalism, but, as led by the EIP, a growing portion of the general population would instead blame an international conspiracy to "throttle" Great Britain.

  The Labour Party's effective mirror in the United States was undoubtedly the Progressive Party. Each believed in nationalizing major enterprise and increasing taxes on the wealthiest in society. La Follette, in an unprecedented move, would travel to London and meet with the Opposition Leader of Parliament: Labour statesman Ramsay MacDonald. No politician had embarked to Britain since the Great War, and La Follette was hoping to capitalize on this. He explained in a campaign stop that his visit to meet with MacDonald would "open communications and, at last, make genuine peace with London." MacDonald and La Follette would only spend several days together, but would come to run starkly similar campaigns in 1924.

[Pyro]

Frank Lowden Pictured on the Cover of Time Magazine

  As the Socialist Party leadership was slowly but surely learning, the American public was indeed experiencing a loss of interest in their program. The minor economic leap of the past three years coupled with the popularity of the incumbent Democrat and the lack of major social movements on the ground meant less and less believed socialism to be at all possible in the United States. More so, the struggle within the Soviet Union turned many potential revolutionaries away from the SP, which then led to a rise of interest in the Progressive Party as indicated by the size of the PNC compared with the SNC.

  The Socialist National Convention had substantially less convention goers than in 1920 for these aforementioned reasons. Seymour Stedman, the assumed frontrunner, did not preach a message too radically different from La Follette's. Stedman, on the moderate end of the SP, was in favor of La Follette's program of nationalizing the railroad industry and increasing the income tax levels, with the only chief difference being the stipulation of eventual revolution.

  The SNC itself took place in Indianapolis on July 14th and won less than stellar media coverage. Some were put-off by the stoic atmosphere of this convention, where the delegates all seemed to agree so simplistically to the majority of issues. Compared to the riotous RNC, the Socialists were so organized it was dull to watch. The party platform was nearly identical to the one decided four years prior, in which the SP wholly supported the Comintern, socialist revolution was the organization's primary goal, and the election of a Socialist Congress was considered "vital" to the interests of the working class.

  Stedman's opponents, including Senator Schneiderman of New York and SP Representative Jackson Graft of Montana, were favorite son candidates and did not have much of a chance against the well-known frontrunner. As such, within one ballot, the nominations were settled and Stedman once again embarked on his presidential march. Senator Emil Seidel of Wisconsin was a touch more provocative than the chief candidate, and he would be placed in the vice presidential slot as a means to excite campaign crowds, which he did indeed accomplish.

SOCIALIST BALLOT		1st Call		1088 DELEGATES
Seymour Stedman		841
Rose Schneiderman		171.5
Jackson Graft		55.5
L.E. Katterfeld		16
Robert La Follette		2
OTHERS/BLANK		2

SOCIALIST BALLOT		1st Call		1088 DELEGATES
Emil Seidel		1050
Upton Sinclair		20
OTHERS/BLANK		18

  The Nationalist Party, in its first official convention, had the totally opposite reaction from the nation. While the SP seemed to be falling out of favor with the populous, the Nationalists were making headlines. Popular governor Calvin Coolidge had endorsed Frank Lowden, dubbed the "Teddy Roosevelt of the Nationalist Party", and the press was taking notice. Dozens upon dozens of former Republicans, along with a handful of former Democrats, joined together at the convention.

  The one-day Nationalist Convention, opposed to all of the others, seemed fresh and exciting, with some events and speeches occurring entirely at a whim. Among those who spoke at the NC included infamous former Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer and emerging businessman Kermit Roosevelt. Former Secretary of State Henry L. Stimson also gave a powerful, controversial speech suggesting the United States ally itself with the EIP as an affirmative "partner in ideology" and "enemy of the monarchy. His pro-EIP speech made it clear that, contrary to press speculation, not all Nationalists were isolationists. Others would come to join him in the belief that an alliance with the radical Right in Britain would assist in the abolition of the European ruling class. Stimson would later choose to run for a House seat.

