Truman for President • Scott for Vice President : The Time is Now

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

We few, we happy few, we band of brothers; For he to-day that sheds his blood with me Shall be my brother; be he ne’er so vile This day shall gentle his condition: And gentlemen of England now a-bed Shall think themselves accurs’d they were not here, And hold their manhoods cheap whiles any speaks That fought with us upon Saint Crispin’s day.

I come before you tonight, full with the spirit of the hour, jaw-set in the knowledge of what lies ahead, to announce my candidacy for the presidency of Atlasia in the coming election.

It is sixteen months passed since last I placed my name before the nation in contest of the highest office. In those months, I have many a time being asked to make the fight once more; each time, I resisted. I had other work to do, in other quarters where I was more useful to my country and my fellow citizens; I did not wish to abandon this work in order to seek promotion when there were other wise and capable men and women ready to make the charge. I have, you see, always believed that it is the service one gives to one’s country, and not the grandness of the titles one receives in return, that are the true mark of statesmanship; I can only hope that I have lived up to this principle in my time here.

Yet now, as I observe the affairs of state, and consider my place in them, I am convinced the time has come to make the fight again. Our nation and the world with it now stand precariously balanced on the cliff of possibility; it is indispensable that we have in this hour a chief executive who is not only capable and active, but who knows intimately the rigors and hardships of leadership; who has weathered the storm, fought the battle against longest odds, and again and again survived the killing fires to fly forth reborn, stronger and wiser.

For two years — two long, trying, joyful, heartbreaking years — have I been employed in the service of my country. I was there in 2015 when apathy on the one hand and malice on the other threatened to destroy our republic from within. I was there in 2016 when partisan bloodlust and bad laws put our constitution to the test. I was there in 2017, when the western states were plunged into lawless anarchy by the thoughtless neglect of their representatives. Time and again, in the hour of crisis, I have stood on the front lines, upheld against the odds the principles of our republic with stoic competence. As a legislator for my region; as senator for the nation at-large; as president of the Constitutional Convention; as an officer of the cabinet; as prime minister of the western commonwealth; and indeed, as President of the Republic of Atlasia; I have shown time and again that I possess the courage to make hard choices, the vision to guide a nation, and the ability to see it through that are absolutely indispensable in a head of state. Popularity and pretty words are easy to come by; I offer something more — the unshakable, loyal company of results.

As senator and presiding office of the Constitutional Convention, I promised to renew our national institutions and rebuild the republic from the ground up — and I did. As Secretary of State, I promised to make foreign policy matter and confront challenges before they became crises — and I did. As president, I pledged to reform the executive branch, fight for activity at all levels of government, and uphold the integrity of the constitution — and I did. As Prime Minister for Fremont, I promised to restore activity and prosperity to the western region — and I did. Never once have I broken a promise, and never once have I gone back on my word. I have shown myself consistently committed to the principles of good governance, bipartisan leadership, and honest administration. These are the principles and experience that I will take with me into the White House on November 3.

What, then, will a Truman presidency look like? Upon this foundation of active, honest, and capable leadership, I make you the following solemn promises:


We are going to make foreign policy matter again. That it took the threat of all-out nuclear armageddon to rouse Nyman from its stupor is a disgrace and an embarrassment to our country. Thankfully, the State Department has now acted to address the crisis, and fondly do we hope that their efforts may be successful; but in truth, it should never have come to this. This emergency was completely unnecessary; it is the result of months of neglect and deliberate ignorance by politicians at every level of government, and it must be torn up by the roots at first expediency.

From my tenure as Secretary of State, which was described by Laborites and Federalists alike as among the most successful in recent memory, I know how to lead effectively on the world stage. My administration will address threats to our national interest proactively, and head on, rather than waiting for manageable difficulties to grow exponentially before acting. We will work closely with our allies, with the Russians, and with the Chinese to restore stability to the Pacific. We will rebuild our foreign policy apparatus by reinstating the National Security Council and finally completing the foreign policy review. We will negotiate a common market with Canada along the lines of the ABCMA adopted during my tenure in the State Department. We will support congressional legislation to address the humanitarian crisis in Iraq and Syria by the admission of (vetted) refugees from war-torn nations.


