Was anti-Catholic voting against William Miller a factor in Appalachia in 1964?
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  Was anti-Catholic voting against William Miller a factor in Appalachia in 1964?
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Author Topic: Was anti-Catholic voting against William Miller a factor in Appalachia in 1964?  (Read 1162 times)
mianfei
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« on: July 11, 2017, 10:14:50 PM »
« edited: July 12, 2017, 03:02:43 AM by mianfei »

Comparing the 1936 and 1964 elections, it is always noted how Landon and Goldwater, both of whom suffered landslide losses, did best in opposite regions of the nation: Landon in traditional GOP strongholds, Goldwater amongst traditionally bitterly Democratic Black Belt whites who had had absolute rule over their counties for seven decades or more (and had done so since settlement apart from Reconstruction).

However, one thing I have noted is that the Appalachian and Ozark states of West Virginia, Kentucky and Missouri actually gave Landon a vote higher than his national average, yet gave Goldwater less than his national vote, although the past five elections show them as socially extremely conservative and an integral part of the white South. A partial explanation is that Alf Landon was in many ways a traditional Southern mountain Republican (he was from the far southeast of Kansas near the Ozarks) who would have had much greater personal appeal in MO, KY and WV than in most of the country. This was very evident in Missouri, where Landon gained 29 counties won by FDR in 1932.

However, even granted the above, it strikes me that nobody has asked whether Goldwater's extremely poor showing in Kentucky, West Virginia and adjacent areas was due to anti-Catholicism against his running mate William Miller?? This idea actually occurred to me from the only loosely related map below of 1960 to 1964 anti-Republican swing in Illinois:
What is notable is that Goldwater (broadly speaking) actually lost a little more in the Appalachian-leaning southern Illinois counties than he did in the rural Yankee-settled counties of northern Illinois. Given the Southern orientation of the Goldwater candidacy and his reputation for hostility toward Yankee culture, this is surprising. However, if we hypothesise that some who voted for Nixon in 1960 but not Goldwater voted thus because they did not want a Catholic even as Vice-President, it makes logical sense. Such a perspective would explain Goldwater's extremely poor results in West Virginia and Kentucky (LBJ gained the best Democrat result since 1872) and could explain how Johnson held Arkansas and won Oklahoma.
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All Along The Watchtower
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« Reply #1 on: July 12, 2017, 02:13:11 PM »

I think that a better explanation of Goldwater doing so poorly in the Upper South and Appalachia is that the political and social history of those regions were not defined by slavery and the racial caste system that so obviously played the defining role in the Deep South.

Furthermore, significant parts of the Upper South and Appalachia were not just ancestrally Democratic, but - and this is key - actually had a rich history of organized labor that not only provided the basis for voters in those areas being left-wing economically and politically (if not culturally), but provided a basis for their long-time loyalty to the Democratic Party. This loyalty, of course, was only reinforced by the New Deal and for the most part, continued until very recently. Local political traditions lasted a lot longer there than in the Deep South.

That brings me to a final point: much of the South - especially the Deep Southern states won by Goldwater - was politically, a one-party system that was dominated by reactionary, segregationist Dixiecrat machines for over half a century (1896-1965). Note that 1965 was the year that the Voting Rights Act became law; this was after the 1964 presidential election. The fact that the election came before the VRA but after the Civil Rights Act of 1964 is significant because the segregationists who controlled Southern politics until the VRA dismantled the one-party Solid South could not just cast protest votes against LBJ themselves, but still could use their corrupt machines to skew the results in the Deep South for Goldwater. When combined with the growth of the Republican Party in the South (particularly among the white middle classes in the growing cities and suburbs) - and these Republicans were very conspicuously NOT "socially moderate Rockefeller Republican" types, lol - and the fact that black voters were still basically disenfranchised en masse, it's not really a mystery.

The Upper South and Appalachia, in contrast, did not have these factors - certainly not to the extent that the Deep South had. The only real exception was Arkansas, but note that the Democratic Party there - like in Oklahoma and Texas, neither of which are really "Deep South" in the  way that say, Alabama or Mississippi are - lasted a lot longer there as a force, particularly in state and congressional politics, than in Lower Dixie. And working class whites in Appalachia and the Upper South who either belonged to labor unions or lived in communities that had a significant union presence were certainly not about to ditch their longtime Democratic partisanship for noted anti-union, anti-New Deal Republican firebrand Barry Goldwater! Some of them may have been willing to vote for the comparatively moderate on the New Deal Dwight Eisenhower or Richard Nixon (particularly in 1960, before he started to take advantage of the Republican Party's moving to the hard Right as exemplified by Barry Goldwater and Ronald Reagan) but in 1964, the hard-edged, hard-line, and not very populist Goldwater was anathema to them, especially against the very popular (at the time, and again, outside the Deep South and some wealthy white suburbs in the Sun Belt and some other parts of the country) and very populist Lyndon Johnson.

/long-winded effortpost Tongue
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jimrtex
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« Reply #2 on: July 13, 2017, 08:32:17 PM »

If there were a religious-based reaction, it would be based on a perception that Goldwater was Jewish. After all, Goldwater is as much Jewish as Obama is Kenyan.

Miller was not a particularly well-known Congressman, though he had been RNC chair. And if there were an anti-Catholic prejudice it would have been demonstrated in 1960 as well.

People in the Inland South have a great affinity to Texas, much more so than the Deep South, so LBJ would be considered a compatriot. There had not been a southern President for a century, unless you count Truman or an academic who was president of Princeton, and governor of New Jersey to be a southerner.
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King of Kensington
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« Reply #3 on: August 05, 2017, 03:16:51 PM »

Why would anti-Semitism be more of an issue in Appalachia than the Deep South?
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jimrtex
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« Reply #4 on: August 05, 2017, 05:28:46 PM »

Why would anti-Semitism be more of an issue in Appalachia than the Deep South?
I wasn't the one seeking a religious explanation. I think a claim that Goldwater did worse because his little-known running mate was Catholic is rather bizarre in the first place. If some voters were motivated by religion it would have been more likely to be based on a belief that Goldwater was Jewish. But Goldwater did pretty poorly based on a perception of his political beliefs and that he would nuke little girls with daisies.
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Mr. Reactionary
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« Reply #5 on: August 05, 2017, 06:04:34 PM »

Didnt West Virginia vote JFK over LBJ in 60?
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Indy Texas
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« Reply #6 on: August 06, 2017, 04:55:40 PM »

Didnt West Virginia vote JFK over LBJ in 60?

After he gave a speech there basically telling them all to calm down and promising he wasn't in cahoots with the Pope.
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