President Johnson is Dead: Turbulent Times in the New Frontier

[Pyro]

Somewhat surprised you're portraying Kennedy as being to the left of Johnson. Given Jack's relative conservatism in the Senate, I wouldn't have been surprised if his years at the helm were seen as a long list of wasted opportunities for America's progressives. This is still very early though. Fantastic work!

Kennedy's still in the shadow of Johnson at this point - he will come into his own before long =)
And thanks!

[Pyro]

Two of the Republican Presidential Candidates in 1964: Barry Goldwater and Nelson Rockefeller

  The White House, in the midst of stabilizing an undeclared War in Laos, opening talks with Civil Rights Movement leaders in hopes of curtailing a planned March on Alabama, and anxiously awaiting the start of the Oswald Trial, now required a split in its focus once more. The presidential election loomed on the horizon. President Kennedy, only just recently inducted into the perplexities left to him by his predecessor, found himself caught off-guard when Senator Goldwater launched his campaign in January, officially opening the election season.

  Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona had been one of the fiercest critics of the Johnson Administration, nearly as harsh as Wallace. The Arizonan frequently joined with the Southern, states' rights segment of the Democratic Party when it came to a vote, and he had taken a major role in stalling the Civil Rights Act. Goldwater spoke out, throughout his political career, against the measures taken in the New Deal, referring to such expansions of the federal government's role as unconstitutional. As for the Great Society, the senator spared no fewer words of critique. When Goldwater did announce his presidential ambitions, he did so among a hefty crowd of thousands from his front patio. An AP poll released in January revealed that over half of Republicans believed that the Arizonan was the "strongest" candidate for the party, greatly assisting in his early campaign.

  Opponents of the senator disliked his reactionary economic message and, most especially, his isolationist foreign policy stance, often citing his statement regarding a potential withdrawal from the United Nations. The candidate's retort to such criticism was that he offered a "choice, not an echo," positioning him firmly on the right against not only President Kennedy, but the whole of the Republican Party. From within the party, Goldwater struck most moderates and liberals - debatably the majority of the GOP - as too extreme to stand a shot at succeeding. Any candidate would have a rough up-hill fight against Kennedy with the assassination in recent memory. Nonetheless, Goldwater launched assault after assault from the get-go with the intention of wearing down the administration and damaging the credibility of Kennedy's run before it had even been declared.

  The second major candidate in the Republican field was the incumbent Governor of New York, Nelson Rockefeller. Locked in a heated rivalry with the rightist Goldwater, Rockefeller had been the clear moderate-liberal in the primary bout. Serving as governor since 1959, Rockefeller re-energized the infrastructure and educational system in New York, controversially (within the party) expanding the state government's role and increasing taxes in the process. The bulk of Republican women, according to primary polling, held distrust for the candidate due to his 1962 divorce and subsequent 1963 marriage to a woman with whom he had been having an affair. Rockefeller's once-ally Senator Prescott Bush (R-CT) denounced this action and refused to consider endorsing the New Yorker in the '64 race.

  Several other candidates announced their intentions to run in this time, including Chair of the Senate Republican Conference, Margaret Chase Smith (R-ME), and former Minnesota Governor Harold Stassen. The field remained wide open with several weeks before the New Hampshire primary, however many of the 'heavyweight' candidates hesitated to enter what they believed was an impossible election. Robert Finch remarked that, "[Goldwater] only needed the nomination to consider himself a success that year. The obscurantist bastard could care less if he drove the party line into the dirt with him as so long as he could revel in the defeat of the rest of us. [...] Rocky appeared the perfect fit, but his Happy (Rockefeller's wife) left 60% of New Hampshire Republicans undecided. Bush wouldn't answer my calls, and the party wouldn't waste its time choosing a woman, let alone Margaret. I told that to him, all of it. We knew Kennedy was no Johnson, and his allies were all blasted family members. The chance was there, that was all."

  In an open letter to the citizens of New Hampshire, Governor Richard Nixon sent the following. "I have had a chance to reflect on the lessons of public office, to measure the nation's tasks and its problems from a fresh perspective. I have done so as your vice president, and continue to do so as governor. I have sought to apply those lessons to the needs of the President, and to the entire sweep of this final third of the 20th century. And I believe I have found some answers." He went on, stating, "We have entered a new age. And I ask you to join me in helping make this an age of greatness for our people and our nation."

Nixon Is In - Now Formally Entered in March 12 Primary
The Los Angeles Times, January 27th, 1964

Senators Bush, Lodge Endorse Nixon. Congressman Taft, Jr. Endorses Goldwater
The Washington Post, February 4th, 1964

[Pyro]

Snapshot from Vietnam Film, "West Out of the East", 1967

  President Kennedy resisted temptations to formally announce his interest for candidacy in the coming election, instead planning on doing so just before the convention. The Kennedy team figured that with Republicans fractured in four, or more, different ways the unified Democratic ticket would smoothly sail into winning column come November. "He was confident, relentlessly so, in the belief that expending energy on the election was a waste of resources that winter," John Connally was quoted in regards to the president. "I spoke with Jack often as I regained my full composure in those months. I asked what could be done for the primaries. He told me to just remain on stand-by, that there would be no active campaigning."

  White House leadership sought to win the coming election through its demonstration of President Johnson's successes: indeed domestically, but, particularly, abroad. Foreign policy, slowly yet surely, had moved its way into the limelight as a hot-button issue for the electoral season. How would the United States press forth in Laos, if at all? Kennedy, aided by Symington and Nitze, felt no cause to back off of U.S. involvement so long as troop numbers stabilized. Republican opponents to the president, including those like Goldwater who haphazardly called the war "reckless", struggled to find a meaningful counter-argument to the administration's apparent success in holding back Communist aggression in Southeast Asia. "Should the dam have held," Connally hypothesized, "Kennedy may have gone ahead with Shriver's suggestion to chart a withdrawal plan."

  The historically-defined "powder keg" in Vietnam erupted in the January of 1964. President Diem, from the moment that the secretive attempt to overthrow his leadership collapsed, doubled-down on his oppressive tactics on the peasants and religious majority. He divulged on New Year's Day, 1963, that any man or woman accused of possessing Communist ties, a past of demonstrating against the government, and/or a connection to the Duong Minh Conspiracy would be detained and indefinitely be held in "Loyalty Centers" at five major sites. Tens of thousands, if not far more, fit this description. An authorized contingent of secret police set out on 4:00 a.m. local time on January 4th. By 7:00 a.m., the streets of Saigon became filled to the brim with a militant population demanding an end to the state terror. The police scattered.

