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Author Topic: Describe your state legislative district/districts  (Read 1232 times)
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« on: March 17, 2017, 11:20:09 am »
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I'll start. I'll do my home-home (Greenfield) districts because I know very little about the ones I'm currently registered in.

My Massachusetts Senate district is the "Hampshire, Franklin, and Worcester" district (Massachusetts legislative districts are named, unsystematically, after the counties they're in), but only includes one town in Worcester County, Royalston. The rest of the district comprises the northern and central parts of the Pioneer Valley and the Hampshire and Franklin parts of the North Quabbin region. The largest communities, in order of size, are Amherst, Northampton, South Hadley, and Greenfield; everything else is well under ten thousand people. With the exception of the town of Colrain, the western part of the district stops abruptly where the Hill Towns start. Economically and culturally the district is dominated by higher education and some agriculture. The largest employers are the Yankee Candle flagship store in Deerfield, Mt. Holyoke College in South Hadley, Smith College in Northampton, and a wholesale grocery in Hatfield. I assume UMass Amherst is among these too but for some reason it's not on EOLWD's list, possibly because it's public-sector.

My state senator is Amherst’s own Stanley C. Rosenberg, who is currently President of the Massachusetts Senate. Rosenberg is openly gay and is both the most prominent LGBT officeholder in Massachusetts after Barney Frank’s retirement and the most powerful figure in state government from Western Mass. I met him briefly at an event for students interested in public service when I was at UMass. Politically Rosenberg is a standard liberal Democrat with particular interests in LGBT issues, foster care and adoption (he was raised in foster care), and the arts. In general I'd say I like Rosenberg but I'm not certain about his ethics. The district is titanium D and last year was the first time since 2008 that Rosenberg actually had an opponent; he beat Donald Peltier, a South Hadleyan previously best known for soliciting political donations through fake RNC and DNC websites, 82-18.

My Massachusetts House district is the “Second Berkshire” district (even though much, possibly most, of it is in Franklin County), an abomination that stretches from Northfield on the Connecticut River at the tripoint with New Hampshire and Vermont westward along the Vermont border and then down through the Berkshires to the northeastern corner of Pittsfield. It was apparently drawn to disfavor a state representative named Denise Andrews by taking Greenfield out of her North Quabbin district; she subsequently lost reelection to an Athol-based Republican stainless steel equipment manufacturer named Susannah Whipps Lee, who formally goes by "Mrs. Whipps" even though Whipps is her maiden name (FF move imo). (Full disclosure: I was invited to Andrews's 2014 election watch party, liked her a lot, and was there when she lost. Felt bad, man.) It’s difficult to generalize about Second Berkshire because its shape makes so little sense; I know a lot about the "horizontal stroke" but practically nothing about the "vertical stroke". Other than Greenfield and the corner of Pittsfield it’s very rural, for the most part hilly and forested. I’ve occasionally fantasized about running in this district at some point because parts of it follow the Mohawk Trail between Greenfield and North Adams, a route I’m very familiar with, but looking at the map it takes in less of the Mohawk Trail than I thought and also I didn’t comport myself well when I held local office in Amherst and there’s video evidence of my not doing so. I assume the largest employer is the Baystate Franklin Medical Center in Greenfield, unless there’s something in the corner of Pittsfield that I’m unaware of. The biggest cultural event in the district, outside of Greenfield, is probably the annual Heath Fair in Heath, north of Charlemont.

My state representative is Paul W. Mark, a Verizon technician and International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers figure from the town of Peru just east of Pittsfield who holds degrees from five different colleges, all of which I believe he earned taking classes at night and on weekends while working full-time. He’s a loyal Democrat but compared to Rosenberg is more economics-focused and locally attuned (obviously, since unlike Rosenberg he’s not in party leadership or a position of statewide power). I like him as far as I know him but he’s pretty low-profile both compared to Rosenberg and compared to some other state representatives in my area. The district is currently safe D but most of it trended towards Trump last year and will probably continue to trend Republican in the future, at least in federal races, unless the Democrats have a major attitude adjustment. I’m actually not sure if Mark had an opponent in 2016 because I voted in Newton, but he didn’t have one in 2012 or 2014. He did in 2010, his first election, and won 63-37. Currently he and Whipps are trying to pass a bill defining succession for lieutenant-gubernatorial vacancies.

All of these people are UMass alumni in some capacity or another except for Whipps, who went to Fitchburg State.
« Last Edit: March 17, 2017, 11:32:46 am by modern maverick »Logged



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« Reply #1 on: March 17, 2017, 11:29:51 am »
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For now (moving a few miles into a diff district soon) I'm in the 45th. It stretches from Duvall and Sammamish, takes in all of Redmond and much of Kirkland, where I'm at. It used to be the backbone of the King County GOP when the Eastside was a Republican stronghold, but those days are likely to end with the special election in Nov to fill the late Andy Hill's Senate seat. Both Reps are Safe Democrats and Trump did not win a single precinct here in Nov.

The district has also become quite diverse, with a massive South Asian population
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« Reply #2 on: March 17, 2017, 08:56:17 pm »
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My New Hampshire Senate district is District 21, stretching from Portsmouth to Durham. It includes all five electoral wards in Portsmouth along with the communities of Newmarket, Newington, and Newfields in Rockingham County, as well as Durham, Lee, and Madbury in Strafford County. Aside from Newington (and to a lesser extent Newfields), the majority of District 21's constituent towns/cities are all quite liberal and reliably Democratic in federal, state, and local elections. The liberal bent of this district is especially prominent in Portsmouth and Durham, where Democratic candidates running in all levels of government typically rack up margins of >60%. Even in rural Lee, the Democrats do surprisingly well; this is a community where 2016 gubernatorial candidate Colin Van Ostern won a healthy 59% of the vote, even though he lost statewide to Sununu. In terms of culture, Portsmouth, Durham, and Newmarket are all outwardly socially liberal to varying degrees, while the rest of the communities (including Newington) have that typical New Hampshire "live and let live" attitude when it comes to social policy and values. Demographically-speaking, District 21 is overwhelmingly non-Hispanic white, with very little in the way of ethnic, cultural, and religious diversity. However, there are some housing tracts in southern Portsmouth that have >10% Asian populations (largely comprised of Chinese-Indonesian Christian refugees and Indians). Durham and Newmarket also have small communities of Asian-Americans, the former due to UNH, and the latter due to immigration from Laos.

District 21 is represented by Martha Fuller Clark, a progressive Democrat who was the first NH Democrat to declare herself a Bernie Sanders delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 2016. She has served in this position in the NH Senate since 2012. Before this, she represented NH Senate District 24 from 2004-2010 as well as in the NH House of Representatives from 1990 to 2002. She has lived in Portsmouth since 1973 and is an architectural historian outside of her political life.

