American conservatism is intrinsically, inexorably Progressive
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  American conservatism is intrinsically, inexorably Progressive
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Author Topic: American conservatism is intrinsically, inexorably Progressive  (Read 382 times)
Vittorio
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« on: July 20, 2019, 12:29:15 AM »
« edited: July 20, 2019, 12:34:58 AM by Vittorio »

I liked this so much that I'll quote myself.

I would side with the conservatives as against the Whiggish, banally progressive history on display here, if their own ideologies were not so full of it themselves (the efficacy of technological 'progress' under liberal capitalism, occasionally 'the end of History', the final victory of capitalism over Communism, etc.). I suppose that's what happens when it's materially impossible to 'purify' your ideology, as the conservatives want, of Whiggism when it is a direct descendant of Whiggism, and the material conditions underlying it, itself.

And why?

Quote
The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part.

The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his “natural superiors”, and has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous “cash payment”. It has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of religious fervour, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation. It has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that single, unconscionable freedom — Free Trade. In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation.

The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honoured and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into its paid wage labourers.

The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and has reduced the family relation to a mere money relation.

The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutal display of vigour in the Middle Ages, which reactionaries so much admire, found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence. It has been the first to show what man’s activity can bring about. It has accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman aqueducts, and Gothic cathedrals; it has conducted expeditions that put in the shade all former Exoduses of nations and crusades.
The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionising the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and with them the whole relations of society. Conservation of the old modes of production in unaltered form, was, on the contrary, the first condition of existence for all earlier industrial classes. Constant revolutionising of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed, fast-frozen relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away, all new-formed ones become antiquated before they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses his real conditions of life, and his relations with his kind.

The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over the entire surface of the globe. It must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connexions everywhere.

The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world market given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country. To the great chagrin of Reactionists, it has drawn from under the feet of industry the national ground on which it stood. All old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilised nations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw material, but raw material drawn from the remotest zones; industries whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the production of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter-dependence of nations. And as in material, so also in intellectual production. The intellectual creations of individual nations become common property. National one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures, there arises a world literature.

The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilisation. The cheap prices of commodities are the heavy artillery with which it batters down all Chinese walls, with which it forces the barbarians’ intensely obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate. It compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels them to introduce what it calls civilisation into their midst, i.e., to become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates a world after its own image.

The image of upward Progress is inherent in every institution of bourgeois society which the conservatives seek to conserve: in measurements of economic growth (evangelism reckoned in Number Of Souls Served); in the growth of churches; in the development of new technologies for production and destruction alike.

No matter how many paeans to "the small" conservatives pen, no matter how they wax poetic about local communities and small government, they cannot avoid preserving those institutions which revolutionize society with themselves. And the more frustrated they become with this fact - which accounts for the overwhelming majority of rhetoric to the effect of the GOP being a "liberal" Party - the more radically Progressive they behave, from nominating a female Vice-President in 2008 to electing a divorced, atheistic alduterer President in 2016.

Capitalism is inherently Progressive, in a literal, linear, bourgeois sense. And conservatives cannot overcome it, for all of their nostalgia.

By "standing athwart History, yelling 'stop!'", you are stepping on History's gas pedal.
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