We are going to build an economy that works for everyone. Under my leadership, Fremont has seen a veritable explosion of economic growth, even as unemployment continues to rise in the rest of the nation. As president, I will bring the politics of prosperity to Nyman by supporting sensible and aggressive policies to put our nation back to work. I will introduce legislation to provide federal matching funds for a national high-speed rail network (AtlasRail). I will introduce legislation to implement a living wage based around the needs and resources of local communities, on the model of Fremont’s RWPA. I will fight for a progressive, pro-growth budget that cuts taxes for small businesses and middle class families while investing in education, job training, and infrastructure.


We are going to make Nyman work again. Since I left the White House, the executive branch — and especially the cabinet — has become a burial ground for good intentions. There have been good presidents and cabinet officers in that time, to be sure : Fhtagn was an exceptional Secretary of Internal Affairs, for instance, and I’m encouraged by the recent activity of Secretary of State Snowguy. In general, however, the cabinet is a mess. The National Archivist effectively ceased to exist months ago. The previous SoIA did absolutely nothing beyond starting an office thread. Meanwhile, the Department of Federal Elections continues to be burdened by the legislative catastrophe that is the Federal Elections Act, which is quite possibly the worst law ever signed by a president as far as rhetorical coherence is concerned. Some in Nyman seem to believe that we can solve this problem by rearranging the deck chairs and issuing a few vague comments about “activity;” but I, and I believe the nation, know that much more is necessary. We need a president who will overhaul the entire executive branch, purge failed policies and bad habits, and establish once and for all that the cabinet is more than just a bunch of people “writing fanfiction about their heroic efforts for Middle East peace.”


In the days and weeks to come, I will lay out my platform in greater detail — not only what policies I will (and will not) support, but a blueprint for how my administration will operate. Until then, may the liberty of our republic never perish in the face of adversity.

Harry S Truman
Candidate for President

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

Foreign Policy • A New Common Market with Canada • Minimum Wage • Infrastructure • Gun Control

THE TICKET

FOR PRESIDENT
Harry S Truman
Prime Minister of Fremont
Attorney General of Atlasia

16 Jan 2017 - 13 Feb 2017	Governor of Fremont
06 Dec 2016 - 03 Mar 2017	Secretary of the Interior
04 Nov 2016 - 27 Nov 2016	39th President of Atlasia
27 Jul 2016 - 04 Nov 2016	Secretary of State
17 May 2016 - 13 Jun 2016	PPT of the Senate
04 Sep 2015 - 13 Jun 2016	Senator At-Large
09 Nov 2015 - 13 May 2016	Presiding Officer of the ConCon
13 Oct 2015 - 09 Nov 2015	Deputy P.O. of the ConCon
04 Jun 2015 - 04 Sep 2015	Speaker of the ME Assembly
27 Mar 2015 - 04 Sep 2015	Mideast Representative

FOR VICE PRESIDENT
A. Scott
Senator for Lincoln
President Pro Tempore of the Senate

Apr 2014 - Aug 2014	Emperor of the South
25 Oct 2012 - 27 June 2013	Governor of the Northeast
02 Mar 2012 - 25 October 2012	Senator for the Northeast