My New Hampshire House district is District 29, which overlaps with Portsmouth Ward 5. This district is fully contained to the city of Portsmouth, encompassing Downtown Portsmouth south of Congress Street, the yuppie South End neighborhood, eastern Little Harbour, and everything else south of South Street, east of Route 1 (excluding the housing tract on the corner of Route 1 and South near the high school), and north of Sagamore Creek. Like the rest of Portsmouth, this district is heavily liberal and votes for the Democrats by significant margins. Economically, the district is quite mixed; you'll find very wealthy areas closer to the Piscataqua River, lower middle class areas around Ledgewood, and everything else in between. District 29 is represented by Democrat Pamela Gordon.
« Last Edit: March 18, 2017, 10:20:39 pm by Calm NH Lib »Logged
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« Reply #3 on: March 18, 2017, 10:36:10 pm »
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Maine Senate District 15, one of two state Senate districts entirely in Kennebec County (there are five other Senate districts which include at least one town in Kennebec) consists of Augusta, China, Oakland, Sidney and Vassalboro.  It's been the same five towns since 2003.  For the previous 10 years it had most of Winslow instead of Sidney and Oakland (the remainder of Winslow being in a really ugly-shaped district), and before that it had Hallowell and sometimes Chelsea so it was more centered on Augusta.  Before the 1968 elections State Senators were elected at-large by county, with smaller counties overrepresented in the later years.  Augusta is the state capitol, which is on both sides of the Kennebec River.  It's roughly in the center of Kennebec County, but it does have a very small boundary (like less than half a mile I think, and with no roads crossing it), with Whitefield in Lincoln County.  There used to be separate junior high or middle schools for the two sides, and separate teams in the Little League All-Star tournament (probably separate leagues for the regular season too).  I assume there's only one Little League now.  The Augusta East All-Star team were State Champions one year in the '90s).  The two middle schools did combine Cross-Country running and Track & Field even when they were separate, and I got to be friends with the Augusta Cross-Country coach as a precocious member of the Gardiner and later Maranacook Jr. High teams.  One of my future coaches at Maranacook didn't know what to make of this (West) Gardiner kid who was so interested in meeting the other team's coaches, although later on we grew to like each other a lot.  Okay, I'm majorly digressing here, but thinking of my local districts brings such memories to mind.

Vassalboro is the town to the north of "Augusta East" (wanting to describe the locations of the various towns and wanting to explain what I meant by "Augusta East" and "Augusta West" is what led to my digression above), and China is the town to the west of that (which doesn't touch Augusta, as the boundary with Vassalboro shifts first just a dite west but then east along a lakeshore to give Vassalboro a border with Windsor which is the town just east of Augusta, with a minor road crossing it).  Windsor's in the "Lincoln County Senate District", and was in a House district mostly in Lincoln County from the 1994 through 2002 elections.  (I had my hair cut a couple times by a barber from Windsor at Duke's Rotary barber shop in Augusta (whose owner used to poll the clients before elections which was quite notable statewide, but they started to have a notable Republican lean in by the decade of the 2000s), and we talked about Windsor's districts in 2003 I think both before and after the reapportionment was done.  Anyway, Vassalboro and China don't have a set High School, but many kids from those towns (particularly China) go to the "semi-private" Erskine Academy in South China (part of the town of China, unlike West Gardiner, well obviously that's not a part of China but you know what I mean).  A decent chunk of the village of Palermo is in the town of China too (some online mapping sites will have you think Palermo is in Kennebec County rather than Waldo County), and Palermo is definitely in "Erskine territory", but the legislative districts have (IIRC) always followed the county line between China and Palermo.  Some Vassalboro kids probably go to Cony (Augusta's high school) or Windsor, and even some kids from China might (Erskine can keep undesirable students out as it's technically a private school), but it's generally an "Erskine town" I think.  It's now in a loose school union with Waterville, which it only borders by a single point in the middle of the Kennebec River, as part of the Baldacci-era school consolidation - some existing districts formed unions with other districts intentionally far enough away that the schools wouldn't consolidate.

Sidney is the town north of "Augusta West", and Oakland is the town to the northwest of Sidney (better known as the town the west of Waterville, away from the Kennebec River).  Those two towns are in a school district with Belgrade and Rome to the west, with Messalonskee High School being in Oakland.  That district, like Augusta, wasn't affected by the Baldacci-era school consolidation, although it might have been at that time when Rome formally joined the district, as in the 90's I know it was it's own district but had long had a contract with the Messalonskee district for all grades.  The regional head of my company is the son of a recently retired receptionist at Maranacook, who I found out recently had been the receptionist at Rome Elementary School and came to Maranacook when that school closed, her son still went to Messalonskee schools so I didn't know him growing up (he was a few years older than me besides), but he seemed to know me, possibly as I was the kind of guy who would be in the front office more than most because I left my lunch box in the cafeteria or had to call my dad to bring the homework I'd left at home, or something like that.

The district is pretty marginal.  It was held by Democrats from the 80s (if not earlier) to 2010, but there was a close race for an open seat in 2004, and also in 2002 when the termed-out State Rep for the main "Augusta West" district challenged the third-term State Senator and then Democratic Leader, who won (and Democrats kept their majority gained in a special election that spring, the Senate was 17-17-1 before that vacancy occurred) and became Senate President for her final term.  Then-Augusta Mayor Roger Katz, son of maybe the last Republican State Senator for the Augusta district, won the seat for the Republicans in 2010, and has been reelected in landslides ever since.  He's a lawyer (who represented a family member in a divorce a few years ago, although at the time my parents were "on the side" of the soon to be ex brother-in-law - to say it made family relations tense would be an understatement).  He's super popular and quite personable, but I haven't been very impressed by his responsiveness to my e-mails.  When he does respond it's like, "Although I think what you propose May (sic) well be a good idea, I have already committed to submitting a significant number of bills the session and don't want to spread myself too thin."  (That's an exact quote from last November, and the same thing happened with my request for the same basic idea two years before.)  He is one of two noted moderate Republican State Senators.  A lot of people expect him to run for governor in 2018 when he'll be termed-out (Maine has a voter initiative-enacted statutory limit of no more than four consecutive terms in the same chamber in the Legislature (all terms are for two years, except for one of the three non-voting tribal members of the Maine House), plus a state Constitutional limit of no more than two consecutive four-year terms as Governor), but others say his only hope would be to run as an Independent as he would be able to win a Republican primary the way Maine Republicans are now.

