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MASHED POTATOES. VOTE!
Kalwejt
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« Reply #25 on: December 13, 2009, 09:42:18 AM »

Bolivia get pwned.

By the way, how the situation worldwide? Any major changes due to butterflied, you thread-hostage holder?
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« Reply #26 on: December 13, 2009, 03:49:30 PM »
« Edited: December 13, 2009, 04:06:29 PM by Сенатор Хашимиты »

Economic and Political Development of Brazil 1904-1909

The Conservative government encouraged the development of an agricultural federal oligarchy in Brazil. The Conservatives restricted the national government's intervention in inter-state commerce and gave a free hand to the Governors of the major provinces: São Paulo, Minas Gerais, Rio Grande do Sul, Rio de Janeiro, Bahia and Pernambuco. In practice, the states of São Paulo and Minas Gerais remained the dominant states of the system. The development was very unequal, and opposition to the new system came not from the Liberals (who had adopted the system as well, and controlled the state of São Paulo) but from the educated middle-class elites. The elites gathered around an old abolitionist and liberal thinker, Rui Barbosa. However, in practice, the states maintained their control over politics.

In November 1904, the government of Prime Minister Rodrigues Alves ordered Director General of Public Health Dr. Osvaldo Cruz to launch a mass vaccination program in Rio de Janeiro to prevent further spread of disease in the capital, which despite its palaces and gardens, suffered from grave infrastructure inadequacies. Tuberculosis, measles, typhus and leprosy were common diseases, and epidemics of yellow fever also killed many inhabitants in the capital. The government ordered the destruction of public housing units, which they deemed to be breeding grounds for disease. Confused and thrown into the streets, the people started to revolt and turned the city into a urban battlefield. The army stepped in to restore order and the leaders of the 'Vaccine Revolt' were deported to Acre.

The Brazilian socialist movement was rapidly growing with the growth of industries, and trade unions started organizing. In January 1905, the Brazilian Workers Confederation (Confederação Operária Brasileira , COB) was founded. In February 1905, the first strike was held by 500 textile workers in São Bernardo do Campo (SP). The Conservative government took a hard line and sent the army to repress the strikes. The Conservatives were supported in their anti-union policy by the bulk of the Liberals and notably by SP Governor Campos Sales.

In the 1905 provincial elections, while the Governors of Minas Gerais (Afonso Pena, Con) and São Paulo (Campos Sales, Lib) were easily re-elected, a change took place in the 'sidelined' states of the system: the Liberals won the governorships of Bahia, Pernambuco and Rio Grande do Sul. These states were 'second-tier' states, behind the two main players of the oligarchic system. The Liberal Governors of these states supported the system, but protested the exclusion of their states from the oligarchic politics.

Prime Minister Rodriges Alves stepped aside in January 1906, and he was succeeded by Minas Gerais Governor Afonso Pena. He was supported by the oligarchy of Brazil, thinking that he would play into the hands of their interests. As Governor, he was succeeded by João Pinheiro da Silva.

In the 1906 election, the Conservatives faced a resurgent Liberal coalition. The Liberal coalition was an unholy one, composed of Governor Campos Sales' base in SP, the liberal elite organized around Governor Bocaiúva in Rio and the 'sidelined' states of Bahia, Pernambuco and Rio Grande do Sul. There were now 165 seats in the lower house and 43 in the Senate.

Chamber of Deputies

Conservative 91 (-9)
Liberal 74 (+24)


Senate

Liberal 22 (+5)
Conservative 21 (-2)




Afonso Pena became Prime Minister following the June 1906 elections, notably naming      Nilo Peçanha of Rio de Janeiro as his Chief of Staff. Despite being elected with the support of the oligarchy, he quickly led an independent policy and increased the national government's intervention into the economies of the states. He tried to curtail the power of the oligarchy, which led to the unpopularity of his policies and parties with wealthy plantation owners.