ENDORSEMENTS
Representative Vivaportugalhabs (Labor Party - Fremont)
Representative Peebs (Labor Party - South)
Delegate Reagan Clinton (Federalist Party - Lincoln) in the primary ^[Statement]
Senator Henry Wallace (Labor Party - Fremont)
Speaker of the Commons Kamala (PRDC - Fremont)
MFP Pericles (Labor Party - Fremont)
Senator R2D2 (Independent - Lincoln)
Former President Adam Griffin (Labor Party - Fremont)
House Majority Leader J. Gibson (Labor Party - Lincoln)
Speaker of the Assembly Lok (Labor Party - Lincoln)
Representative Illiniwek (Labor Party - Lincoln)
Former Vice President Kalwejt (Labor Party - Fremont)
Former Representative One J. (Labor Party - Lincoln)
Former Councilor Wulfric (Independent - Fremont) for 2nd preference
Lt. Governor KYC (Independent - Lincoln)

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

I did not resign from the cabinet, Yankee, because that would have accomplished nothing. "Resigning in protest" is a stupid, short-sighted, counter-productive policy when one's goal is to make the cabinet and the executive branch more active. What would removing myself from office have done, besides ensuring that there was one fewer active cabinet officers in Nyman? I did indeed tell DFW (among others) that I disapproved of the abolition of the NSC, though unfortunately I did not save the logs for that conversation. I notice you haven't resigned from Congress in spite of the fact that many of your fellow representatives are doing their jobs poorly.

And yes, as a matter of fact, I did write to Fhtagn shortly after she inherited the presidency and offered to do what I could to help resolve the North Korean crisis. As of this writing, we have already exchanged several PMs on the matter. That offer still stands, incidentally; I will continue to do what I can to help the administration on this issue, no matter what disagreements we may have on other issues.*

I am well aware of the difficulties of crafting foreign policy, having as you say served on the NSC since my tenure as SoS and as president. The ability and responsiveness of the GM is certainly one of those difficulties; yet I do not believe one can honestly leave the entire burden of competent foreign policy on the GM's doorstep. Success in foreign policy does require assertiveness from the administration and proactive communication with the GM, and while I'm very pleased that Fhtagn seems to have realized this, it really is six months too late. I managed to lead a successful State Department and raise public awareness for foreign affairs without pushing us to the brink of nuclear war; it is not impossible. Abolishing the NSC, failing to bring the Foreign Policy Review before Congress, and allowing the SoS's thread to go inactive were unforced errors that eroded much of the progress we made under Leinad, Blair, and yourself.

Thanks for the comments — at the very least, I'm glad someone bothered to read that wall of text all the way through.

*As a side note, since apparently there was some miscommunication on this point, I do not blame Fhtagn for the situation in North Korea. When she assumed office, the gears were already in motion, and she has had to scramble to get the situation under control. I only wish her predecessors had done more to control the narrative before it got to this point.

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

Endorsed. Through the years I've had the pleasure of working with Truman, one of the most dedicated, knowledgeable, experienced, and effective members of Atlasia and I'm proud to stand with him in his campaign.

Thank-you very much, Mr. Representative!

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

Endorsed. I swear, I'm still running.

Okay then. Thanks (good luck?)!

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

While I rarely, if ever, switch endorsements during an election, this time is more important than ever that was have a competent, hardworking Commander in Chief who will spur much-needed activity in this game.  Truman has been an excellent statesman and steward for the many jobs he's held since my return to the game.  As such, I proudly endorse Harry S. Truman for the Presidency of the Republic of Atlasia.

Thank you very, very much Senator!

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

Enthusiastically endorsed!

Thank you, Senator!

Mr. Prime Minister, we've worked well together in Fremont, and I hope we can continue our partnership and cooperation on the national stage. Truman for President!

As do I — thanks!

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

Friends, statesmen, and citizens—

I am pleased this evening to welcome as good a man and as loyal a servant of the people as may be found in this country — Senator Scott of Lincoln — who I present to you as the nation's choice for the next Vice President of the Republic. Having served his region admirably in the Senate, having presided ably over that body as president pro tempore, he has shown himself on countless occasions a wise and honest champion of our republican values. It is a privilege to make this campaign with him; and should we be so honored as to receive the mandate of the people this October, I can say with fullest confidence that he will perform the duties of the vice president with dignity.