[House District and Legislator description coming]
« Last Edit: March 19, 2017, 12:02:41 am by Kevinstat »Logged
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« Reply #4 on: March 18, 2017, 10:50:36 pm »

Alas the district doesn't include the town of Readfield. I have fond memories of Kents Hill in 1979-1981. A close friend of mine from college took a teaching position at the school and I had a couple of visits there from my grad school outside of Boston. I stayed at a guest house with a fabulous view of one of the many ponds in the area. Later that same decade my wife-to-be and I liked to come up and visit the shops of Old Hallowell, which also is just outside your district.
« Last Edit: March 18, 2017, 10:53:03 pm by muon2 »Logged



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« Reply #5 on: March 19, 2017, 12:02:56 am »
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Until 1974, no municipalities were split between House districts, and for some time going into 1974 Augusta elected three State Representatives at large.  The "far east" of Augusta (geographically almost half the city) was moved to another district in for the 1974 elections, the three-member main Augusta House district was divided along with all the other multi-member districts for the 1978 elections (with two districts being on the west side and one on the east side except that the Augusta Mental Health Institute on the east side of the Kennebec River was added to the southwest Augusta House District, at a time when people under guardianship for mental illness couldn't vote, but they could be used to bring districts within appropriate population balance), the city went down to exactly three districts in the 1983 redistricting, and two whole districts with an ever-smaller remainder from the 1993 redistricting on.  The general trend has been for the originally northwest district to gain from the southwest district, which gained from the southern part of the "near-east" district or directly from the original remainder and the original "near-east" district first gained the rest of the original reminder, and then towns to the north or west as it has gradually been pushed out of Augusta.  There have been shifts "the other way" on the west side though in 1993 and 2013 (along with shifts of presumably more people the way I described earlier).

For the first four years of my life (1981-1985), I lived in the original remainder (with Sidney, Vassalboro and Windsor, which remained in a district together for 10 years after the Augusta portion left) and, after Legislators took office in December 1984, the southern Augusta district, as it broke out from its AMHI beachhead while losing a small amount of territory on the west side.  When I moved to Augusta in April 2013, I was in the northeast reminder with Vassalboro and Windsor, represented by a newly elected Democrat from Vassalboro (who was ousted this past November after serving two terms), but my side of Riverside Drive was moved to the cross-river district (represented by a first-term Republican who chose not do run again in 2014 as I think he was taking a job that would render him ineligible to serve in the Legislature; he's on the City Council now) in the redistricting that May or June.  That district still contains my first home, as well as where the Hospital was back then (which it might not have gained until the 1993 redraw, I'm not sure), so I am thus undisputedly a native of both my (current) House and Senate districts although I grew up mostly in West Gardiner and Manchester.

My State Representative, elected in 2014 when the new lines took effect, is Donna Doore (D), a South China native (of the Farrington family that used to own a noted clothing store in South China) but one who I'm pretty sure has lived in Augusta longer than I've been alive.  She served on the City Council in Augusta in the 2000s and maybe the late 1990s, representing the southeast Ward 2 (which crosses the river and included the Governor's mansion until 2014 - it's still in the cross-river House district).  Her husband ran for the State House in 1992 against an incumbent who had just faced a Scott Walker-type situation (his 1990 victory over a Democratic incumbent was disputed as people had voted in the wrong district and the Democratic House provisionally seated him but then voted to hold a special election, which he won handily by campaigning against the longtime Democratic Speaker rather than his actual opponent; he beat Donna Doore's husband by 17.5 points in 1992 and ran for Governor in 1994, finishing second to Susan Collins in the Republican primary; Collins finished third that fall, two years before being elected to the U.S. Senate) and in 1996 when Bev Daggett was termed out of the State House (part of the first term-limited class, although she had only served a partial term before her four full terms unlike some who were termed out that year) and was elected to the Maine Senate.  He lost the 1996 race by 75 votes (although that was a 2.25% defeat; Maine House districts are small) to the Republican who had given Bev Daggett a scare in 1994 (Daggett had represented the Augusta district entirely east of the river going into the 1994 elections, in case you're wondering how the 1992 and 1996 facts jive).

Representative Doore is fairly responsive (certainly more than Senator Katz), and recently did what everyone probably hopes their Legislator will do when they Cc: their Legislators on an e-mail to a government agency, in my case asking for information on voter participation in the past two general elections by party which has ramifications for ballot status in Maine.  She sent an e-mail within a couple days asking her staffer to ask the Secretary of State about that, and the staffer contacted a few people in the Secretary of States Office including the Deputy SOS who head the bureau covering elections who then answered my questions.  She did twice refuse to put in the same bill Katz was too busy to put in, and in her case because she didn't agree with it (well, the first time she thought it might have merit but she didn't want to clutter more important things; she was then one of two members of her committee that voted "Ought to Pass" on a bill to designate the Labrador Retriever as the Maine State Dog).  My bill was first to alter, then last time to eliminate staggering of county commissioners' terms to eliminate the "deferral" and "acceleration" phenomena.  Also, when I mentioned my idea of changing the participation threshold in certain local referenda to be based on affirmative votes rather than total ballots cast, and tried to explain how the current method can give people who oppose a change an incentive to stay home, she replied, "Well, you can't make people vote."  I think she was a forceful party and maybe state employee union activist back in the day, but she can come across as rather clueless at times now, like with what I just mentioned.  She had cancer in 2014 when she first ran (she was very open about her having it but that it was definitely beatable), and she would later post successful news on her recovery, but I read something on her Facebook recently that made me think she was back in treatment or something.  Local Democrats have had a fair amount of loss in recent years (Hon. Bev Daggett, then a county commissioner in 2015, Probate Judge Jim Mitchell (2010 Gubernatorial nominee Libby Mitchell's husband) last year, and former County Treasurer Bob Crockett, husband of the current commissioner, about a week ago.  While I have been frustrated with her at times and have even given thought to challenging her in a primary, I definitely hope Rep. Doore pulls though any health issue that she may have.

Okay, I'm done.
« Last Edit: March 19, 2017, 12:07:02 am by Kevinstat »Logged
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« Reply #6 on: March 19, 2017, 12:25:23 am »
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Alas the district doesn't include the town of Readfield. I have fond memories of Kents Hill in 1979-1981. A close friend of mine from college took a teaching position at the school and I had a couple of visits there from my grad school outside of Boston. I stayed at a guest house with a fabulous view of one of the many ponds in the area. Later that same decade my wife-to-be and I liked to come up and visit the shops of Old Hallowell, which also is just outside your district.