  Protesters flew banners imploring for the need for toleration and the restructuring of government as the previously outlawed Buddhist flags fluttered in the thousands. The American Embassy shuttered its doors and windows as a furious population identified the U.S. as a principal ally of the ruthless president. Protests endured well into January, culminating in a series of skirmishes betwixt the peasants and Diem's police. Much of the movement radicalized in this period, and unprecedented interest in previously disdained philosophies ranging from Tridemism to Localism took root.

  The South Vietnamese President, with his legitimacy in peril, ordered his "re-conditioned" army end the rabble. The commanding generals, combed so thoroughly as only Diem supporters remained, demanded their soldiers intervene on January 31st. One or two contingents did, for the time being, follow through the order as such, but the mass of the military refused to fire upon their own families and neighbors. The revolt reached a boiling point when Madame Nhu, by then a symbol of the injustice and tyranny of the ruling elite, was captured by the rebelling army. Ngo Dinh Nhu, her spouse and younger brother to Diem, was discovered (likely through interrogation of his former secret police) and executed shortly thereafter.

  The Paper Revolution saw the rise of a young class of leaders who on February 1st founded the "Alliance for Democracy", or Liên minh Dân chủ. Its star players involved local activists Le Quang Dai and Tran Duc Luong, each of whom strongly advocated for a provisional government to take control of the country. The Alliance, as well as numerous other assorted coalition groups, desired not only the abdication of Diem, but an end to American meddling in Vietnamese affairs.

  With the army on the side of the opposition, Diem was forced to evacuate, lest risk his own death sentence. The president-in-exile took residence in Melbourne, Australia following a stealthily engineered escape in early February. An improvised bicameral legislature, the Diet of Saigon, now controlled the mechanisms of the country. An amalgamation of varied political and socio-economic interests within the Diet, albeit heavily influenced by leading anti-Diem faces within the military, ruled South Vietnam beginning in February of 1964. In this time, the ARVN forged ahead sans coherent orders from the point of command, resulting in a severe mismanagement of supplies and a lack of finer tactic and strategy. As a consequence of this development, holding attacks from the National Liberation Front pierced beyond portions of the DMZ, shattering the U.S. plan of containment.

American Line Ruptured Due to Vietnam Revolution
Kennedy Fortifies Troops in Laos, Recognizes New Government in South Vietnam
The Washington Post, February 19th, 1964

Gov. Wallace Declares Primary Challenge to Kennedy
"This is More than Miscalculation, This is Incompetence."
Chicago Tribune, February 21st, 1964

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

I recall reading that Bush and Goldwater had been friends in he Senate, despite their ideological disparity; as such, I've thought that Goldwater Bush would be an interesting ticket and potential TTL prelude to the real life Reagan/Bush ticket.

[Pyro]

I recall reading that Bush and Goldwater had been friends in he Senate, despite their ideological disparity; as such, I've thought that Goldwater Bush would be an interesting ticket and potential TTL prelude to the real life Reagan/Bush ticket.

Hmm :>

[Pyro]

President Kennedy Meets The Beatles, Backstage on The Ed Sullivan Show, February 9th, 1964

  The calamity of Ngo Dinh Diem's ousting rattled the White House. President Kennedy, albeit wary of Johnson's South Vietnam tactic of supporting their oppressive leader against the controversial coup attempt, planned wholeheartedly to carry on with the status quo. With Diem removed from power and a provisional government in place, however, President Kennedy, hoping to prevent the rise of yet another hostile power in Southeast Asia and maintain its fortifications against the Pathet Lao, formally recognized the new power. This action likely saved any long-term chance of the U.S. retaining a presence in South Vietnam as the Diet of Saigon voted in favor of concentrating all efforts on combating the National Liberation Front first and foremost. The Alliance led the charge against this motion, yet failed to circumvent the majority's plea.

  The president's move proved controversial in the United States, with onlookers mostly displeased with the turn of events and perhaps fearful of the consequences of such an abrupt regime change. The intelligence community had played no role in the revolution, meaning the new government's policy toward America's role in the region may end up far less friendly than that of Diem's. President Kennedy's reluctance to ramp up the war effort and protect the existing structure in Vietnam played squarely into his opponents' claims that the new president was too inexperienced and timid, even craven, to be a successful commander of the U.S. Armed Forces. Historians like Robert J. McMahon point to the Fall of Diem's Saigon as a prominent turning point in the war, recognizing the unsettled Diet as, conceivably, a greater threat to the longevity of South Vietnam's independence than the war itself.

  Anticipating an aperture in the incumbency's methodology, Governor Wallace launched himself into the electoral fray with a speech denouncing the foreign diplomacy of the ruling administration. Cheered on by his ardent supporters numbering in the thousands, Wallace came out swinging against the Kennedy foreign policy, referring to it as "appeasement the likes of Chamberlain would shy from." The Alabaman scolded the Kennedy strategy of cautiousness in Southeast Asia, proclaiming, "If elected, I will consult with the Joint Chiefs of Staff to bring a resolute military conclusion to the war. The security of our brave soldiers, and that of democratic South Vietnam, is paramount." Wallace went on, blaming the administration for its support of a ruthless dictator like Diem and accusing this policy of damaging the reputation of the U.S. overseas.

   The Governor of Alabama implored the president to end the "foul indignity of mandated integration" and support the sovereign wishes of the states. He spoke in terms one unfamiliar with the politician may determine to be populistic, even congenial. This had been precisely Wallace's game plan. In order to appeal before a national crowd as an underdog, an audience all too acquainted with the governor's mannerisms and social proposals, the Alabaman ventured to portray himself and his cause as unwarranted victims. According to residential polling, although a fair amount of southern Democrats (Wallace's intended base) shared their insecurity toward the new Kennedy leadership and frugally observed the president's actions on the international stage, the idea of supporting a challenger with such poor general election prospects as Wallace greatly deterred voters from taking his side. February Gallup polls taken in Nebraska and West Virginia, two of the states pundits believed the governor stood a chance, revealed only 1-in-7 registered voters considered voting for Wallace.

  Jack Kennedy took all of this in stride. To the chagrin of the Joint Chiefs, the president persisted in the order that no American troops will be sent directly to South Vietnam. He understood that Johnson's hope of a stable Diem regime was all for naught, and the advice of Ambassador Byroade and Secretary McNamara had been fruitless: Kennedy himself pondered as to why the Commerce Secretary had any role in foreign affairs in the first place. The administration now sought to heal the wounds left behind in South Vietnam and coordinate the best possible relationship with the new government. The number of American soldiers in Laos, as well as the shipment of weapons, resources and air support, escalated in the winter of 1964.