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

Endorsed. You are a great leader in Fremont and will be a great leader in Atlasia. You are the President for our time.

Thanks very much, Mr. MP!

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

Well, you guys have forced me out of the race in a matter of hours. Scott and Mike Wells are two of my closest friends in Atlasian politics, and I could not compete with either of them, let alone both of them.

I am closing down my Presidential exploratory committee and endorsing the Truman/Scott ticket.

Thank you very much, Senator — it's an honor to have the confidence of so distinguished a statesman, and we will endeavor to be worthy of it.

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

The NSC was and is stupid, that's why I abolished it

Well, I disagree. Under Presidents Blair and Yankee, the NSC successfully made foreign policy and foreign affairs a central feature in the game that involved people from a wide array of backgrounds and perspectives. Foreign policy has historically been neglected in Atlasia in no small part because it is, at best, a three-way conversation between the president, the Secretary of State, and the GM; the NSC broke that trichotomy and brought everyone from hawks and neocons to libertarians to the table.

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

The NSC was and is stupid, that's why I abolished it

Well, I disagree. Under Presidents Blair and Yankee, the NSC successfully made foreign policy and foreign affairs a central feature in the game that involved people from a wide array of backgrounds and perspectives. Foreign policy has historically been neglected in Atlasia in no small part because it is, at best, a three-way conversation between the president, the Secretary of State, and the GM; the NSC broke that trichotomy and brought everyone from hawks and neocons to libertarians to the table.

All you have to do is individually pm people to get individual opinions

It's not the singular opinions themselves that provide the greatest value, but the engagement of large groups of people in pursuit of a common goal. We conduct congressional debates in public, rather than having senators and representatives mail their votes to the VP, for the same reason. The process is just as, if not more, important as the result.

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

I came all the way here from the catacombs just to say "endorsed!"

This ticket is my pick for Labor's endorsement for the Presidency.

Now that the Peb!/Wells ticket is no more, I hereby endorse this ticket for the upcoming election.

Enthusiastically endorsed!!!

Thanks, y'all!

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

I proudly endorse both of you.

Thanks, Mr. Representative-emeritus!

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

Statement

As the citizens of a free nation, we can naught but be appalled by the reports of secret simony that now muddies the waters of the Federalist primary campaign. No matter what parties or factions may divide us, this school of cloakroom bribery — if true — is anathema to our values and to the principles on which the republic is founded. I will not presume to instruct the Federalist leadership on this matter, but I hope and trust that action has been taken to ensure the issue of the party's presidential nomination is decided by merit and merit alone.

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

On Foreign Policy

O, wonder! How many goodly creatures are there here! How beauteous mankind is! O brave new world, That has such people in't!

What is to become of our country in this brilliant and uncertain season?

It is a common thread at this ambitious time of year to hear politicians aspirant bemoan the state of inactivity as if seeing it for the first time, and to paper the boards with reams of planned reforms to cure the republic of her fatal curse. They fill the streets, these chameleons, with cries for secession, or confederacy, or a return to unicameralism — ideas with all the virginity of a Greek deity, and all the brilliance of an Athenian mechanical. They would have all of us believe that all our problems may be written away with the stroke of a pen; that words alone can heal a rift torn by actions.

This is nonsense. If there is one thing the last two years have proved, it is this: no matter how cleverly we weave our constitutions, no matter how ingeniously we craft our laws, the game must be played. The solution, then, to what malaise their is in Nyman and in the regions, is not the constant shuffling of our constitutional furniture, but the creation of new and engaging opportunities for citizens to become involved in the affairs of state.

For years, foreign policy has been an untapped reservoir of such opportunity. We have seen, on what few occasions as a president has brought world affairs into the center of their administration, how great this potential is. Such executives as Lumine, Blair, and Yankee not only attended to foreign affairs — they made them matter, by erecting around them an apparatus of diplomats, lawmakers, and narrators who made the struggle real and difficult and worthwhile. Rather than sending the Secretary of State off to their office to write fanfiction about the Pax Atlantis, they brought more people into the room; engaged with the Game Moderator, with the Congress, and with the public to make foreign policy really matter. This we have failed to do in the last six months; this we must do to realize the promise of the Reformation.