Readfield, as you may know, is where Maranacook Community Middle and High Schools are (it was one 7-12 school when I went there; now separate 6-8 and 9-12 schools on the same campus).  Some who were classmates of mine at Maranacook in 7th grade went to Kents Hill beginning after their 8th Grade or Freshman year, or in the case of one classmate, a neighbor actually, skipped over 8th Grade.  My mom actually works part-time at the student center at Kents Hill now, along with the woman of the couple across the street whom she has become good friends with.  They'll sometimes carpool together, although the neighbor has more hours so that doesn't always work.  I drove my mom there one Saturday or Sunday afternoon after grabbing something from my parents' place so she could avoid a round trip and ride back with the neighbor.  It was nice seeing old sights, although it actually hadn't been that long.  I went to the Readfield Democratic caucus at the town hall (about halfway between Maranacook and Kents Hill) last spring in support of a friend who was running for the State Senate in the Gardiner-Winthrop district.  (I was there for the full Manchester caucus and the pre-presidential portion of the Readfield and Winthrop caucuses, while voting absentee in the Augusta caucus which conflicted with Manchester's.  He later withdrew and through his support behind one of his two opponents.  The other opponent, who had ran against Susan Collins in 2014, won the primary 82% to 18%.  Manchester was her hometown and a lot of people would sign her petitions (another former neighbor was her circulator in Manchester) but not my candidate's.  I don't think I'll ever miss my own caucus for someone else's campaign again.)  I also went to Maranacook for a Spaghetti supper for my old cross-country (running) team last November, although that was in the evening and in November so I didn't really see sights.

Manchester is now in a State House district with Hallowell (which is uber-Democratic) as well as West Gardiner where I lived from when I was 4 to when I was 12.  It was kind of frustrating to see that happen after I moved to Augusta, although who knows if I would actually have been able to get elected anyway.
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« Reply #7 on: March 19, 2017, 12:25:55 am »
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I forgot to mention that Rosenberg has this fascination with Pskov Oblast in Russia and is always trying to establish economic and cultural links between Western Massachusetts and Pskov.
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« Reply #8 on: March 19, 2017, 01:09:09 am »
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I forgot to mention that Rosenberg has this fascination with Pskov Oblast in Russia and is always trying to establish economic and cultural links between Western Massachusetts and Pskov.

Do you know if he (or a partner of his) has any family connections to that part of Russia.  And by "family connections" I would include hosting or being hosted in a foreign exchange program.  My parents hosted a student from L'viv, Ukraine my sophomore year (from a publicly funded program that later lost it's public funding; they weren't rich people like a lot of the AFS kids, although the local AFS group included Igor in events and even after he went back included my family in AFS events so I shouldn't be knocking them; my parents later hosted an exchange teacher from Thailand for several months probably through AFS largely while I was at college).  Anyway, my parents, particularly my mom, were very involved with Igor (I had my own issues at the time but I later developed a good relationship with him and his brother whom I met when I went to Ukraine in 2004), and they have gone to Ukraine three times (I went with them the second time).  I think them hosting a teacher was the most they were willing to do for AFS because they really spent themselves hosting a student, not because of anything about that person but just how they are.  Turns out hosting a teacher had its own stresses.  The Thai teacher basically kicked my mom out of her own kitchen as she felt she should always be the one to cook to repay my parents.  They liked her cooking but my mom wanted to be able to cook meals herself occasionally.

Anyway, I definitely feel a connection with Ukraine and western Ukraine in particular.  Not so with Thailand, and I think it's the same for my parents, although they also have pleasant contacts with the Thai teacher and I think my mom uses some of her recipes.
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« Reply #9 on: March 19, 2017, 10:02:41 am »
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In my mammoth description of my legislative districts last night, there are a couple important things I left out, while I included a whole lot of extraneous stuff.

1) House District 85 (my district, most of the east side of Augusta and part of the west side) has, I've heard, more MSEA (Maine State Employees Association (union)) members than any other House district in the state.  I'm pretty sure the State of Maine is the largest employer.  Quite likely for the Senate district too.  Of the two main Augusta districts, HD 85 is the more historically middle class, Anglo district, while HD 86 (the western Augusta House district) includes Sand Hill (historically the French Canadian part of town, still with a lot of French Canadian ancestry although Franco-American kids started learning English at home in Maine in the 60s, I think, 70s at the latest).

2) I mentioned Representative Donna Doore's husband's election results but not hers.  She won her first race in 2014 56.3% to 43.7% (not counting blanks) over a former State Representative who was defeated for reelection in 2006 after a single term.  That former State Rep. had served with now-Rep. Doore on the City Council as an at-large member, but was defeated for reelection in 2005, which kind of presaged her House reelection defeat.  She challenged Senate Majority Leader Libby Mitchell in 2008 and got clobbered, and Libby Mitchell became Senate President and then ran for Governer and got 19% in 2010.  Representative Doore was unopposed in 2016 after a paper candidate, the Vice Chair of the Planning Board of Augusta dropped out too late to be replaced.  He was possibly a placeholder in the primary (happens a lot in Maine) but might have dithered at staying in the race when so other willing Republican candidates emerged.

Senator Katz won his first State Senate race in 2010 63.8% to 36.2% (not counting blanks) over State Representative (2006-2010) Patsy Crockett of the western Augusta House district.  Katz has been reelected over Democratic challengers in 2012, 2014 and 2016 with (not counting blanks) 62.3%, 72.2% and 77.0% respectively.

Patsy Crockett tried to regain her old House seat in 2012 in an open seat race (the Democrat who had replaced her ran successfully for District Attorney that year) but lost 48.2% to 51.8% (not counting blanks) to Matt Pouliot (R).  Patsy Crockett is now my county commissioner, replacing the late Beverly Daggett, and is the recent widow of the former County Treasurer, the last of several recent notable local Democratic deaths.  Pouliot won his second race 67.3% to 32.7% (not counting blanks) over a former top staffer to Congressman Mike Michaud who raised a lot of money but I've heard didn't do much door-to-door, and when she did she didn't always come across now (allegedly telling a Pouliot supporter, "That's too bad.  He's not going to win.").  A Democratic placeholder ran in the primary in 2016 but no replacement candidate could be found after he withdrew, so Pouliot, like Donna Doore, was unopposed.  Rep. Pouliot's mèmé (sp?) (grandmother, not sure which side) is kind of a matriarch on Sand Hill a very outspoken advocate on his behalf (I heard her radio ads for him in 2014).  Patsy Crockett cited that family influence when I asked her about her loss in 2012 when she was seeking my support for the Democratic nomination for county commissioner.

3) Rep. Pouliot will likely be the Republican nominee for Katz's open State Senate seat in 2018.  I've heard of a high-profile candidate for the Democrats but don't feel at liberty to share that openly now.