  Frank Lowden was greeted with momentous applause when he finally rose to spoke shortly before the nominating process opened. Grinning ear to ear, he stated that he would welcome men of all backgrounds to join him in his campaign, "both Republican and Democrat." He remarked that Governor Coolidge's kind endorsement would not simply serve as a means to forward attention towards his presidential campaign, but it would bring "desperate attention" towards "the virtues of popular order and national sovereignty."

  The Nationalist Party, instead of making use of a delegate system as other parties had, utilized an Executive Council when it came to formal nominations. Actually quite innovative for its time, the council was made up of nine individuals and chose their preferred candidate based on his/her perceived political skill, experience, speaking ability, and electability. This would play more of a role in future conventions, but in 1924 it unanimously selected Frank Lowden. For vice president, as per Lowden's suggestion, the council would select Brigadier General Charles G. Dawes.

NATIONALIST BALLOT		1st Call		9 COUNCILORS
Frank O. Lowden		9

NATIONALIST BALLOT		1st Call		9 COUNCILORS
Charles G. Dawes		9

  Both the Seymour/Seidel and the Lowden/Dawes tickets sought similar goals: to break free of the two-party system, fight against the status-quo, and bring about some sense of (albeit radically different) systematic change in the United States. Establishment Democrats, like President McAdoo, considered each of these parties threats when it came to preserving the political Center. Should either group supplant the Progressives and win a substantial minority in Congress, as the New York Times speculated in a mid-August issue, the nation would likely be thrust into some sort of economic panic.

[Pyro]

The Leading Contenders for the 1924 Election: President McAdoo and State Secretary La Follette

  The lead-up to the general election had begun. As reported time and time again, the debacle that was the Republican Convention generated tremors that seemed to completely rip the party apart. Registered Republicans essentially had three options going into the election: the left-leaning GOP nominee, the centrist Senate Majority Leader, and the right-wing nominee of the Nationalist Party. This division, along with the improving economy and general popularity of the incumbent, practically guaranteed a win for President McAdoo. However, the president was not about to let a surprise defeat come about.

  William McAdoo ran as positive of a campaign as one could run. All throughout his campaign, he paid far more attention to himself and the direction of his party than any of his opponents. Quoting former President McKinley's 1900 campaign, McAdoo's banners read, "Four More Years of the Full-Dinner Pail", thereby indicating that the healthy economy ought to provoke an incumbent victory. Though he did present himself as a competent president, he found much more success when he harkened back to the now-nostalgic administrations of McKinley, Roosevelt and Fitzgerald.

  McAdoo kept up the impression that he was the leader, "not of the Democrats, but of the whole of the American people." This line of defense proved successful, and the president had larger and larger campaign crowds throughout his locomotive trip across the nation. The president's campaign pushed the image that he was a sensible moderate, only taking brash precautions when the situation demands it. Compared with his chief opponent, Robert La Follette, McAdoo was a conservative, and this is how the country saw him as well.

  One of the defining moments of the election came at a Boston campaign stop on August 12th. McAdoo's campaign had commissioned a campaign song be performed at each of the president's major stops. This tune, borrowed from a bygone generation of politics, was a nostalgically rehashed and updated refrain from William H. Harrison's campaign. Entitled as "Gibbs McAdoo and Copeland Too", this political song had overwhelming support when it premiered in Boston, and won similar praise across the nation. It mimicked portions of Harrison's song, including the line, "Follette is a used up man". When asked how he felt about the tune, the president responded that it, "encompassed this campaign message brilliantly."
    