I have pledged, as a candidate, to make foreign policy matter again. To do so requires action on three fronts: first, to restore and expand our diplomatic apparatus; second, to engage with the Game Moderator to make diplomacy realistic and rewarding; third, to demand Congressional action on foreign affairs by pressing the Senate to ratify treaties, aggressively vet diplomats, and — when necessary — consider seriously declarations of war.


I. Rebuilding our Diplomatic Apparatus. The abolition of the National Security Council and the failure to submit the Foreign Policy Review to Congress were unforced disasters that decimated our State Department and conceived a status quo where only the threat of nuclear war could awaken Nyman from its slumber. This was a bad mistake, plain and simple, and it must not be repeated after the present crisis is passed. I am pleased to see that, after months of argument by myself and others, the White House has at last restored the National Security Council; it is now for the next president to ensure that this opportunity is not wasted.

My administration will restore the NSC as a forum for foreign policy decision making, involving veteran hands and aspiring young diplomats to maximize engagement in world affairs — not just in times of crisis, but all the year round. We will finally complete and submit to Congress the Foreign Policy Review, something the State Department was to have done months ago, so that Congress and the public may freely and openly debate our foreign policy.


II. A Precarious World. Meetings and committee hearings can only go so far, however; a robust foreign policy requires that the president actually go out to try and do something in the world, rather than remaining passively seated, reacting only when all opportunities for evasion have been exhausted. Never again can we allow ourselves to loose the plot on foreign policy.

ON KOREA: I have made no secret of my distaste for the way past administrations have handled this threat, nor of my opinion that the war we now face was completely unnecessary. After months of inaction on the issue, time that allowed instability and the threat of violence to fester unanswered on the Korean Peninsula, the previous president plunged us face-first into war, then skipped town. This was an unforced error, and it very nearly ended in nuclear war; this must never happen again.

I will be frank with you: the deal with China that averted (for now) the threat of World War III is an ugly compromise. It does no-one any good, however, to sit down in the mud and cry over the unfairness of it all. This is the world we find ourselves in, and we must play the cards we're dealt as best we can.

Therefore, the next president must make the following commitments on the Korean issue. First, we must win the war: quickly, completely, and honestly. Second, we must hold China accountable: any deviation from the terms of the deal — any threat of force against ourselves or our allies, or attempts to restrict the freedom of the seas, or efforts to manipulate international trade — will be considered an act of aggression and will free us from any obligation to abide by its terms.

ON BURMA: We will call the actions by the Burmese military against the Rohingya minority for what it is: a barbaric act of cruelty that is fast approaching genocide. If the Burmese government refuses to act on this question, then we will employ all the tools of peace to make them feel the weight of their error, working with our allies in the region and around the world to impose sanctions and provide asylum for refugees.

ON CANADA: After months on the back burner, we will revive negotiations for a common market with Canada, on the model of the treaty with the United Kingdom negotiated during my tenure as Secretary of State.

ON ISRAEL: For all the obstacles that have been thrown in its path, a two-state solution remains the best course forward. This means not only acknowledging the legitimacy of Palestinian grievances, but affirming our commitment to Israel's security and condemning the BDS "movement" for what it is: anti-semitism by another name.

ON VENEZEULA: We will bring new and harsher sanctions against the Maduro government for their illegal efforts to stifle dissent and prop up their regime with a brutal police state founded upon fear and violence.


TL;DR — Foreign policy is an untapped reservoir of activity, presenting an opportunity to engage dozens of people in a realistic and meaningful debate over our place in the world. To do this, we will (a) restore the NSC; (b) work with the GM and Congress to make negotiations realistic; and (c) work proactively to control events, not be controlled by them.