Okay, I feel like I've covered all important bases now.  Look what you started, modern maverick!
« Last Edit: March 19, 2017, 10:33:33 am by Kevinstat »Logged
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« Reply #10 on: March 19, 2017, 10:56:52 am »
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MO Senate District 14. Popluation according to 2010 Census: 171,753; percentage black: 60.73%. Entirely suburban. Cities than are wholly or mostly with the district: Clayton, University City, Normandy, Jennings, Ferguson, Woodson Terrace, Bridgeton, and Hazelwood. Some other important entities in the district: Lambert- St. Louis Int'l Airport; Washington Univ.; UM-St. Louis.
According to the redistricting commission's analysis of the federal and state elections of 2002 through 2010, the district was 84.2% Democratic during that decade; according to my analysis of the 2012 elections, it was 82.91% Democratic that year.
Incumbent Senator: Maria Chapelle-Nadal, who unsuccessfully challenged Congressman Lacy Clay in August, 2016. In three elections to the House - 2004, 2006, 2008 - she never had any opponents in the general elections, nor any opponents who were on the ballot in the general elections to the Senate in 2010 or 2014. A write-in candidate in 2014 got a little over 5%. Her only serious, close contests were in the Democratic Party primaries of 2004 and 2010. Because of term limits, she can't run again next year, so there will likely be a strong contest for the Democratic nomination, but no other candidates are likely going to run for the general election. The previous incumbent, Rita Days, also did not have any opponents in the general elections of 2002 or 2006.

MO Representative District 85. Population according to 2010 Census: 37,891; percentage black: 62.77%. Cities: Pine Lawn, Northwoods, Pasadena Hills (one of the most affluent black-majority cities in the country), Normandy, Bel-Nor (contains a home in which, about 68 years ago, an exorcism was performed on a boy, which inspired the book and movie The Exorcist), Bel-Ridge, parts of St. John and Overland. UM-St. Louis.
According to the redistricting commission's analysis of the elections in 2002 through 2010, the district was 85.9% Democratic during that decade. According to my analysis of 2012, it was 85.77% Democratic that year, but in 2016 it was 79.63% Democratic. There was a drop-off of nearly 19% in voter turnout comparing 2016 to 2012.
Incumbent Representative: Clem Smith; previous incumbents (in the old District 71): Esther Haywood and Don Calloway. There was a Libertarian Party candidate who ran in 2002, then no one else tried to run against Haywood, Calloway, or Smith until a Republican ran in 2016, and that Republican ended up with 18.42%.
Smith is in his last term, so he might run for the Senate, trying to replace Chapelle-Nadal.
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« Reply #11 on: March 19, 2017, 02:41:04 pm »
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Smith is in his last term, so he might run for the Senate, trying to replace Chapelle-Nadal.

Does he live in Senate District 14?  There didn't seem to be much overlap, with Normandy the only city you listed in both districts.  Of course, there might be some other municipalities a small part of which are in either district, and for all I know Normandy could make up a majority of the population of Clem Smith's Representative District 85.  Or you mentioned the smaller cities or towns in your Representative district description but not in your Senate district description.  Or it is a fairly small overlap between the two district, but you and Representative Smith both live there.  Just thought I'd check, though.
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« Reply #12 on: March 19, 2017, 03:01:09 pm »
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Minnesota Senate districts are simply split in half, which each half being a House district, and labeled the Senate District number and then A or B.

There are currently five Senate districts based around Minneapolis, two in the northern part, three in the south. I'm in district 62, which is also the most Democratic in the state. It's the middle district in south Minneapolis. It basically runs from the edge of downtown down the I-35W corridor to 50th street. The I-35W corridor includes almost all the largely minority neighborhoods in South Minneapolis, and is a pretty diverse area in general. Even the whites are, ranging from some rather affluent ones at the southern edge to the more working class ones around where I live, much like southeast Minneapolis this area is known as the more affordable part unlike the southwest. The resulting culture is an area that has very little in terms of any serious Republican demographics and no precinct has even a notable Republican minority. Contrary to what you might think, this is not the "hipster area" as they are mostly in 61, but does include the classic quirky urban stores, art galleries, etc. Also the smallest district in the state geographically, and thus also the most dense in population. Think a coalition of minorities, working class white liberals, some affluent liberals, and a bit of the young and hipster crew, basically a little bit of everyone. It even includes a predominately Native American housing project! Currently has a black incumbent, his predecessor held the seat for over 30 years, just to show how rigid politics are.

62A is the northern part of it, between roughly Lake Street and downtown. It's the smaller of the two geographically and the most dense in the state, although slightly less Democratic by a point or two than B, probably attestable to B's higher black population. Basically what I said above but moreso, and less affluent, since just about all reasonably affluent areas in 62B, although the residential housing in general is your much smaller homes with no driveways and still backalleys, etc. Also no lakes, a rarity in Minnesota. Also has a lesbian incumbent who was first elected in 1980. Incidentally the only other lesbian in the Minnesota legislature represents 62B.
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« Reply #13 on: March 19, 2017, 04:48:37 pm »
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Minnesota Senate districts are simply split in half, which each half being a House district, and labeled the Senate District number and then A or B.

There are currently five Senate districts based around Minneapolis, two in the northern part, three in the south. I'm in district 62, which is also the most Democratic in the state. It's the middle district in south Minneapolis. It basically runs from the edge of downtown down the I-35W corridor to 50th street. The I-35W corridor includes almost all the largely minority neighborhoods in South Minneapolis, and is a pretty diverse area in general. Even the whites are, ranging from some rather affluent ones at the southern edge to the more working class ones around where I live, much like southeast Minneapolis this area is known as the more affordable part unlike the southwest. The resulting culture is an area that has very little in terms of any serious Republican demographics and no precinct has even a notable Republican minority. Contrary to what you might think, this is not the "hipster area" as they are mostly in 61, but does include the classic quirky urban stores, art galleries, etc. Also the smallest district in the state geographically, and thus also the most dense in population. Think a coalition of minorities, working class white liberals, some affluent liberals, and a bit of the young and hipster crew, basically a little bit of everyone. It even includes a predominately Native American housing project! Currently has a black incumbent, his predecessor held the seat for over 30 years, just to show how rigid politics are.

62A is the northern part of it, between roughly Lake Street and downtown. It's the smaller of the two geographically and the most dense in the state, although slightly less Democratic by a point or two than B, probably attestable to B's higher black population. Basically what I said above but moreso, and less affluent, since just about all reasonably affluent areas in 62B, although the residential housing in general is your much smaller homes with no driveways and still backalleys, etc. Also no lakes, a rarity in Minnesota. Also has a lesbian incumbent who was first elected in 1980. Incidentally the only other lesbian in the Minnesota legislature represents 62B.