  Insofar as boosting potential voter interest and gathering widespread support against the incoming Republican ticket, President Kennedy engineered with his team a novel philosophy. Successful candidates of the past made leaps and bounds through appealing to particular crowds, catching wind to political trends, and thinking two steps ahead of the rest. Kennedy's appeal laid not simply in his charisma and plea for an optimistic future, but in his ability to connect to an audience as L.B.J. never quite accomplished. The youth vote may, in fact, pull the independent vote with it, Democratic strategists like Robert Murphy believed.

  Murphy, brought on as a campaign adviser in the second week of January, recommended the president move on forging a concordant relationship with the rising popular culture scene. Whittled down to the bare bones, this philosophy meant that influential musical acts, for instance, may associate themselves with the president. In turn, their fans could theoretically become his supporters. "Artistic Infusion" is the term they utilized when speaking of this transpiration. The initial step made itself clear when the British pop troupe, The Beatles, touched down at the New York International Airport to a sea of screaming fans on February 7th. The president conducted a surprise visit to the musical ensemble two days later, doing so immediately prior to the group's live American broadcast debut on The Ed Sullivan Show. Kennedy greeted each of the members by name, and reportedly stated, whilst overpowering a loud, impatient audience, "You certainly have their devotion," inducing laughter from the band.

President Kennedy Welcomes UK Hit, Beatles, to America
Newsweek Article, February 10th, 1964

Air Force General Curtis LeMay Announces Retirement from Armed Forces, Mulls Senate Run
The Los Angeles Times, February 22nd, 1964

[Kingpoleon]

I would like to see Kennedy/Symington, assuming Rockefeller doesn't get the nomination.

As for the events in South Vietnam, I suspect Symington would advise Kennedy to draw closer ties to the Diet.

[Pyro]

I would like to see Kennedy/Symington, assuming Rockefeller doesn't get the nomination.

As for the events in South Vietnam, I suspect Symington would advise Kennedy to draw closer ties to the Diet.

Yes on the latter point, that is likely.

[Pyro]

Accused Presidential Assassin Lee Harvey Oswald, February, 1964

  February 28th, 1964. The Trial of the Century. With jurors and councils prepped, the trial of Lee Harvey Oswald was set to begin proceedings. Just as national consciousness had started healing from the seemingly irreparable damage of the assassination, the horrific story would be told all over again, scrutinized top to bottom. Providing a summary of what Oswald had been accused of, the prosecution opened its remarks. "President Johnson is dead. Evidence points to this man, Lee Harvey Oswald, as the primary assailant."

  The trial would be broadcast live across the nation and through a conglomeration of networks in full color picture, prompting a remarkable rise in the sale of expensive color television sets. The proceedings took place in a Dallas courthouse, overseen by a Texan judge, with a Texan jury and under Texas state law. The United States did not have a law on the books mandating an assassination trial be held in Washington or any other locale aside from the state whence the crime took place, much to the dismay of President Kennedy. The juror selection took beyond four weeks with the arduous task of attaining men and women willing to discover the pure truth and deliver a fair judgement on the case. Americans saw Oswald, the sole surviving suspect in the Johnson Case, and wanted blood. A state poll found 9-in-10 Texans believed Oswald was guilty perpetrating the crime as a co-conspirator to Thomas Gerald Cherry.

  Attorney F. Lee Bailey represented the defendant. David G. Bress served as the chief prosecutor. Bailey, a criminal defense attorney famed with his defense of neurosurgeon Sam Sheppard, was the man Oswald settled upon to be his judicial protector. When asked by the press how he could stand to defend a "dead man walking," Bailey slyly answered that sentencing first required ample evidence. On the opposing side, D.C. attorney David Bress leaped to volunteer for the prosecution. When several high-profile figures, including Einsatzgruppen lawyer Ben Ferencz, declined taking up the call, voices within the Kennedy Administration favored the appointment of a procurator familiar with Johnson on a personal level. Bress, believed to have been assisted with information provided by nameless federal intelligence agents, doubtlessly declared shortly before the trial, "America will have her justice."

  For the consideration of the jury, David Bress presented what he, and the virulently anti-Oswald press, referred to as a "mountain" of data to convict the defendant. He first reiterated the moment of assassination in excruciating detail, showcasing the Abraham Zapruder Film: privately acquired color footage of the sequence of events from November 22nd. Oswald reportedly sat emotionless as the shots were fired off in the motion picture, indicating to the crowd of onlookers that he truly held no sympathy for Lyndon Johnson. Bress replayed a slower version of the film and explained the following sequence. The first shot, fired by Oswald, struck the president in the throat. The second, originating from Frank Cherry's weapon across the street, pierced the back and wrist of Governor Connally. Then, the final bullet, again from Oswald, ruptured Johnson's skull. In plain terms, this meant Cherry was innocent of outright murder, and Oswald was not.

  Bailey countered this argument. He stated that speculating in the origins of the shots was fruitless, as there was no possible way to prove, beyond a shadow of a doubt, which were fired by Oswald, or Cherry, or another individual. A haphazard autopsy of Johnson's body led to doubts, expressed here by Bailey, that the exit wounds were on the front of the president's neck and skull. He proposed that the shots which had led to the death of the president stemmed from whomever was standing near the parkway overpass: meaning Cherry. He challenged the mere proposition that assassin's bullets originated from the defendant's place of work, directly leading to several days of eyewitness testimony.

  The twelve-person jury gravely followed the evidence presented for them. For each of Bress' arguments, Bailey readied a prepared rebuttal. When the defense attorney revealed the rifle belonging to Oswald, which had been found on the upper floor of the depository building, Bailey disputed the charge that the defendant used the rifle on the day in question. Forensic analysis acknowledged that while Oswald's fingerprints coated nearby facilities and boxes nearer to the sixth floor window, there were none aside from an inconclusive and non-photographed palm-print on the rifle itself. As the defense attorney motioned, since Oswald had been employed by the depository, his prints on nearby book cartons was not out of the ordinary. Then, Bailey put forth the claim, substantiated by his co-workers, that the accused assassin was in fact eating lunch on a lower floor of the building only minutes before the shots took off. Could an altogether separate individual, a look-alike of Oswald, have been the true perpetrator?