The Chicago Daily News

     

The Peoples' Poll for September 1924

William G. McAdoo		51%
Robert La Follette		27%
Frank O. Lowden		14%
Frederick Gillett		06%
Others/None of These		02%

  La Follette did not ease up his campaign. Touring the Eastern and Mid-Atlantic United States in October, the PNC Chairman had the greatest support from workers and farmers, opposed to the middle-class which overwhelmingly supported McAdoo. In his well-attended rallies, La Follette would loudly lambast the "overly rehearsed" president for his "intolerant conservatism" and his refusal to stand up for the interests of the common man. Other than his main talking points regarding an "American fiscal plan" and the national railway, La Follette argued that economic liberalism and increased regulations would keep the United States on the path of an accelerated economy. As he stated in Milwaukee immediately following the British downturn, "We may run the risk of recession if we fail to regulate the monied industries."

  Robert La Follette appeared frequently alongside Republican guest speakers like John T. Adams and, for a brief time Charles Evans Hughes, in order to convey the feeling of bipartisanship. He did not comment on the RNC nor the splitting of the Republican vote, but lauded that unity had been reached through his dual nomination. One of the Progressive slogans of 1924, "Our Time is Now", remarked on the strengthening of the party and the heightened possibility of winning it all come November.

  Where the Progressive challenger faltered was his sheer determination to give a statement on every controversial issue. President McAdoo said very little of the KKK and the future of American foreign policy. La Follette called the Klan "traitors of a traitorous land" and in an off-handed comment said the Progressives are "better off" without appealing to the South. He also stated that, if elected, he would drastically cut down the size and expense of the military. "The war is done," he spoke at a Chicago rally, "Is it necessary to build up arms against a non-existent foe?"

  Although he had been successful in rallying liberals to his cause, La Follette was unable to broaden his base of support in the general election. Alienated Republicans, which according to national polling accounted for 6/10 registered GOPers, much preferred Frederick Gillett's stern conservatism and Lowden's hard-right stances. Gillett actually spent most of the election season in Washington, and when he did finally begin politicking, struggled to find an audience for his brand in such a crowded field. His VP candidate, Leonard Wood, fell into a number of gaffes (including one ill-advised jab at the late President Fitzgerald's Catholicism) which proved to stain Gillett's campaign.

  Lowden became the alternative choice in '24 for those who disliked both McAdoo and La Follette. He delivered speeches daily and had a well-organized group of volunteer workers assist in every corner of his campaign. Lowden was a decent public speaker, but did far better in his handful of radio pronouncements than in person. Stedman basically re-ran his 1920 campaign, and though he would find some success in it, it failed to generate the ripples it had four years prior. La Follette siphoned the steam from the Socialist locomotive, and was unapologetic in doing so. In one instance he directly quoted Eugene Debs to support his public rail plan, and when questioned by the press where he received the quote, answered that an unnamed "colleague from Wisconsin" told it to him.

  Even if La Follette was destined to perform far better than President Johnson had, the poll numbers demonstrated that there was too great a gap between himself and the president. In both the Chicago Daily News and the Des Moines Register, President McAdoo was leading La Follette by over twenty points. As the former State Secretary desperately pushed in the final weeks of his campaign for a sudden shift in his favor, the country braced for a landslide.

The Des Moines Register: October 1924
Which candidate would you endorse for president?

William G. McAdoo: 53%
Robert La Follette: 28%
Seymour Stedman: 9%
Frank O. Lowden: 5%
Frederick Gillett: 5%

[Pyro]

Voters on Election Day, 1924

  Election Day took place on November 4th, 1924. It was, essentially, a two-man race. President McAdoo, the popular Democratic incumbent, ran on a program of moderate progress, continued economic success, and a promise to fight corruption in the federal government. The nominee for both the Republican and Progressive Parties, Robert La Follette, called for increased financial regulations, nationalizing major industries, and legalizing labor unions. Independent Republican Frederick Gillett, Nationalist Frank Lowden, and Socialist Seymour Stedman were not expected to outperform either of the frontrunners.