African American or Somali?  I thought the black areas in Minneapolis were in the northwest, pushing outward toward the Brooklyn Park and Brooklyn Center? Or is everything on that side of the river considered south?
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« Reply #14 on: March 19, 2017, 05:55:46 pm »
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My Florida Senate district (FL-19) is a minority-acccess district including parts of Pinellas and Hillsborough Counties. I live in the Pinellas portion, which is only connected to the Hillsborough portion via water continuity. Crossing the Bay is not necessary to create an African-American district in the region, and appears to have been deliberately drawn this way to protect State Sen. Jeff Brandes (R-St. Petersburg). The Pinellas portion splits the city of St. Petersburg, including both the heavily African-American south side of the city (where I live) and some of the older (white-majority) areas bordering Central Avenue and downtown (during segregation, Central marked the line between the white and black sides of town). It also includes the 90%+ white city of Gulfport, for some reason. Major employers on the St. Pete side of the district include Duke Energy, the Tampa Bay Times, Johns Hopkins All Children’s Hospital, Bayfront Family Health, and Ceridian Benefits Services.

My State Senator is Darryl Rouson, who won a competitive four-way primary for the seat. The primary was between Rouson, the State Representative for HD-70 (a Pinellas-based seat), Ed Narain, the State Representative (since 2014) for Tampa’s HD-61, former HD-61 State Rep. Betty Reed, and Pinellas trial lawyer Augie Ribeiro. Rouson had the unified support of the Pinellas establishment and most Pinellas activists, who saw an opportunity in the Narain-Reed split to seize control of a seat that had historically been controlled by a Hillsborough pol (Hillsborough makes up ~70% of the district and ~60% of the electorate), who (fairly or not) have been seen as neglecting St. Pete. The state party came in strong behind Narain, who was viewed as one of the party’s rising stars. However, he was hampered by Reed, who alleged that he had agreed to not run against her and later broke his promise. Reed was a poor fundraiser and had little establishment support, but had strong community ties, especially with churches, that gave her some base. Ribeiro had little of anything, but had a whole lot of money, and could win in a split field on the strength of only the white vote (Ribeiro is white Hispanic, while Rouson, Narain, and Reed are black). In the end, Rouson consolidated more of Pinellas than Narain did of Hillsborough, and won by a handful of votes.

Rouson is a pretty conservative Democrat, even by Florida standards. He has a fascinating personal history; he developed a crack addiction while a law student at UF, which basically destroyed his life (divorce, homelessness, bankruptcy) until he was able to go into rehab in the late 90s. He emerged as a community activist, with fighting drugs in the black community as one of his major missions. He’s voted with Republicans in favor of drug testing state employees, and frequently breaks with the party line on abortion. He also lost some support within the party after he endorsed Charlie Crist over the Democratic nominee, Rep. Kendrick Meek, in the 2010 Senate election. The decision may have cost him some support from the state party, but it certainly did not damage him in his district. He’s also a talented orator and a charismatic guy, and owns one of the finest pairs of gator skin boots I’ve seen. I voted for Narain, but I’m generally content to have Rouson—I don’t agree with him on some issues, but it’s good to have a Petersburger in the seat.

House District 70 is an even more elaborately contorted minority access district, stretching from the south side of St. Pete to the black neighborhoods of Sarasota, including parts of Ruskin in Hillsborough County, black neighborhoods of Bradenton in Manatee County, and the black community of Newtown in Sarasota County. Probably the most notable employer is the Tropicana plant in Bradenton.

My current representative is Wengay Newton, who is a character. An eight-year member of the St. Pete City Council, Newton was elected in 2016, running as as a political outsider. He takes no shit and has a knack for finding his way to the camera. He was on the losing end of a whole lot of 7-1 votes on the Council, but always took pride in standing up for his district. As one of his constituents, I appreciate that. He won the primary over former legislative aide Dan Fiorini and attorney CJ Czaia. Fiorini won the endorsement of Mayor Rick Kriseman and had the backing of St. Pete’s politically engaged LGBT community, but ultimately failed to pose a significant challenge to Newt. Czaia is the former chair of the Manatee County Democratic Party, and performed well in the southern parts of the district, but his campaign often seemed nonexistent in St. Pete.
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« Reply #15 on: March 19, 2017, 08:51:04 pm »
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Minnesota Senate districts are simply split in half, which each half being a House district, and labeled the Senate District number and then A or B.

There are currently five Senate districts based around Minneapolis, two in the northern part, three in the south. I'm in district 62, which is also the most Democratic in the state. It's the middle district in south Minneapolis. It basically runs from the edge of downtown down the I-35W corridor to 50th street. The I-35W corridor includes almost all the largely minority neighborhoods in South Minneapolis, and is a pretty diverse area in general. Even the whites are, ranging from some rather affluent ones at the southern edge to the more working class ones around where I live, much like southeast Minneapolis this area is known as the more affordable part unlike the southwest. The resulting culture is an area that has very little in terms of any serious Republican demographics and no precinct has even a notable Republican minority. Contrary to what you might think, this is not the "hipster area" as they are mostly in 61, but does include the classic quirky urban stores, art galleries, etc. Also the smallest district in the state geographically, and thus also the most dense in population. Think a coalition of minorities, working class white liberals, some affluent liberals, and a bit of the young and hipster crew, basically a little bit of everyone. It even includes a predominately Native American housing project! Currently has a black incumbent, his predecessor held the seat for over 30 years, just to show how rigid politics are.

62A is the northern part of it, between roughly Lake Street and downtown. It's the smaller of the two geographically and the most dense in the state, although slightly less Democratic by a point or two than B, probably attestable to B's higher black population. Basically what I said above but moreso, and less affluent, since just about all reasonably affluent areas in 62B, although the residential housing in general is your much smaller homes with no driveways and still backalleys, etc. Also no lakes, a rarity in Minnesota. Also has a lesbian incumbent who was first elected in 1980. Incidentally the only other lesbian in the Minnesota legislature represents 62B.

African American or Somali?  I thought the black areas in Minneapolis were in the northwest, pushing outward toward the Brooklyn Park and Brooklyn Center? Or is everything on that side of the river considered south?

Yes, the northwest is the main black area in Minneapolis, but there's a lot in the Phillips and Powderhorn areas. The difference is that the northwest area is majority black, while the south Minneapolis areas have a lot of other minorities mixed in too to where no racial group has a majority. In South Minneapolis any given area is either going to be really white or really diverse. And South Minneapolis is typically defined as south of I-90.

The most heavily Somali areas are in districts 60 and 63.
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« Reply #16 on: March 19, 2017, 10:13:27 pm »
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Smith is in his last term, so he might run for the Senate, trying to replace Chapelle-Nadal.