  Despite Thomas Cherry not surviving to stand trial himself, Bailey's objective laid in placing the burden of suspicion on the recently deceased suspect as well as suggesting his client was, perhaps, set-up by an unseen force. The fact that Cherry's rifle mimicked Oswald's to a T made the issue even more complicated. The tiresome back-and-forth carried on for weeks on end with topics ranging from rifle casing residue to a supposed "brown package" carried by Oswald on the day in question. According to Bailey, apart from the rifle itself belonging to the defendant, no concrete proof linked Oswald with the assassination, or at least connected him with the firing of the rifle. He stated that additional, comprehensive investigations into Cherry ought to be pursued, and that may provide further insight into the events in question. For Bress, this was a preposterous assumption. His witness accounts (albeit disputed) pointed directly at Oswald as the instigator of the crime and forensic analysts sided with Bress' bullet theory. Playing to the Red Scare fears of the era, Bress raised questions about the pro-Castro, Communist, or "Marxist" as Oswald put it, ties of the defendant, thereby implanting the motive for murder as purely political. Observed more closely than any case since the Lindbergh Kidnapping, the public learned a great deal from the captivating nine-week trial and must have been overwhelmed by just how deep this canyon went.

  The jury reached their final decision on May 4th, 1964.
  Turning the world on its head, they announced their verdict. Not Guilty.

"The nation, at a standstill for months, now finds itself acutely unsettled. A CBS Poll found 92 in a survey of 100 Americans strongly disagree with the acquittal. These jurors, some reported to have regretted the decision, expressed frustration over the prosecution for failing to vanquish all reasonable doubt. Lee Harvey Oswald has been moved to an unspecified location as a response to threats of violence now numbering in the thousands. In this uncertain time, let us all remember our civility and our better judgement. This is Walter Cronkite. Goodnight."
CBS Evening News, May 5th, 1964

[Jaguar4life]

Could this be the OJ of the 60s? As in everyone gets ticked over the rulling of someone that is clearly guilty not getting a punishment?

[Pyro]

Could this be the OJ of the 60s? As in everyone gets ticked over the rulling of someone that is clearly guilty not getting a punishment?

Something like that. Perhaps more of a Casey Anthony vibe turned up to 11, since unlike in the O.J. case, there's no one crossing their fingers for Oswald to be acquitted.

[Pyro]

Governor Nixon Campaigns in Maine Alongside Senate Hopeful Clifford McIntire, February 20th, 1964

  The Republican field concentrated intently on the upcoming New Hampshire primary. This first official hurdle for the candidates would prove how strong their grassroots support truly was on the national stage, as well as demonstrate their ability to sufficiently organize on a small scale. Even though sparse delegates are chosen in this initial primary bout, it nonetheless mattered a great deal in terms of media focus and in finances how well a candidate may perform.

  Each of the major candidates made the trek up to New Hampshire in this period. All, that is, except for Governor Richard Nixon. The perceived frontrunner of the GOP nomination took it upon himself to press further on into Maine in order to campaign for Clifford McIntire, the expected Republican Senate challenger in that state. With public polling granting Nixon a solid 40% to Rockefeller's 30% and Goldwater's 25%, the governor decided on a risk. In order to appeal beyond his core contingent of supporters, Nixon sought to express to the voters his intention not only to win the nomination for himself, but to turn over Congress for his party. He quietly brought on-board strategist heavyweights like Murray Chotiner and John Mitchell, in addition to Robert Finch, to assist in securing New Hampshire and scrubbing away fellow candidates in the race. These men considered Nelson Rockefeller, by far, to be the fiercer opponent, and thereby worked to discredit the New York governor by any means necessary. Finch himself later divulged that their candidate had mixed feelings when it came to burning bridges. Finch stated that "eons had passed," politically-speaking, and it was of vital significance for Nixon to "sever ties with Rockefeller toxicity."

  For the bulk of February, the Nixon Campaign engineered television advertisements with sights aimed directly at Rockefeller. They were instructed to act subtly in their approach, however made a definitive argument that due to the New Yorker's negligence in his marriage, he would too be unfaithful to the United States if elected president. The advertisement broadcast in New Hampshire featured a mother at a voting booth with a child in her arms, undecided between two levers. As she places her hand on one to pull, she backs away and considers the other lever. Following some seconds of silence, a voice narrates, "When you cast your ballot, will your choice represent your values - and those of the American family?" The mother turns and shuts the curtain of the voting booth, blocking the camera and fading the scene to black. The narrator continues, "America deserves moral leadership. On March 10th, vote Nixon."

  Political historians have since verified the claim that the candidate did not wish to press the personal infidelities of his once-ally with such belligerence, yet the campaign team moved forward and sent the tapes to air. Rockefeller was furious. He struck against Nixon on the campaign trail, garnering a mixed reaction in the process. He blasted the Californian for his lack of accomplishments as governor, specifically asking when Nixon planned on instituting promised reform. Grandstanding at a rally in Concord, Rockefeller exclaimed, "Governor Brown signed the Unruh Act, the very same endorsed by Governor Knight before him. Where is Governor Nixon on the issue? Governor Brown, following in the footsteps of the great Republican Hiram Johnson, set in motion the State Water Project, revitalizing the water resources of California. Once again, where is Governor Nixon on the issue?" Nixon later responded, "If the governor admires Pat Brown so greatly, why is he running as a Republican?"

  Senator Goldwater had been able to cling above the fray leading up to the New Hampshire vote, and instead implanted a "soft" conservative message to the moderate Republicans in the state. He ignored the Nixon-Rockefeller squabbling and contended that the public deserved an issue-oriented campaign based on solving the problems brought about by a bloated federal government. Assisted in the field by former Governor Hugh Gregg (R-NH), the senator from Arizona familiarized his proposals to an audience unaccustomed to the rightist brand of Republicanism. Goldwater remained on message, howbeit backpedaled to some degree in regards to his opposition to the New Deal. When asked to respond to rumored claims that he would abolish Social Security in its present form, Goldwater denied the proposition. Evidence surfaced two days before the final vote that he had once expressed an interest in reforming Social Security into a volunteer program, considerably tarnishing his trustworthiness. The story, published in the New England-based Yankee Magazine, has since been speculated to have originated from the Nixon Campaign. Unfazed, the senator persisted in his drive up to and including the day of the vote.

  Coated in a fresh blanket of snow, the state held its primary as scheduled and presented the results that evening.

|R| New Hampshire Primary Returns |R|
Barry Goldwater: 34.5%
Richard Nixon: 34%
Nelson Rockefeller: 22%
Margaret Chase Smith: 4%
Harold Stassen: 2.5%
Wesley Powell: 1.5%
Norris Cotton: 1%
William Scranton (write-in): .5%
Others/Invalid: <1%

|D| New Hampshire Primary Returns |D|
John F. Kennedy: Uncontested
Others/Invalid: <1%

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Fantastic!