During that time, coffee prices and exports had started to stagnate and the question of coffee surplus became an important issue. He convoked the Conference of Taubaté. In attendance were Governor Campos Sales (SP), Governor João Pinheiro da Silva (MG), Governor Bocaiúva (RJ) and Governor Carlos Barbosa Gonçalves (RS). The agreement signed by the four states and Prime Minister Pena at Taubaté attempted to create a balance between supply and demand, mandated the national government to buy surplus coffee (but to prevent surplus crops by discouraging plantation expansion) and levying a tax on each bag exported to increase the country's and the state's profits from the export of coffee.

Afonso Pena also encouraged the development of railways, and under his tenure the railway linking SP with Rio Grando do Sul was completed, as well as linking Rio with the Amazon through telegraph. He also ordered the construction of a railway in the province of Amazonas between Porto Velho and Guajará-Mirim. Construction began in 1907, and led to the deaths of hundreds of workers due to tropical heat, fevers and exhaustion.

The government also encouraged immigration from Europe, which was gradually rising since the abolition of slavery in 1889. Most immigrants came from southern Europe, that is Portugal, Spain and Italy. However, Chinese and other Asian immigrants also came to work on railways and plantations.

Pena's policies towards trade unions were also different than those of his predecessor, as he gave SP workers a eight-hour workday after a 43-day long strike in 1907.

The government encouraged the development of the Brazilian military. In June 1907, as Argentina's military sided with Germany, War Minister Luís Mendes de Morais and Navy Minister Alexandrino Faria de Alencar signed a naval and military treaty with the United Kingdom. As part of the agreement, Brazil ordered construction of two cruisers in Newcastle-upon-Tyne as well as British military trainers to be sent to Brazil.

Meanwhile, in the opposition, the Liberals, out of power since 1897, were becoming openly divided. The division was between those who favoured the continuation of the oligarchic system, led by Governor Campos Sales and the right of the party. There was little difference between those Liberals and the Conservatives, in fact, Sales was to the right of Pena on many issues (unions notably). On the other hand were the reformists, led by Governor Bocaiúva of Rio and supported by liberal reformer Rui Barbosa. In a caucus vote in 1908, the Liberals elected Francisco de Assis Rosa e Silva, the protege of Governor Sales, to the leadership of the party. The reformers who had hoped that the Liberals would be a vehicle for change were sorely disappointed. Governor Bocaiúva, Rui Barbosa and other liberals left the Liberal Party and founded the Radical Party (Partido Radical do Brasil, PR).

The Radicals advocated immediate political and social reform, workers' rights and social legislation, and end to oligarchic politics, electoral reform, urbanization and industrialization, and separation of church and state.

In the 1908 provincial elections, the major provinces remained loyal to their established Governors. In Rio de Janeiro, Francisco Chaves de Oliveira Botelho (Radical) succeeded Governor Bocaiúva, who had retired to run for a seat in the Chamber in 1909. In Minas Gerais, the Conservative Wenceslas Bras was elected to a full term in his own right, after the death of Governor Pinheiro in 1908.

The Conservatives were favoured going into the 1909 election due to the division of the Liberals, but they were divided between supporters of Pena's interventionist policies and those who remained loyal to former Prime Minister Rodrigues Alves' policies. In March 1909, as the Conservatives readied for the June election, Pena died. Two candidates vied for the top spot: Finance Minister David Morethson Campista, supporter of Pena; and MG Governor Wenceslas Bras. Campista was opposed by the oligarchic interests and the military (Marshal Hermes da Fonseca was affirming his power over the Conservative Party), and was defeated in the Conservative Chamber caucus vote by 55-36. Following his defeat, he left the party to join the Radical Party.

Wenceslas Bras led the Conservatives to another electoral victory over Rosa e Silva's Liberals. The Radicals made a breakthrough in Rio de Janeiro (province and city) and polled well in São Paulo and other major cities. The PSB also ran for the first time, but won no seats.