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

Ted wrote fanfiction about Seinfeld, fyi

So Kramer is to blame for the nuclear war. Everything makes sense now.

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

I should point out that President Fhtagn's decision to restore the NSC had nothing to do with you, Truman.  We found ourselves in a sudden crisis and needed an official way to deal with it.  I won't speak to your previous attempts to revive it prior to President Fhtagn taking office but not once in its formation were you or your desires discussed.

My apologies – I did not mean to imply that I had somehow "convinced" the president to act, though after a second reading I can see how it came off that way. I've corrected the relevant sentences to be more clear and avoid taking credit for decisions I obviously did not make.

The point I intended to make was that the NSC is an indispensable part of our foreign policy apparatus (especially now, as you and the president have said previously), which is why I've long supported bringing it back. I'm glad the president and I are in agreement on this issue; I only wish her predecessors had acted sooner.

And as for the Foreign Policy Review... finishing it has been another priority of the NSC and it is very nearly done.

Glad to hear it — though considering it's been almost eight (nine?) months in the making, I hope you'll forgive me for being a little impatient.

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

"« Last Edit: Today at 06:11:55 pm by Prime Minister Truman »"

Why cover things up with edits you acknowledged and apologized?

Because the thing I wrote is not the thing I meant to say? If I had written "National Squirrel Council" instead of "National Security Council," I hardly think it would have been a service to the voters to leave the error in.

Though come to think of it, a National Squirrel Council will be fun. I'll have to remember that if I ever decide on running a joke campaign.

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

How rude of them! I can't imagine who that was.

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

Derby Line, VT

Much has been written and said of our "special relationship" with the United Kingdom; less publicly lauded, but no less prized by our republic, is our close partnership with our neighbor to the north: Canada. Bound by common geography, united by common interest, moved by a similar history and values, our two countries have lived side by side in a state of unique harmony since the Atlasian Republic was proclaimed thirteen years ago. Nowhere is this happy friendship more proudly displayed than in the village of Derby Line, where a traffic sign and a line of flower pots are all that separate Atlasia from Canada to the north.

Yet for the last year and a half, Derby Line has suffered directly what the rest of Atlasia has felt only abstractly : the loss of the common market with Canada. This agreement, negotiated in 2013 under President Marokai Blue, began a golden age of Atlasian-Canadian relations, allowing citizens of our two countries to live freely on either side of the border and facilitating collaboration on a multitude of common challenges. Like the rest of the pre-2016 statute, this agreement was retired with the passage of the Fourth Constitution. While we can all agree the reset was a necessity, it is a profound misfortune that revival of the common market remains unaccomplished. It is high time we did something to change that.

It is time to bring back our common market with Canada. This was a prospect I actively pursued while serving as Secretary of State under President Leinad, until a month-long absence in the Game Moderator's office forced us to set the prospect aside. Instead, we signed ABCMA — a common market with the British similar to the old ACCMA passed under Marokai. This was a positive step forward for both nations; now we must take the next step and bring Canada into the fold.

Why bother? For the simple, oft overlooked, pivotal reason that expanding opportunities to engage with the game in new and interesting ways is always a benefit. Opening a common market costs the existing gameplay nothing — it would create no new offices, nor does it present an administrative gordian knot that must be constantly attended by a host of officers. What is does present is a legion of opportunities for innovative action: bilateral infrastructure projects, national security collaboration, a united front on trade and conservation — and, of course, an excuse to make new maps.

The time for a new common market is now — we have only to seize it.

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

Endorsed for second preference

Thank you, sir!

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

Thank you very much for these questions, AZ — many of these are issues I intend to address in greater detail as the campaign progresses, and I'm glad to have further reason to discuss them!