[Kingpoleon]

What is John Bailey up to? Who is Kennedy's campaign manager?

[Pyro]

What is John Bailey up to? Who is Kennedy's campaign manager?

The director, John Bailey? No idea
Stephen Edward Smith would be JFK's manager, I'd believe.

[Pyro]

Wallace Article, Jet Magazine, April 2, 1964

  Wisconsin, the second primary on-stage, proved to have fallen far from the scopes of any of the leading candidates. Unlike in 1960 when it had battleground potential, this state was deemed a 'wash' from the moment Nixon threw hit hat into the ring. Pollsters presented varying forecasts of Republican and Democratic turnout in the early spring, with each demonstrating a sheer lack of voter ambition. One of the more influential Wisconsin Republicans, Representative John Byrnes (R-WI), backed out of the nominating race and endorsed Governor Nixon, giving the Californian a clear edge going into the primary. Goldwater moved on to Illinois to embark on the next stretch of campaigning as Rockefeller rallied support in the Northeast. President Kennedy only administered scattering addresses to the electorate. He placed confidence in state surrogates to rally the vote without his help, and instead spent any off-time busily crafting a prosperous war effort abroad. As thus, Governor George Wallace would be the sole presidential contender to vie for the Wisconsinite vote this year.

  Wallace's name was filed to appear on the state ballot through his committed proponents, and he arrived in Madison with a concise message: "Stand Up For America". The Alabaman's strict, anti-Communist sloganeering struck a chord with the population - a great deal of whom had personal and familial connections with European countries right along the Iron Curtain. Growing crowds of supporters, as well as protesters, accompanied the governor as he traveled throughout the state of Wisconsin in late March. A seemingly inconsequential legislative battle in Milwaukee over school busing and integrated housing generated a perfect storm for Wallace to gain a captive audience. Wisconsin Governor John Reynolds assured President Kennedy that Wallace would fail to gain any momentum in his state and, worst come to worst, he could only possibly serve to risk the incumbency's popularity in the South. To be frank, he was mistaken.

  Governor Wallace rekindled a traditionalist, right-wing spark in the Democratic Party just as Goldwater appeared to be in the process of doing so within the GOP. The Wallace crowd was predominantly lower middle-class, often first or second generation European immigrants. Disruptive protests from young liberals and civil rights activists along the campaign route only served to benefit the Southern candidate who received endless cheers as he denounced the Civil Rights Act. The Wallace Campaign paid less and less heed to and observance of the tragedy of President Johnson's assassination, outright denouncing the aim of his Great Society at several points. This played exceeding well with a core of reactionaries who remained bitter over the late president's initiative to curtail the Klan and Kennedy's immovability in preserving this course of infiltration. President Kennedy received wind of the burgeoning "Elect Wallace" movement precisely due to a rise in intimidating telegrams being sent from Wisconsin.

  Circumventing Reynolds, Kennedy requested and received the committed assistance of the Wisconsin Democratic Party, including the unnervingly quiet Mayor of Milwaukee, Henry Maier. The president also recruited Minnesotan Senator Hubert Humphrey as a surrogate in Wisconsin about eight days before the votes were cast. Despite the fact that Governor Wallace's poll numbers looked healthy in the moment, this call to action gave those opposed to the governor a candidate, and a goal, to campaign for and celebrate. The Kennedy Surrogates reassured their base that the "echo of the Civil Rights Act will be heard", as Humphrey stated, "into 1965, 1966, 1967 and so on, into each and every year ahead, until those persecuted in this country may receive fair and equal treatment under the law." In due time, the Wallace bump rebounded and the end-results were less than satisfactory for the challenger. The "Dixie North" was kaput.

|R| Wisconsin Primary Returns |R|
Richard Nixon: 73%
Barry Goldwater: 13%
Nelson Rockefeller: 12%
Others/Invalid: 2%

|D| Wisconsin Primary Returns |D|
John F. Kennedy: 88%
George Wallace: 12%
Others/Invalid: <1%

  In the immediate aftermath of New Hampshire, the Goldwater team was ecstatic. Upon learning of their remarkable win, the senator's staff presented the candidate with one of his more illustrious proclamations. Senator Goldwater professed that this landmark victory for American liberty and morality would set a precedent in all state elections to come, and should he be successful in attaining the nomination, he would press on to defeat President Kennedy come autumn. In his post-primary speech, the candidate stated, "Our conservative movement has one basic tenant to which I subscribe - and to which my opponents wholeheartedly do not. Government governs best when it governs least." The Arizonan's campaign received a notable jump-start exiting New Hampshire, and, to the worry of the established moderate leadership within the Republican Party, his standing in national polling was elevated considerably.
  
  Governor Nixon, distraught, fired several top advisors on the morning of March 11th. He blamed John Mitchell for the Rockefeller campaign advertisement, lambasting the strategy of dividing the moderate vote. According to historian Chris Matthew, author of Kennedy & Nixon, "Nixon likely considered, in the fiery heat of that moment of loss, firing his entire staff-line. This was a game-changer and it meant reevaluation was imminent." Sensing betrayal in this devastating defeat in the first primary, Nixon opted to block Mitchell from any role of significance in the race. From this point in the election on, the Californian would set his sights first and foremost on Senator Goldwater. "The ruthlessness and the constant suspicion we now associate with Mr. Nixon," Matthew wrote,"stemmed, if not from his loss in 1960, from the March defeat in 1964."

  The assault commenced at once. From controvertible civil rights measures to the grand platitudes of conservative idealism represented by his opponent, Nixon relayed the concerns of the moderate majority into a media lightening storm. A sea of negative ads, as funded by the Nixon Campaign, aired nationally in future primary states, far outpacing anything Goldwater could muster. Nixon railed against Goldwater as an extremist who, if nominated, threatened to "bury the Republican Party." Simultaneously, while he too tossed negative advertising against Goldwater, Nelson Rockefeller was not so easily swayed with Nixon's change of pace, and therefore pursued his defeat far more seriously. With his disappointing third place finish in the New Hampshire race, the incumbent New York governor would be witness to an abrupt halt in major contributions. Senator Jacob K. Javits (R-NY) turned out to be one of very few incumbents in Washington who gave any thought to endorsing, let alone allying themselves with, Governor Rockefeller. Tepid endorsements rang in from state officials in New York as per obligation, however the bulk of moderates backed away from Rockefeller and sat decisively behind Nixon. As that spring reached its apex, the Republican nominating race narrowed.