Chamber of Deputies

Conservative 85 (-6)
Liberal 59 (-15)
Radical 21 (+21)
Socialist 0 (nc)


Senate

Liberal 20 (-2)
Conservative 20 (-1)
Radical 3 (+3)


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« Reply #27 on: December 13, 2009, 04:06:08 PM »
« Edited: December 19, 2009, 05:50:58 PM by Getúlio L'Hermine Vargas »

Premiers:

Zacarias de Góis e Vasconcelos: 1866-1870
José Maria da Silva Paranhos, Visconde do Rio Branco: 1870-1875
Luís Alves de Lima e Silva, Duque de Caxias: 1875-1878

José Antônio Saraiva: 1878-1884
Franklin Américo de Meneses Dória: 1884-1885
João Lustosa da Cunha Paranaguá, Marquês de Paranaguá: 1885

João Maurício Wanderley, Barão de Cotejipe: 1885-1887
João Alfredo Correia de Oliveira: 1887-1888

Afonso Celso de Assis Figueiredo, Visconde de Ouro Preto: 1888-1893
Lafayette Rodrigues Pereira: 1893-1897

Rodrigo Augusto da Silva: 1897-1901
Eduardo Ernesto da Gama Cerqueira:1901
Francisco de Paula Rodrigues Alves: 1901-1906
Afonso Augusto Moreira Pena: 1906-1909
Venceslau Brás Pereira Gomes: 1909-




Governors of Minas Gerais (since federal reform):

Francisco Silviano de Almeida Brandão: 1896-1901
Afonso Augusto Moreira Pena: 1901-1906
João Pinheiro da Silva: 1906-1908
Venceslau Brás Pereira Gomes: 1908-1909
Júlio Bueno Brandão: 1909-


Governors of SP:

Pedro Vicente de Azevedo: 1896-1902
Manuel Ferraz de Campos Sales: 1902-

Governors of Rio de Janeiro:

José Bento de Araújo: 1896-1902
Quintino Antônio Ferreira de Sousa Bocaiúva: 1902-1908

Francisco Chaves de Oliveira Botelho: 1908-
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k-onmmunist
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« Reply #28 on: December 15, 2009, 02:31:39 PM »

I Purple heart this.
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« Reply #29 on: December 15, 2009, 02:35:04 PM »


Muito bom, obrigado.

Anything you like in particular?

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MASHED POTATOES. VOTE!
Kalwejt
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« Reply #30 on: December 15, 2009, 02:38:18 PM »
« Edited: December 15, 2009, 05:04:47 PM by Re-elect Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle »

I like seeing monarchy surviving Wink

The butterflies, of course, because monarchy sucks!
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k-onmmunist
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« Reply #31 on: December 15, 2009, 03:50:51 PM »


The maps. And I've just always found timelines with significant reforms interesting.
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« Reply #32 on: December 20, 2009, 03:01:31 PM »

Brazil in Latin America and the World: Brazilian Foreign Policy 1900-1909

While most portfolios were constantly shuffled, one cabinet position remained stable throughout the early years of the twentieth century: the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. José Maria da Silva Paranhos Junior, Baron of Rio Branco. The son of the former Conservative President of the Council, the Viscount of Rio Branco, he was an able diplomat and negotiator. As Brazilian Ambassador in Berlin, he had already played an important role in the arbitration of Brazil's boundaries with Argentina (the Missions territory was awarded to Brazil in 1895, a major diplomatic victory for Brazil over its regional rival) and France (the Amapá territory, disputed with French Guiana, was awarded to Brazil in 1900, a major victory for a South American power over a colonial European empire).

In June 1900, the Baron of Rio Branco became Foreign Minister in the cabinet of Rodrigo Augusto da Silva. In January 1904, following Brazil's crushing victory over Bolivia in the short Acre War, the Baron of Rio Branco negotiated the Treaty of Petrópolis which gave Brazil control of Acre and demarcated Brazil's boundary with Bolivia. In addition, the Treaty of Petrópolis also ensured good relations with Bolivia, by guaranteeing Bolivian access to Brazilian rivers for a 10-year period.

Peru, however, also laid claim to Acre and a large part of the Amazon Basin. Despite Brazil's able negotiating, Lima dragged its feet in the resolution of the dispute from 1905 to 1907, hoping that it would benefit from dragging the negotiations on. However, with constantly changing foreign ministers in Peru, Brazil was able to cement its ground in Acre by the ratification in September 1907 of a treaty demarcating the border with Peru.