  In the final weeks of the cycle, McAdoo's campaign bumped up the fear-mongering. His staff released leaflets and made speeches in various swing cities, like Philadelphia and Chicago, perpetuating the idea that La Follette would wreck the economy should he enact his nationalization programs. As the middle-class was doing well for itself in '24, this move by McAdoo's campaign solidified support for the president among this demographic. Workers and farmers were still divided on the presidency and there was no definitive trend with the poorest Americans.

  Almost every major newspaper and press organization predicted a near-48 state landslide for President McAdoo. As their logic went, why would one vote for the opposition when things were moving so smoothly? As it turned out, they managed to overestimate McAdoo's incumbent advantage. La Follette, though he was certainly in an uphill battle, did have a message with resonated with major sections of the country. Although the economy was doing well, economic inequality was rising exponentially and wages were falling. More significantly, the British recession revealed the dangers of unregulated finance.

  Arguably, La Follette's biggest problem was money. He did not have any substantial campaign contributors while McAdoo was heavily favored by Wall Street. The money gap, in addition to McAdoo's poll numbers and clear favorability by the press, cemented the outcome of the election before voting had even started. One new factor for the national election, the women's vote, would lean towards McAdoo in the race, as would the recently legalized (through the Indian Citizenship Act) American Indian vote.

  The vote totals in New England were actually quite startling. Pundits predicted that Frederick Gillett would win at least two traditionally Republican states, but in New Hampshire, Maine and Massachusetts, he was not even on the ballot. La Follette thereby picked up each of these, in addition to Rhode Island. Gillett did manage to narrowly defeat La Follette in Vermont by a margin of two-thousand votes, and picked up four electoral votes.

  Connecticut was won handily by President McAdoo, as was Speaker Wilson's home state of New Jersey with over 50% of the vote. New York, which had gone for President Fitzgerald four years prior, was won by President McAdoo with over 44% to La Follette's 30%. In third place was Lowden, followed closely by Stedman. Pennsylvania had been a huge battleground state, and although La Follette had been expected to narrowly come out victorious due a rejuvenated Progressive influence in Pittsburgh, President McAdoo won the Keystone State with 41% of the vote to the La Follette's 40%.

  When it came to the Solid South, President McAdoo had no problem corralling the voters to his cause. Frank Lowden had seen major voting bumps in Mississippi and South Carolina, but McAdoo easily won these two in addition to the entire Deep South. Texas and Virginia went to the president with upwards of 70% of the total vote count in each. Oklahoma, Tennessee, Kentucky and Missouri also had easily gone to the Democratic incumbent, as had Kansas, Maryland, West Virginia, and Delaware.

  Robert La Follette had sought to preserve the TR Coalition that brought the former president to victory in 1912 and again in 1916. True, La Follette was unable to win New York, but, as he believed, the Midwest could be key in 1924. The State Secretory had major support in this region, and racked up enormous vote totals in crucial swing states like Illinois and Ohio, completely blowing Lowden and Gillett out of the water. The Progressive won big in Michigan, Iowa and Minnesota, but the president focused in on and succeeding in taking Ohio, Indiana and Illinois. Stedman had failed in recapturing Wisconsin in '24, and the vote total reflected a turn towards the Progressive Party.

  La Follette certainly managed to preserve the Progressive dominance in the Mountain states and the West Coast, where he won California, Oregon, Nevada, Idaho, the Dakotas, and Wyoming without much effort. These states had truly become core Bull-Moose states, and even in this landslide year, stuck behind their Progressive candidate. The Progressive, with a much more prevalent pro-farmer/rural message than McAdoo, managed to win two Roosevelt states that Fitzgerald had picked up in 1920: Nebraska and Colorado. Seymour Stedman did hold on to Washington state after he chose to be the sole candidate to campaign in Olympia.

  Lastly, Arizona and New Mexico had two of the tightest vote margins in this election, with the former edging out a win for La Follette and the latter leaning towards President McAdoo. This turned out to be, as the Chicago Tribune would print, a "geographical" election. Even though the president had a lock on nearly every demographic, the West could not be taken from the Roosevelt Progressives. The East, from New York down to Florida was captured by President McAdoo. With 371 Electoral votes to La Follette's 149, he was handily elected to the presidency.