|R| Illinois Primary Returns |R|
Barry Goldwater: 48.5%
Richard Nixon: 37%
Nelson Rockefeller: 7%
Margaret Chase Smith: 5%
Others/Invalid: 2.5%

|R| New Jersey Primary Returns |R|
Richard Nixon: 68%
Barry Goldwater: 25%
Nelson Rockefeller: 6%
Others/Invalid: 1%

|R| Massachusetts Primary Returns |R|
Richard Nixon: 70.5%
Nelson Rockefeller: 14%
Barry Goldwater: 10.5%
Others/Invalid: 5%

|R| Pennsylvania Primary Returns |R|
Richard Nixon: 59%
William Scranton (write-in): 20%
Barry Goldwater: 17%
Nelson Rockefeller: 2%
Margaret Chase Smith: 2%
Others/Invalid: <1%

[Pyro]

Governor Nelson Rockfeller Returning to New York, May 2nd, 1964

  President Kennedy solidified his soft-guarantee of receiving the Democratic nomination following Wisconsin. The discrediting of George Wallace's alleged rise seriously wounded the remaining credibility of his candidacy, and once more he became locked into regional support. Kennedy's campaign staff struck hard at the Wallace fiasco, pushing forth the notion that any candidate who speaks with such divisive language and gathers as many protesters as supporters is no man fit for high office. The governor was dealt back-to-back sweeping losses in Nebraska and West Virginia despite a favorable polling forecast: indicating a plausible, troublesome turnout issue. Wallace re-embarked on his opposition tour for the remaining primaries, however moving beyond May, the relevance of the Democratic contests dissipated. The obstinate Alabaman did not formally drop out from the race, instead standing determined to fight on through the August convention.

  On the Republican side, Governor Rockefeller ceased all active campaigning measures following his abysmal showings in Massachusetts and Pennsylvania. He privately conceded to his senior staff that the state election fare was a poor investment, and his only chance now rested with a divided convention. The farewell was bittersweet for the New Yorker who had far grander aspirations in mind. Rockefeller did not count on 1964 ending on a positive note for the Republicans and, as he later acknowledged, the bitter primary only poisoned chances for the eventual nominee to bring down the Democratic Giant. Disliking each of his opponents, the governor refused to endorse either Nixon or Goldwater. In order to appeal to the broader party electorate, he slyly stated his intention to wholeheartedly vote for "whomever our nominee shall be."

  Therefore, from the moment Rockefeller exited the ring, following primary bouts came down to brutal, head-to-head contests between Goldwater and Nixon. Senator Goldwater racked up his delegate count with clear-cut victories in Texas, Indiana and Nebraska. Nixon increased his delegate lead as he won out in Ohio, West Virginia and Oregon. Split results in Maryland and Florida muddled expectations for a far larger prize fast approaching on the horizon. These aforementioned primaries led to the culmination of the primary season with California. As its incumbent governor, one would believe Nixon to have the state all wrapped up, however Goldwater retained a monstrous line of supporters in the state and his chance to eek out a win did not seem too far out of the question.

  As it turned out, California thereby became a hotbed of activity that spring. For Goldwater, winning a plurality in the Golden State meant a realistic shot at the nomination and, far more significantly, it would indicate to the world just how unelectable a figure Nixon was. Governor Nixon depended on California - not for the sheer amount of delegates up for grab, but rather to preserve his legitimacy. Losing his home state could risk everything. The fate of Nixon's political future, as well as his political presented, rested squarely with this vote. The general population of his state viewed Governor Nixon favorably, 55%-45%, nonetheless registered Republican voters appeared on the brink with 46% in a Gallup poll "considering" choosing Goldwater in the primary. The two candidates, by this point just gearing up for a month of savage, negative campaigning, were served a sudden curve ball right from the start.

  Each side momentarily paused as the Oswald verdict rang in, with Nixon and Goldwater in agreement that the nation, indeed including themselves, required a breather to process the information. Endless trial proceedings brought about more questions than answers and left the nation wholly unsettled. The final outcome of the Oswald case produced demonstrations throughout Sacramento, Oakland and San Francisco, blocking state venues and halting traffic. Marchers across the country, outwardly resenting the results provided to them, demanded a re-trial and an investigation into the impartiality of the jury. When rumors spawned in mid-May regarding one of the jurors' purported antipathy toward President Johnson's civil rights law, the notion arose that the jury felt no obligation to find the assailant guilty. Taking into consideration confirmed reports that Oswald was now, essentially, kept in hiding, the public demanded justice.

President Kennedy Implores Restraint in Written Statement, Investigation at Federal Level Goes On Undeterred
Nixon Dismisses Oswald Question at Campaign Stop and Pivots to Tax Reform
The Sacramento Bee, May 10th, 1964

"This is a miscarriage of justice, plain and simple. I find no doubt that Mr. Oswald committed the abhorrent crime. As Mr. Bress bravely presented, Mr. Oswald is an outspoken Communist and a well-documented crazed Castro-appeaser. The motive is clear, as are the means, and swift action must follow, not calmness or restraint as the president has suggested. When the investigation confirms our suspicion that that sham of a trial was an absolute fraud, I will most certainly order a re-trial, if elected." *Protracted Applause*
KTLA Broadcast of Goldwater Response, Royce Hall, Los Angeles, May 17th, 1964

[Mike Thick]

"Lock him up?"

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Wow. This is gonna be yuge.

[Pyro]

Ronald Reagan Delivers Speech at Goldwater Event, Los Angeles, May 25th, 1964

  The stage was set and California, as a winner take-all state, clearly had the potential to make or break either player's candidacy. Governor Nixon adhered to his advisory team and, believing bringing up the subject would be a pointless endeavor, declined any opportunities to comment on the Oswald conundrum. His engrossed his talking points on prevalent campaign issues, including a proposed fiscal limitation plan to cut down on domestic spending. This tactic was an effective one in other major metropolitan areas and the governor set it as his 'winning' issue. Unlike Goldwater's radical measures, Nixon dealt a moderate hand: one theoretically approachable by a more widespread electorate.

  When the California governor refused to put forth any worthwhile comment on the assassination trial, Senator Goldwater found an opening. He pounced. "Injustice is injustice," he stated in Royce Hall on May 17th. Within this defining speech, the Arizonan became the first prominent public official to refer to the trial as a "sham" and make clear his intent to demand a retrial if elected. It pulled at the grassroots, and succeeded in expanding the senator's voting bloc beyond simply a third, or less, of the Republican voters. In an interview with the Independent-Press-Telegram, recent Goldwater supporter John Lerwick exclaimed, "This man is as a president ought to be. An independent who speaks with force in his voice. A real leader."