In 1905, a treaty with Venezuela settled the northern frontier. In 1906, a treaty with the Netherlands settled the border of Suriname. In 1907, Colombia and Brazil came to an understanding allowing a later demarcation of the border and in 1909, a maritime border dispute with Uruguay was settled.

Aside from demarcating the Empire's borders, the Foreign Minister established a new foreign policy with the clear objective of asserting Brazil's influence and power in South America. In 1906, Rio de Janeiro hosted the Third Pan-American Conference during which foreign dignitaries from South America but also the United States and Europe visited Brazil. During this same time, Brazil became the clear leader in South America, despite its unique monarchical system which set it apart from all other independent nations in the continent. It acted as the intermediary in negotiations between Europe and other Latin American nations, notably lobbying the cause of minor powers such as Paraguay and Bolivia in Europe. The Foreign Minister accredited ambassadors and consuls to almost all nations in the American continent as well as major European capitals. In 1907, Brazil attended the Hague Conference and lobbied for the equality of all nations.

The most important foreign policy question in Brazil during the first decade of the twentieth century was the question of political alignment. Since the 1840s, Brazil had aligned with Britain: then the leading economic and political power in the world, a fellow monarchy and an historical ally of Portugal and Brazil. However, by 1900, the rise of the United States as an economic and political power in the world had put this alignment with London into question. A vast majority of Brazilian coffee was now exported to the United States, and the Roosevelt administration had been eager to develop a privileged relationship with Brazil, which it saw as the dominant power in the region and a major ally for the United States in the southern half of the American continent.

The idea of an American-Brazilian alliance had been expressed since the 1850s, including by the pro-American Joaquim Nabuco. However, the old monarchical elite of the era still favoured London over Washington, but by 1900, the establishment of the coffee barons as the new leaders of Brazil had changed this mindset. The oligarchs, aware that the United States was the main market for their exports, favoured an alliance with Washington over one with London, and they had the support of the Foreign Ministry. Under the leadership of the Baron of Rio Branco, Rio de Janeiro developed a strong unofficial alliance with Washington, though maintained strong links, primarily military, with London. Brazil’s new alliance with the United States was noted in Buenos Aires, who at the same time was developing a close relationship with Germany.
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Cassius Dio
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« Reply #33 on: December 20, 2009, 05:36:26 PM »

I just love your story, Hashemite.
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« Reply #34 on: December 20, 2009, 06:46:16 PM »


Why, thank you.
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Cassius Dio
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« Reply #35 on: December 20, 2009, 11:51:43 PM »


I just like your writing style.
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« Reply #36 on: December 22, 2009, 01:55:39 PM »

Contestation at Home: 1909-1912


Venceslau Brás took office in 1909 in a positive economic climate. Coffee sales were stable, the government's valorization of coffee remained popular and successful, and in the Amazon rubber sales were breaking records. Brás' government continued to encourage industrialization, and continued the old development policies of his predecessors. In the sparsely populated and undeveloped province of Mato Grosso, roads linking the state with the economic centre of São Paulo were completed between 1909 and 1912. In the Amazon, the rubber boom in the first decade of the new century had led to extremely rapid population and income growth in the provinces of Amazonas and Pará.

However, the positive outlook based on the continued growth of coffee and prosperity at home hid another picture. Firstly, the rubber boom in the Amazon Basin came to a rapid end by 1910-1911, as Asian rubber which was faster and cheaper to harvest replaced Brazilian rubber as the world's preferred rubber. The booming towns of Manaus and Belém fell into disrepair and their grandiose infrastructures became empty shells of a glorious past. The Brás cabinet was unwilling to do anything, partly out of the opposition of the coffee barons (who opposed wasting funds on aiding Amazonian rubber) and the reality that Asian rubber remained much cheaper and faster to harvest. At the same time, Brazil's national debt was skyrocketing as the government continued to invest in industry and infrastructure. The monetarist policies led by past Finance Ministers had led to an economic crisis in the early 1900s and contestation to the Conservative policies became more serious than at any time since 1897. Longtime São Paulo Governor Campos Sales (known as the paulista caudilho, Liberal leader Francisco de Assis Rosa e Silva and Liberal Senator Joaquim Murtinho took up new roles as leader of the opposition to the pro-industrial and pro-development policies of the Conservative government.