Robert La Follette Casting his Ballot on Election Day

edit: 48 states, not 50

[Pyro]

The Election of 1924: Final Results

edit: imgfix

[Oak Hills]

Almost every major newspaper and press organization predicted a near-50 state landslide for President McAdoo.

Don't mean near-48-state landslide there?

[Pyro]

Almost every major newspaper and press organization predicted a near-50 state landslide for President McAdoo.

Don't mean near-48-state landslide there?

You're right! I'll fix that now.

[Pyro]

1924 Congressional Elections      

Senate
Democratic: 43 (+1)
Progressive: 17 (+8)
Republican: 14 (-15)
Socialist: 7 (-1)
Farmer-Labor: 5 (0)
Nationalist: 4 (+4)
Independent Republican: 4 (+4)
Independent: 2 (-1)

House
Democratic: 204 (+2)
Progressive: 89 (+22)
Socialist: 40 (-7)
Nationalist: 38 (+38)
Republican: 31 (-79)
Independent Republican: 28 (+28)
Farmer-Labor: 5 (-3)
Independent: 0 (-1)

 Senate Leadership

Majority Leader Carter Glass (D-VA)
Sen. Minority Leader William E. Borah (P-ID)
Sen. Minority Leader Frederick Hale (R-ME)
Sen. Minority Leader Ashley G. Miller (S-NV)
Sen. Minority Leader Lawrence C. Phipps (N-CO)
Farmer-Labor delegation caucuses w/ SP
Independent Republican delegation caucuses w/ GOP

 House of Representatives Leadership

Speaker Woodrow Wilson (D-NJ)
Minority Leader William Stephens (P-CA)
Minority Leader Upton Sinclair (S-CA)
Minority Leader T. Jeff Busby (N-MS)
Minority Leader Edward John King (R-IL)
Minority Leader Frederick Gillett (IR-MA)
Minority Leader Ole J. Kvale (FL-MN), caucus w/ SP

  In the House and the Senate elections for '24, the Progressives would take the clear momentum and bounce into a clear second-place position behind the Democrats. Because of the GOP split, very few men ran in this election cycle as a Republican, instead allying with the Progressives, the Nationalists, or Gillett's Independent Republicans. Those who did run as Republicans failed in the Senate and just barely held on in the House.

  Most conclusive for this year was the Massachusetts Senate race, in which the well-respected incumbent Senate Minority Leader John W. Weeks was forced to run against two Progressive and one Nationalist challenger. This extreme splitting of the Republican vote meant liberal Democrat David I. Walsh walked into the Senate while only achieving about 50.4% of the vote. In other Republican strongholds, including New Hampshire and Maine, incumbent GOPers ran on other tickets. As such, Senator Bert M. Fernald of Maine was elected as an Independent Republican and Henry W. Keyes won as a Nationalist.

  The Progressive Party, in winning eight additional Senate and 22 additional House seats, reaffirmed itself as a major player in American politics. William E. Borah, the incumbent Progressive senator from Idaho and Minority Leader, won his bid for re-election unopposed. In Illinois, a state deemed to be a Democrat shoe-in, chose to retain Senator Carl R. Chindholm (P-IL) against challengers Charles S. Deneen and Albert A. Sprauge. The Progressive Party won one surprising victory in Louisiana where incumbent conservative Democrat Joseph E. Ransdell lost to the turbulent populist John M. Parker. Parker, who had served as the state's governor for four years, was elected in a tide of anti-conservatism limited to the Bayou State.