(1) I believe the Reforming and Regionalizing Public Healthcare Act is a great step forward for our country; I supported it when it was introduced in Congress; and I think I speak for everyone when I say that Senator Scott deserves our praise and gratitude for his tireless efforts writing, negotiating, and arguing for this law. I also believe that healthcare is a right deserved by all, not a privilege reserved for an elite few. This belief stems from experiences in my own life outside the forum (that I won't be sharing on the internet ), and while I consider myself a moderate man, I'm not willing to budge on that point.

My personal preference is for German-style universal healthcare, which affords to each citizen the necessities of high-quality medical care while affording the greatest liberty to individuals; with that said, the beauty of RRPHA is the freedom it gives to the regions, and I'm excited to see what my colleagues in Lincoln and the South produce.

(2) I'm really excited about this particular issue. As you I am sure know, efforts to strike a deal on the minimum wage fell apart last spring after the president's proposal (to vary the minimum wage by zip code) was rejected and Congress failed to produce an alternative plan. In Fremont, we stepped forward to fill the gap by passing legislation indexing the minimum wage to the cost of living in each county. This is better than the usual top down, one-size-fits-all approach often used by politicians on both sides, because it ensures the minimum wage is neither too low to support workers in costly urban centers nor too high to facilitate competition and growth in the rural hinterlands.

As president, I hope to introduce similar legislation to index the minimum wage to the cost of living, with an upward bound of $12.50 an hour; the regions would have the option of raising this limit, if they so choose. In this way, we ensure that every worker is afforded the dignity of a fair wage while providing for the needs of local communities and economic growth in all corners of the country.

(3) Look, I'm a history student, and there are a couple basic facts we need to get out of the way before we even begin to discuss the life and legacy of these monuments. First, the Civil War was definitely about slavery. The Confederate States of America was conceived by a rebellion of slaveholders who took up arms against their government for the express purpose of preserving the system of chattel slavery against the perceived threat of a Republican administration. We know this because they told us so; when those eleven Southern states seceded in 1861, each of them issued a public declaration of their grievances, and the right to own slaves was top of every list. Second, the war sparked a revolution in the hearts and minds of white Northerners that began as early as the spring of 1861, when Benjamin Butler declared de facto emancipation of the slaves as "contrabands of war" and culminated sixteen months later with the Emancipation Proclamation. From that point onward, the Union Army was effectively an abolition army, as contemporaries on both sides of the slavery debate recognized. Trying to make the Civil War out as something other than a war about slavery is ahistorical nonsense, and I have absolutely no patience for those who try to argue otherwise by drawing false equivalencies or confusing progress with perfection.

However, this does not mean that every Yankee was an angel, or that every Southerner was a devil. History is not, and should not be, the business of weighing souls. It is true and right that the Civil War advanced the cause of human liberty in the United States, and for that we should celebrate Lincoln and the Union. What we should not do is transform history into an exercise in self-righteous back slapping and/or a rose-tinted glass through which to justify or condemn the present.

I'll be honest with you: I don't like these monuments, I wouldn't have put them up, and I don't agree that removing a vaguely humanoid piece of rock somehow amounts to "erasing history." At the same time, I don't have a lot of patience for those who would make this out to be some cataclysmic battle for the purity of the soul of Atlasia, because it isn't. This is an issue that each community must decide for itself how to address appropriately and respectfully; and in that sense, I don't think the federal government should get involved. I do think it's important not to assume that everyone opposing the removal of these monuments is a racist, because that just isn't true. When it comes to actual fascist-wannabes and other fellow travelers, it is important to note the difference between peaceful citizens exercising their constitutional right to be stupid, racist idiots and those who commit crimes and kill people to advance their stupid, racist ideas. The latter group are criminals, plain and simple, and I have absolutely no problem using the power of the bully pulpit to condemn them as such and pound their horrible ideology into submission.

(4) I'm not entirely sure what this question is asking, to be honest (one could call AtlasCare a sort of state-run insurance company); but no, I do not support nationalizing the energy industry or any other quasi-Marxist collectivization scheme. I prefer to rely on private enterprise to fuel our nation's economy, and where government action is needed to 'save capitalism from itself,' I find tax incentives and other traditional forms of regulation quite sufficient.