Does he live in Senate District 14?  There didn't seem to be much overlap, with Normandy the only city you listed in both districts.  Of course, there might be some other municipalities a small part of which are in either district, and for all I know Normandy could make up a majority of the population of Clem Smith's Representative District 85.  Or you mentioned the smaller cities or towns in your Representative district description but not in your Senate district description.  Or it is a fairly small overlap between the two district, but you and Representative Smith both live there.  Just thought I'd check, though.

Yes. I'm sorry that I did not point out that about 80% of Rep. District 85 is in Senate Disrict 14. When I listed the cities in SD 14, I only mentioned some of the relatively big cities. But Pine Lawn, Northwoods, Pasadena Hills, Bel-Nor, Bel-Ridge and many other small cities/villages are common to both SD 14 and HD 85.
« Last Edit: March 19, 2017, 11:23:33 pm by MarkD »Logged

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« Reply #17 on: March 20, 2017, 07:28:16 am »
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My Florida Senate district (FL-19) is a minority-acccess district including parts of Pinellas and Hillsborough Counties. I live in the Pinellas portion, which is only connected to the Hillsborough portion via water continuity. Crossing the Bay is not necessary to create an African-American district in the region, and appears to have been deliberately drawn this way to protect State Sen. Jeff Brandes (R-St. Petersburg). The Pinellas portion splits the city of St. Petersburg, including both the heavily African-American south side of the city (where I live) and some of the older (white-majority) areas bordering Central Avenue and downtown (during segregation, Central marked the line between the white and black sides of town). It also includes the 90%+ white city of Gulfport, for some reason. Major employers on the St. Pete side of the district include Duke Energy, the Tampa Bay Times, Johns Hopkins All Children’s Hospital, Bayfront Family Health, and Ceridian Benefits Services.

The districts were drawn by the Florida courts. The original district had also gone into Bradenton. The Florida Constitution requires preservation of political boundaries. Inclusion of Gulfport was likely to balance population of either that district or adjacent districts.
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« Reply #18 on: March 20, 2017, 02:32:11 pm »
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My legislative district is LD-24. containing all of Clallam and Jefferson counties with the northern half of Grays Harbor county. The district contains almost all of Olympic National Park, which takes up most of the inland portion of the district.  The largest cities are Port Angeles, Port Townsend, and Hoquiam. However the area around Hoquiam has become pretty stagnant growth wise, and I expect the city of Sequim to take the #3 spot next census. Highway 101 runs along the coast around the park, passing through or near all of the major cities in the region.

Economically the area has historically thrived on the timber industry and major shipping ports in Port Angeles and Grays Harbor, and large paper mills in Port Angeles and Port Townsend. However the decline in the resource economy since the 1980's has hurt the area pretty badly. Port Angeles, in recent years, has attempted to move away from it's logging town past and tried to appeal more to outdoorsy tourists and it's worked pretty well (The cities whopping 6 pot shops also helps). The Hoquiam/Aberdeen area has been less successful in this regard, which is related to it's heavy swing towards Trump this November.

Port Townsend, home a major military base during World War 1, has less of a focus on timber since nearly all of their forest area is national park land. Instead, since the base closed down to become a state park, the city has reinvented itself as an artist's community. Artists, performers, and retired Seattle-ites are drawn by the city's Victorian-era downtown, and as such Jefferson County is heavily heavily D-leaning.

The city of Sequim, where I went to high school, is a historically agricultural community that's quickly eroding into strip malls and planned communities as property developers are given pretty much free reign. The town has a heavy retiree population, as well.

The district is currently represented by freshman Senator Kevin Van De Wege (D - Sequim), and state Reps. Steve Tharinger (D - Sequim) and Mike Chapman (D - Port Angeles). The district had previously been represented by Sen. Jim Hargrove (D - Hoquiam), a notorious Blue Dog. Possibly the most notable moment of Hargrove's career was during the gay marriage debate, where he voted against legalizing gay marriage and then gave a tearful speech asking forgiveness from his LGBT colleagues, as he was only voting his district.

Van De Wege, who works as a volunteer fire fighter on the side, is very popular in the area. If Derek Kilmer decided to leave WA-06 for any reason, I could easily see Van De Wege being next in line. Tharinger is more anonymous, not a full-on Blue Dog but a reliable swing vote in the legislature.

Mike Chapman's original claim to fame was in 1999, when working as a border guard at the ferry station in Port Angeles that goes back and forth from Victoria, BC. He caught (Or at least, took credit for catching) Ahmed Ressam, the Millenium Bomber. He used that as a launchpad to run for a seat on the  Clallam County Commission as a Republican, defeating the incumbent (My grandmother!). Chapman changed his registration to Independent while serving on the commission, and then to Democrat right before running for the legislature.

The district has historically voted Democrat, giving huge margins to it's moderate incumbents. The local GOP's candidates have usually been either timber bosses or local crackpots, and it's not known whether or not they'll be able to take advantage of recent trends in Grays Harbor towards them. However if Republicans continue to be pushed out of King County, they'll absolutely need LD-24 and it's neighbor to the south, LD-19, to get a majority in either chamber.
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« Reply #19 on: March 20, 2017, 03:11:20 pm »
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I'm not really from Oregon, but from BC.

In Canada we get unicameral state legislatures, so we only send one representative to the state house. My legislative district is Burnaby North, containing the northwestern portion of the municipality of Burnaby, a inner suburb of Vancouver. The district borders Vancouver on its left side, being separated by Boundary Road. On the right side, the district borders Burnaby-Lougheed, a district containing the northeastern portion of the town. On the south side, the district borders Burnaby-Lougheed, a district containing the southern portion of the town.

The district is historically NDP leaning, but the conservative Liberal party incumbent Richard Lee has repeated held the district by close margins due to Green party splitting the progressive votes and Lee being of Chinese ethnicity and immigrated from Guangdong in a 37% Chinese area of which most of the Chinese voters are newly arrived apolitical and affluent immigrants.
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« Reply #20 on: March 20, 2017, 04:14:08 pm »
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My Florida Senate district (FL-19) is a minority-acccess district including parts of Pinellas and Hillsborough Counties. I live in the Pinellas portion, which is only connected to the Hillsborough portion via water continuity. Crossing the Bay is not necessary to create an African-American district in the region, and appears to have been deliberately drawn this way to protect State Sen. Jeff Brandes (R-St. Petersburg).

The districts were drawn by the Florida courts. The original district had also gone into Bradenton. The Florida Constitution requires preservation of political boundaries. Inclusion of Gulfport was likely to balance population of either that district or adjacent districts.