  The increased momentum of the Progressives, just as it had with the presidential election, came to the detriment of the Socialist Party. For the first time since its initial rise in 1908, the radical-left lost seats in Congress. The party lost out on seven Senate seats, chiefly in New York, and its Montana Senate seat. Jeanette Rankin (S-MT), who had won her election with about 39% of the vote twelve years ago, lost in a resounding defeat to Progressive challenger Frank B. Linderman.

  All in all, the Democrats once more walked away victorious. They gained only a small amount of Congressional seats, but, thanks in part to President McAdoo and Speaker Wilson, retained their clear majority in both houses of Congress. With the resignation of Oscar Underwood, one Carter Glass of Virginia was elected to take up the role of Senate Majority Leader. Glass, who had been far less stringent and more willing to work with President McAdoo, assured the public that the Democratic Party would stand together to bring about stability and success.

  

Senators Elected in 1924 (Class 2)
J. Thomas Heflin (D-AL): Democratic Hold w/ 75%
Joseph T. Robinson (D-AK): Democratic Hold w/ 75%
Lawrence C. Phipps (N-CO): Nationalist Gain w/ 50%     
Rice W. Means (IR-CO): Independent Republican Gain w/ 50%
T. Coleman du Pont (P-DE): Progressive Gain w/ 50%
William J. Harris (D-GA): Democratic Hold w/ 100%
William E. Borah (P-ID): Progressive Hold w/ 100%
Carl R. Chindblom (P-IL): Progressive Hold w/ 45%
L.M. Shaw (P-IA): Progressive Gain w/ 50%
Arthur Capper (P-KS): Progressive Gain w/ 70%
Augustus O. Stanley (D-KY): Democratic Hold w/ 50%
John M. Parker (P-LA): Progressive Gain w/ 40%
Bert M. Fernald (IR-ME): Independent Republican Gain w/ 55% 
David I. Walsh (D-MA): Democratic Gain w/ 50%
Henry Ford (D-MI): Democratic Hold w/ 60%
Thomas D. Schall (P-MN): Progressive Gain w/ 45%
Pat Harrison (D-MS): Democratic Hold w/ 100%
Frank B. Linderman (P-MT): Progressive Gain w/ 50%
George W. Norris (P-NE): Progressive Gain w/ 55% 
Henry W. Keyes (N-NH): Nationalist Gain w/ 55%
Walter E. Edge (N-NJ): Nationalist Gain w/ 50%
Sam G. Bratton (D-NM): Democratic Gain w/ 45%
Furnifold Simmons (D-NC): Democratic Hold w/ 60%
William B. Pine (P-OK): Progressive Gain w/ 50%
F.E. Coulter (P-OR): Progressive Gain w/ 45%
LeBaron B. Colt (IR-RI): Independent Republican Gain w/ 55% 
Coleman L. Blease (D-SC): Democratic Hold w/ 100%
Tom Ayres (P-SD): Progressive Gain w/ 50%
Lawrence D. Tyson (D-TN): Democratic Gain w/ 60%
John N. Garner (D-TX): Democratic Hold w/ 85%
Carter Glass (D-VA): Democratic Hold w/ 70%
Guy D. Doff (N-WV): Nationalist Gain w/ 45%
Francis E. Warren (IR-WY): Independent Republican Gain w/ 55% 

[Pyro]

Portrait of President William Gibbs McAdoo

Chapter Nine: The New Normalcy: Return of the Two-Party System

  President McAdoo had won the election with over 48% of the popular vote: the highest since President Knox in 1908. Even the most virulent La Follette supporter, following the announcement of the election results, had no choice but to admit that their candidate fell rather hard. The president had won each of the most highly populated states, such as New York, Illinois and Pennsylvania, in addition to winning former Republican strongholds like Connecticut.

  The opposition would claim that La Follette's loss was attributed to the splitting of the Republican vote. This was certainly true in some regard, as Lowden and Gillett threatened La Follette's potential and, arguably, tore apart the GOP. However, even if one were to combine the popular vote totals for the once-Republican candidates, it would come out to only 42%, still less than McAdoo's 48%.