(5) Well, the first and most obvious step I have already said: adopting a national living wage indexed to the local cost of living (No. 2) to provide a clear path out of poverty for those who are willing to work. I support full implementation of RRPHA (No. 1) to alleviate the exorbitant medical costs that burden many Atlasians, the fear of which inhibits growth by tying workers to big companies with benefits packages when they might otherwise be starting their own businesses and expanding the economy. We also need to invest in education, job training, and infrastructure — three areas that have been priorities of mine during my tenure as Prime Minister of Fremont. (This is where I point out that Fremont currently has the highest per capita rate of employment for any region in Atlasia, and has consistently since I took office.) In particular, I'd like to see Congress provide federal matching funds for AtlasRail, which we know from Fremont's experience is a great boon for job creation and productivity.

Well, I hope that wall of text was at least helpful. Thanks once again, and please let me know if there is anything more I can do!

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

The Atlasian System

CASCA	Cassius, what night is this?
CASSIUS	A very pleasing night, for honest men.

Working People.
It's time to pass the local living wage.
For decades, Nyman has ignored the needs of working people and local communities alike by imposing a top-down, one-size-fits-all national minimum wage. The result is that, much of the time, the minimum wage does not keep up with the cost of living; meanwhile, rural communities are penalized by policies that fix wages at rates inappropriate for their economies.

My administration would abolish this broken model in favor of a flexible minimum wage indexed to the cost of living in each county. Under the new system, the federal minimum wage would vary from $9.00 to $12.50 an hour based on locality – ensuring the needs of communities both urban and rural are met.

It’s a bold idea — and it works. Since becoming the first region to adopt the local living wage this Spring, Fremont has consistently led the nation in per capita employment and job creation even as the national debt crisis and the threat (now reality) of war in the Pacific have fueled a nationwide hike in unemployment.


Infrastructure.
It's time to make AtlasRail a reality.
Politicians and presidential contenders from both parties have been talking about infrastructure for well over a year now — but at the federal level, at least, they have very little to show for it. In spite of reams of posts, plans, and draft proposals, AtlasRail remains unbuilt, and it has been left to the regions to shore up our nation’s crumbling infrastructure.

This must change. As prime minister for Fremont, I spearheaded efforts to introduce trans-regional high speed rail in my region, knitting our commonwealth closer together and creating quite a few jobs along the way. As president, I will introduce legislation to provide federal matching funds for AtlasRail and will work to coordinate regional governments to make the vision for a pan-regional rail network a reality.

Of course, all these promises have been made before — in Congress and in the White House by Federalists and Laborites alike. The difference is that I, unlike these others, have a proven record of getting the job done on infrastructure. Nobody need take my word for it that I mean what I saw; look instead to the example I set in Fremont, where we are laying the groundwork for a modern transportation system months ago, with great results.

[Unconditional Surrender Truman]

The Right to Bear Arms
It is time for a sensible gun control movement.

Our Constitution guarantees to each citizen the right to keep and bear arms. This, I think, is a good thing — in principle. If you follow the rules and obey the law, you ought to be able to protect yourself from the people who don't.

With that said, it is abundantly clear to anyone who pays the thinnest shred of attention that our nation is not doing nearly enough to keep dangerous weapons from falling into the wrong hands. The tragic incident at Las Vegas on Sunday is only the latest example of this epidemic.

As president, I will propose a comprehensive gun reform bill to attack the problem of gun violence on three fronts. First, we will require all gun owners to pass a basic proficiency test to demonstrate their ability to handle a firearm safely and responsibly. Second, we will bar the sale of deadly weapons to criminals, suspected terrorists, and the mentally ill. Third, we will place a tax on high-capacity magazines, the revenue derived from which will be used to care for the victims of gun violence.