  Richard Nixon, in response, scrambled for the spotlight and retooled his effort in his home state. John Mitchell was promptly fired, as expected, and quietly replaced with Eisenhower's AG, Herbert Brownell, Jr. Having worked on several Republican presidential campaigns, Brownell supposedly understood exactly how to orchestrate the media's direction and, more significantly, direct the general point of attention. Nixon spoke at ten stacked venues in the span between May 20th and June. Each of these had immense press presence, simply overpowering the less grandiose Goldwater Campaign. One event of note, as planned by Governor Nixon and Brownell, had been a momentous joint-conference slash campaign rally in Sacramento. It featured Senator Thomas Kuchel and Senate candidate George Murphy alongside their endorser, Nixon. Compared to a microcosm of a Republican convention, the guest speakers spoke in a drum-roll sequence prior to the presidential candidate.

  The entire experience in Sacramento turned out disastrously for the campaign. Murphy mistakenly arrived at a similarly named venue in an adjacent part of the city, thereby pushing Kuchel ahead of him in speaking turn. This annoyed the incumbent senator who disliked the prospect of serving as an "opening act" to a man with no prior political expertise. Robert Finch later espoused, "Never will I forget the floor tiles in that auditorium. [Kuchel] had me pacing in the hallway as he fought against the staff's insistence that he go on. The most esteemed senator thought himself a hero for civil rights, and all be damned if he would appear ahead of George. I would never dare to imply that the honorable Senator Thomas Henry Kuchel could ever stoop so low as to have a childish tantrum two doors down from the next President of the United States, so let's leave it at that."

  Kuchel did, directly after thirty minutes of repetitious, stalling remarks from the Sacramento City Clerk, embark onto the podium to deliver his address. Explicitly absent were two paragraphs in the final section of the printed speech: one recognizing and endorsing George Murphy, and another building up Governor Nixon. Murphy arrived in time to hear this take place, and when he finally took to the microphone, intentionally flubbed a line regarding Kuchel. "The Republican minority in this Congress has been right at its post doing its greatest possible for the state of California and the city of Sacramento. We are most fortunate to have Senator Kuchel as our representative. I know, as you do, in my heart of hearts that he has done what is right for our state, as any good Democrat - oh, excuse me, Republican must do." This flew over the heads of the audience in the moment, but rest assured, Kuchel heard it loud and clear. Nixon sought to erase the drama of the evening with his prepared remarks, but it ultimately failed to top the newsworthy Kuchel-Murphy sparring that night.

  Four days following the Sacramento conference, on May 26th, mixed results coming in from Florida (a state neither candidate actively campaigned for) proved the ongoing inconclusive status of the race and new polling figures had Goldwater a mere three points behind Nixon. What followed, on May 27th, revamped Goldwater's chugging campaign and demonstrated the reality of the Republican schism in progress. Former president Dwight Eisenhower released a statement in relation to the Republican primaries. He was previously silent on the matter, yet perhaps due to incessant calls from the Nixon-ites, now felt it necessary to comment. "I cannot find fault in healthy competition. [...] Nixon has served this country well, as has Senator Goldwater. I personally believe that Goldwater is not an extremist as some people have made him, but in any event we're all Republicans."

  Robert Finch reflected, "I handed Ike's printed remark to Dick. He skimmed it for a moment, then looked at the ground and gravely asked, 'Bob, is our hotel space set for San Francisco?'"

|R| California Primary Returns |R|
Barry Goldwater: 51%
Richard Nixon: 49%
Others/Invalid: <1%

"This is a victory not for Barry Goldwater, but for the mainstream of Republican thinking"
CBS Broadcast of Goldwater Speech, June 2nd, 1964

[Pyro]

Festivities Underway at the Republican National Convention, July 1964

  The Cow Palace. Located just beyond the border of neighboring San Francisco, this Art Deco-styled Daly City arena readied itself for a tremendous influx of visitors, dignitaries and a who's-who in the right-leaning branch of American politics. The massive asphalt structure was once built with the purpose of enclosing livestock within its walls, yet twice in its history, during the summers of 1956 and 1964, housed the GOP its in quadrennial nominating ritual.

  The halls of the facility, as it were eight years prior, held a broad assortment of delegates and supporters of then-President Eisenhower. As is when approval rings high and economic tidings prove prosperous, the Republican Party stood solidly behind the incumbent leader in what had turned out to be more of a coronation than a nomination. An assemblage of wholly unified party goers voted in essential unanimity for the renomination of Ike in a rather joyous and celebratory affair that seemed to mimic the political era itself.

  When circling back to the Republican National Convention in 1964, the type of engagement as previously described summoned distant memories. Taking place in the aftermath of an excruciating primary season, division and strict factional-partisanship became the name of the game. The leading two candidates, Governor Richard Nixon and Senator Barry Goldwater, held respective camps of supporters in and throughout the convention audience. Neither had managed to clinch the nomination outright, with Goldwater's surprise win in California keeping the Arizonan afloat. Each candidate's hopes relied solely upon his final delegate count.

  A Universal Newsreel documented the brokered convention as the events unfolded. Summarizing the opening ceremonies of July 13th, an announcer reflects, "Two men have arrived this morning in San Francisco to a magnificent welcome. Governor Nixon and his entourage entered with the impression of a slight advantage, although it was Senator Goldwater who was met with an undoubtedly higher degree of enthusiasm. Both appear to emit confidence with the future uncertain. Former President Dwight Eisenhower arrives by train to the convention still mum on his choice."

  The ceremonies opened with rather generic short speeches from varying party officials and delegates before delving right into the platform debate. President Eisenhower delivered his thoughts to the convention attendees and its television viewers preceding the vote, stating that the nation deserved straight and honest words from its elected officials. He went on to criticize the enlarged federal government in its present state and emphasized strengthening efforts on a local scale, a view commonplace in the party. The former president, in a particular moment of note, then advised the convention watch its step when treading into the murky waters of extremism. However, he ultimately refused to present an endorsement of either candidate when speculation indicated otherwise.

  The Goldwater camp, sensing Ike's wavering and their opportunity approaching, began to publicly maneuver itself through an explosion of energy and enthusiasm in the platform disputes. This moment was highlighted in Robert Fischer's National Conservatism in the 1960s. An interviewee in the documentary film, Representative Donald G. Brotzman (R-CO), explained, "Us, the conservatives in the Republican Party, came to a certain realization. In our task to best represent the will of the people, we had grown to the point that the Eastern Establishment quaked in their boots. The party reached a crossroads, and at long last, had the chance to redefine itself."