  Each of the opposing candidates bowed out of the race either on Election Day or the following morning. Frederick Gillett said little of the presidential contest after his defeat, only stating weeks later than he would serve as Minority Leader exclusively for the Independent Republican delegations. Seymour Stedman, having lost in his mission once more, would quietly fade into the background, his party wishing Debs were still alive to capture the Socialist Congress. Frank Lowden considered the election a success, having brought the Nationalist agenda to the front-page and winning over 7% of the population.

  Robert La Follette would bow out only after every single state had been called, subsequently losing much of the energy which had characterized the former State Secretary. He spoke briefly following his loss on the triumphs of the Progressive Party in this election, stating that the "storming of Congress" would go down in history as a turning point in politics. Although he was happy to have won his home-state of Wisconsin, the losses in Pennsylvania and Illinois were detrimental to the Roosevelt Coalition. Perhaps it was impossible for a Progressive to win these states while Democrats like McAdoo and Fitzgerald stuck around.

  President McAdoo himself was joyous upon hearing of his huge win. In his Oath of Office, the president spoke with greater enthusiasm than he had in any prior address. Speaking to a motivated and excited crowd of supporters, McAdoo had to hide his excitement and speak rather solemnly. He stated that although the Democrats won once more with decisive margins of victory, the public must "focus ahead" and focus on the future. A huge obstacle, Oscar Underwood, was no longer in place to stun the president's moves, and perhaps progress could finally be made in Congress.

  McAdoo then began to remark on the successes of his and Fitzgerald's administrations, mainly to do with the economy, and promised to promote "business for business policy" and a hands-off governmental approach. The nation was stable, after all, so, as most Democrats at the time would argue, 'why change?' McAdoo promised to lower taxes, increase assistance to businesses providing adequate wages to their employees, and dramatically reduce the American crime rate. The president worked to keep himself as centrist as possible, avoiding any misnomers which would lead to the growth of any "dangerous" third party or organization.

The McAdoo Cabinet

President                          William G. McAdoo
Vice President                   Royal S. Copeland
Secretary of State             James M. Cox
Secretary of Treasury         Charles W. Bryan
Secretary of War               Claude Swanson
Attorney General                Homer Stille Cummings
Postmaster General             Albert B. Burleson
Secretary of the Navy         Josephus Daniels
Secretary of the Interior      John Burke
Secretary of Agriculture       David F. Houston
Secretary of Commerce        Clarence F. Lea
Secretary of Labor              Samuel M. Taylor

  The president had managed to retain the Fitzgerald Cabinet throughout most of his administration. In his new term, McAdoo only introduced new faces when necessary. Governors Charles Bryan and John Burke took up the roles as Secretary of Treasury and the Interior, respectively. James Cox, Claude Swanson, and most of the incumbent cabinet remained in McAdoo's new term.

  Vice President Copeland, a man known throughout New York for his calm handling of the 1918 influenza outbreak, would play an active role in the McAdoo administration. Copeland, more conservative than the majority of his cabinet counterparts, would be remembered for driving McAdoo to the Right on a handful of public issues. The former senator was somewhat controversial for his known affiliation with the boss-led Tammany Hall, but most of this past was covered up during the election season. Copeland's influence would lead to McAdoo quietly changing his mind on anti-corruption initiatives, which he would not again mention during his tenure in office.

[Kingpoleon]

What are Fairbanks and the American Bonapartes up to?

[Pyro]

What are Fairbanks and the American Bonapartes up to?

If you mean Charles Fairbanks, after failing to win the GOP presidential nomination in 1916 against Elihu Root, he died in 1918 of nephritis.
 
Charles Bonaparte served as Attorney General to Theodore Roosevelt from 1913 to 1918, boosting the efficiency and effectiveness of the Department of Justice. He retired and subsequently died in '21. To my knowledge he did not have have children or siblings. Don't know of any other American Bonapartes.