No, the court selected one of the maps proposed by the plaintiffs in LWV v. Detzner. Several of those maps originally drew an African-American–majority district in Hillsborough, but the plaintiffs did not pursue those maps so as to narrow the focus of the litigation. Compactness is also a priority under Fair Districts, and it's difficult to imagine a less compact district than one that includes a major body of water in order to connect two disparate parts of a metropolitan area.
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« Reply #21 on: March 20, 2017, 07:44:13 pm »
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My Florida Senate district (FL-19) is a minority-acccess district including parts of Pinellas and Hillsborough Counties. I live in the Pinellas portion, which is only connected to the Hillsborough portion via water continuity. Crossing the Bay is not necessary to create an African-American district in the region, and appears to have been deliberately drawn this way to protect State Sen. Jeff Brandes (R-St. Petersburg).

The districts were drawn by the Florida courts. The original district had also gone into Bradenton. The Florida Constitution requires preservation of political boundaries. Inclusion of Gulfport was likely to balance population of either that district or adjacent districts.

No, the court selected one of the maps proposed by the plaintiffs in LWV v. Detzner. Several of those maps originally drew an African-American–majority district in Hillsborough, but the plaintiffs did not pursue those maps so as to narrow the focus of the litigation. Compactness is also a priority under Fair Districts, and it's difficult to imagine a less compact district than one that includes a major body of water in order to connect two disparate parts of a metropolitan area.
You can't draw a majority African-American district in Hillsborough.

Narrow the focus of the litigation means that they didn't want to open up the question of whether the district was a VRA district, or might invite intervention by the NAACP.

The current plan has a 33% BVAP and 16% HVAP.

My map with a Hillsborough-only district was 26% BVAP and 33% HVAP.
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« Reply #22 on: March 20, 2017, 10:00:05 pm »
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My Florida Senate district (FL-19) is a minority-acccess district including parts of Pinellas and Hillsborough Counties. I live in the Pinellas portion, which is only connected to the Hillsborough portion via water continuity. Crossing the Bay is not necessary to create an African-American district in the region, and appears to have been deliberately drawn this way to protect State Sen. Jeff Brandes (R-St. Petersburg).

The districts were drawn by the Florida courts. The original district had also gone into Bradenton. The Florida Constitution requires preservation of political boundaries. Inclusion of Gulfport was likely to balance population of either that district or adjacent districts.

No, the court selected one of the maps proposed by the plaintiffs in LWV v. Detzner. Several of those maps originally drew an African-American–majority district in Hillsborough, but the plaintiffs did not pursue those maps so as to narrow the focus of the litigation. Compactness is also a priority under Fair Districts, and it's difficult to imagine a less compact district than one that includes a major body of water in order to connect two disparate parts of a metropolitan area.
You can't draw a majority African-American district in Hillsborough.

Narrow the focus of the litigation means that they didn't want to open up the question of whether the district was a VRA district, or might invite intervention by the NAACP.

The current plan has a 33% BVAP and 16% HVAP.

My map with a Hillsborough-only district was 26% BVAP and 33% HVAP.

The legislature has relied on outdated data from the 2010 primary—as a result of increased registration and turnout, especially in the Hillsborough portion of the district, you can draw a majority-black seat in Hillsborough alone.
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« Reply #23 on: March 20, 2017, 10:36:28 pm »
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My legislative district is LD-24. containing all of Clallam and Jefferson counties with the northern half of Grays Harbor county. The district contains almost all of Olympic National Park, which takes up most of the inland portion of the district.  The largest cities are Port Angeles, Port Townsend, and Hoquiam. However the area around Hoquiam has become pretty stagnant growth wise, and I expect the city of Sequim to take the #3 spot next census. Highway 101 runs along the coast around the park, passing through or near all of the major cities in the region.

Economically the area has historically thrived on the timber industry and major shipping ports in Port Angeles and Grays Harbor, and large paper mills in Port Angeles and Port Townsend. However the decline in the resource economy since the 1980's has hurt the area pretty badly. Port Angeles, in recent years, has attempted to move away from it's logging town past and tried to appeal more to outdoorsy tourists and it's worked pretty well (The cities whopping 6 pot shops also helps). The Hoquiam/Aberdeen area has been less successful in this regard, which is related to it's heavy swing towards Trump this November.

Port Townsend, home a major military base during World War 1, has less of a focus on timber since nearly all of their forest area is national park land. Instead, since the base closed down to become a state park, the city has reinvented itself as an artist's community. Artists, performers, and retired Seattle-ites are drawn by the city's Victorian-era downtown, and as such Jefferson County is heavily heavily D-leaning.

The city of Sequim, where I went to high school, is a historically agricultural community that's quickly eroding into strip malls and planned communities as property developers are given pretty much free reign. The town has a heavy retiree population, as well.

The district is currently represented by freshman Senator Kevin Van De Wege (D - Sequim), and state Reps. Steve Tharinger (D - Sequim) and Mike Chapman (D - Port Angeles). The district had previously been represented by Sen. Jim Hargrove (D - Hoquiam), a notorious Blue Dog. Possibly the most notable moment of Hargrove's career was during the gay marriage debate, where he voted against legalizing gay marriage and then gave a tearful speech asking forgiveness from his LGBT colleagues, as he was only voting his district.

Van De Wege, who works as a volunteer fire fighter on the side, is very popular in the area. If Derek Kilmer decided to leave WA-06 for any reason, I could easily see Van De Wege being next in line. Tharinger is more anonymous, not a full-on Blue Dog but a reliable swing vote in the legislature.

Mike Chapman's original claim to fame was in 1999, when working as a border guard at the ferry station in Port Angeles that goes back and forth from Victoria, BC. He caught (Or at least, took credit for catching) Ahmed Ressam, the Millenium Bomber. He used that as a launchpad to run for a seat on the  Clallam County Commission as a Republican, defeating the incumbent (My grandmother!). Chapman changed his registration to Independent while serving on the commission, and then to Democrat right before running for the legislature.

The district has historically voted Democrat, giving huge margins to it's moderate incumbents. The local GOP's candidates have usually been either timber bosses or local crackpots, and it's not known whether or not they'll be able to take advantage of recent trends in Grays Harbor towards them. However if Republicans continue to be pushed out of King County, they'll absolutely need LD-24 and it's neighbor to the south, LD-19, to get a majority in either chamber.

That closed fort in PT is where they shot Officer and a Gentleman, right? One of my underrated old Northwest movies
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« Reply #24 on: March 21, 2017, 06:59:58 am »

The city of Sequim, where I went to high school, is a historically agricultural community that's quickly eroding into strip malls and planned communities as property developers are given pretty much free reign. The town has a heavy retiree population, as well.

At least it still has its lovely lavender fields which I visited in 2015.
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