  Brotzman and others serving in the Goldwater camp rallied hard against moderate amendments to the platform that year and managed to shout down one which specifically condemned the Ku Klux Klan, the John Birch Society, and the Communist Party. The liberal-moderate faction of the GOP, unprepared to bring about a counterattack, failed in challenging the tenacity of the party's hard-Right contingent. Although the Goldwater delegates versus those in favor of Nixon split about evenly, those which remained unaffiliated and unbound insinuated collaboration with the conservatives. According to Robert Finch, "As we observed Senator Scott's civil rights amendment fail before our eyes, I saw the Goldwater's acceptance speech play out in my mind."

  In the aftermath of the California primary, Herbert Brownell, the Nixon adviser stained with the disaster in Sacramento, blinked with a sense of déjà vu. To the luck of the Nixon Campaign, the Republican operative once conquered a scenario closely resembling his present circumstances. As Chair of the Republican National Committee, and subsequently in working for the Thomas Dewey Campaign in 1948, Brownell gained insight into the muck of politicking, later putting this to good use in the staving off of Robert A. Taft from the nomination that same year. To him, Goldwater was Bob Taft reincarnate, and could thereby be taken down in an identical fashion.

  Brownell worked tirelessly for weeks on end collecting data on every single uncommitted delegate. He memorized their family members by name, their secrets, and understood exactly what it took to entice them to vote Nixon. As cited in his memoir, "Loyalty cannot always be bought, but it can most certainly be bargained for." The presidential balloting began on the third and final day of the Republican convention. This, the climax of the ideology war, held the fate of the GOP in its arms. Brownell unleashed the team's blitzkrieg and, frankly, the Goldwater camp found itself blown apart. Every last uncalled delegate voted for Richard Nixon. Goldwater sat, mouth slightly agape, in stunned disbelief.

REPUBLICAN BALLOT: PRES		1st Call Before Shifts		1st Call After Shifts		1,308 DELEGATES
Richard Nixon		813		1014
Barry Goldwater		437		290
Nelson Rockefeller		49		2
Margaret Chase Smith		5		1
William Scranton		2		0
Others/Blank		2		1

"Before this convention, we were Moderate Republicans, Conservative Republicans, Liberal Republicans, but now that this convention has met and made its decision, we are Republicans, period. [...] Four years ago, I had the highest honor of accepting your nomination for President of the United States. Tonight, I again proudly accept that nomination for President of the United States. But I have news for you. This time there is a difference. This time we are going to win!"
Excerpt from 1964 Republican Nominee Richard M. Nixon's Acceptance Speech, July 16th, 1964

[Jaguar4life]

It has come back from the dead.

[Pyro]

It has come back from the dead.

You bet!

[Cold War Liberal]

It has come back from the dead.

You bet!

YEEEEEEES

[Pyro]

Republican Party Nominee Richard Nixon Delivers Acceptance Speech, July 16th, 1964

  Within the concrete walls of the auditorium stood a mass conglomeration of Republican enthusiasts readied for a much-speculated contested convention and a ideological brawl. Certainly evident in the halls of the convention, however, had been the ferocity of an establishment faction unwilling to loosen its reigns in the face of disunity. In the very first roll call a majority of delegates rebuked the perceived rise of Goldwater, thereby preventing what may have been an insurgent makeover of the Republican Party.

  A hush fell over the once-ecstatic Goldwater supporters as Nixon was named the party's official presidential nominee. Most begrudgingly offered tempered applause with the realization of their defeat, although others leaned back and scowled. The hardheaded Arizonan himself would tepidly endorse his challenger shortly after the delegates made their call, however, as per his movement of conservative hardliners, describing the mood as bleak would serve as a criminal understatement.

  Those championing the campaign of the California governor rallied a "We Want Nixon" chant as the candidate prepared for his latest acceptance proclamation. All smiles, the candidate skipped to the podium and delivered an address he hoped could stand to unify a disjointed gathering. "Our understanding in writing the speech was this," later stated Herbert Brownell. "In the spirit of pressing on, Barry's Boys would realize the fallacy in upholding unobtainable purist dogma and open themselves up to our side. We are, essentially, sides of the same coin. All of us, Republicans, I mean, we're all after an efficient government. But, you see, the American system requires an element of compromise to get there."

  In the monumental acceptance speech, Richard Nixon stressed the need for unification among all Republicans, regardless of issues and labels, and as indicated above by Brownell, the overarching theme of an ameliorated method of governance was pervasive throughout. Learning from past experiences in floundered above-the-fray campaigning and in the art of messaging, the governor assailed specific Johnson-era programs and questioned the foreign policy judgement of President Kennedy. "For all of its lauded successes," proclaimed Nixon, "this administration has failed ten-fold."

  The nominee then presented his take on economic assistance programs in one of the more generous nods to the conservative sect. "We must make welfare payments a temporary expedient, not a permanent way of life. Something to be escaped from, not to. Our aim should be to restore dignity of life, not to destroy dignity, and the way welfare programs are too often administered today, their effect is to destroy it. They create a permanent caste of the dependent, a colony within a nation." The conservative faction, warmed by this tilt to Nixon's acceptance speech, now applauded in the same degree as the party moderates.

  "Let's grow up, Republicans. Let's go to work, and we shall win in November!" The nominee wrapped up in a triumphant fashion, as if he were fated to be this election's victor. In this concluding line that brought the entire delegation to its feet, including Senator Goldwater, Richard Nixon quoted his own rival in a distinct show of good faith. The attendees, drained from a fierce primary season and a bitter convention, appeared rejuvenated before a nationally televised audience.

  "The applause lasted for eternity," remarked Samuel Forrest, serving as a Kennedy Communications Aide. "Those veterans among us, myself included, believed we knew this individual well, but this was not the same man Johnson defeated." Bolstered with the knowledge of Nixon's weaknesses in 1960 and, presumably, confident in loyalty of the American voters, the Kennedy team ought not to have been worried at the sight of this convention. Viewing the acceptance speech in its entirety alongside subsequent viewership numbers far exceeding GOP expectations, an awareness set in like a bolt of lightening. "We could lose this one."

A Refreshed Republican Party: Nixon Speech Met with Positive Response
Senator Prescott Bush Selected as Vice President
The Washington Post, July 17th, 1964

Race-Infused Harlem Riots Enter Day Four
New York Journal-American, July 20th, 1964