At the same time, the whole economic system of Brazil - defended by the Liberals and Conservatives - had made enemies. The old imperial elite, composed of provincial deputies and Senators mostly from the old Northeast (the sugar-growing region of Brazil, which was destroyed economically from the rise of coffee in the Southeast) contested the new ruling class, composed of the paulista and mineiros coffee barons. They were joined by an urban middle-class, which had held significant power until the election of Rodrigues Alves to the leadership of the Conservative Party in 1901. This middle-class contested the concentration of power into the hands of a powerful few and two provinces, as well as the emergence of regional caudilhos. The urban middle-class concentrated in the new Radical Party, which emerged as a coalition of the middle-class, the rising industrialists opposed to the mercantilist oligarchs, old republicans and positivists and part of the imperial monarchist elite which had lost power with the advent of the new de-centralized monarchy - which they termed the "Third Empire". In addition, the Radicals also allied with the new growing proletariat in the cities, to whom they promised labour reform. The Radicals were, as a result, an almost exclusively urban party based in São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Bahia, Recife and Porto Alegre. The Radical Manifesto of 1909 called for democratization, electoral reform, an end to the oligarchic politics, industrialization and economic diversification; as well as labour reforms such as the right to strike, wage increase, and other social legislation. The leaders of the new movement included former fluminense1 Governor Quintino Bocaiúva, but most notably the Bahianese reformer, diplomat and able politician Rui Barbosa. Most Radicals were former members of the Liberal Party, who had lost the control of the party to the paulista coffee barons, but also included parts of the old monarchist Conservative elite.

In late 1910, the stability of the Empire was broken by a naval revolt in Guanabara Bay led by black enlisted sailors who demanded better working conditions and an end to the systematic whippings. However, poorly organized, exhausted and with little determination to lead a real revolt, the revolt quickly ended in November 1910 when the government promised the mutineers amnesty and a parliamentary investigation into their complaints. While the legislature found evidence of whippings, little changed in the navy itself or for black/mestizo Brazilians in general. The dominant racist mood in Brazil at the time was opposed to black Brazilians (whom they saw as weak, less intelligent and poor) and also mestizo Brazilians (who were judged to be 'impure'). These white Brazilians encouraged European immigration, which continued to grow throughout the early twentieth century, as a method to 'purify' the Brazilian population.

On the sidelines of the 'two-state system' stood Rio Grande do Sul, a rich and maverick province which had attempted to challenge the power of the coffee barons since the advent of de-centralization. The province was dominated by wealthy landowners, cattle herders and industrialists; not by coffee. In Rio Grande do Sul, while the old Republican Party had collapsed, positivism and positivism tainted by republicanism had not died out. Between 1890 and 1901, various local revolts led by old republicans such as Julio de Castilhos and Joaquim Francisco de Assis Brasil had failed but showed that positivism was not dead. Positivism continued to influenced the gaúcho2 Liberal Party, which had ruled the province since the first provincial elections in 1896. The Riograndense Liberals (and Conservatives, historically weak in the province) were rather conservative with nationalist undertones. They cooperated easily with the military, which played a dominant role in the strategically-located province. Riograndense politicians in Rio de Janeiro attempted to play a role in national politics. Marshal Hermes da Fonseca, the military hero of the Acre War became Minister of War in the Brás cabinet in 1909. In Rio de Janeiro, Senator José Gomes Pinheiro Machado, although a Liberal, he cooperated freely with the Conservative government to gain power for his province. In Porto Alegre, Antônio Augusto Borges de Medeiros became Governor in 1908 and established himself a caudilho propagating his influence in provincial and national politics. Both Machado and Borges de Medeiros made enemies in Rio de Janeiro, including within the Liberal Party, for their opposition to the power of the paulista-mineiros oligarchy (more for economic reasons than political or philosophical reasons) and their strong-handed tactics whose effects were felt outside of the province. Pinheiro Machado was able to install his allies in dominant positions in the Liberal organizations in provinces such Pernambuco and Amazonas.

In the 1911 provincial elections, little changed in the big power bases of São Paulo and Minas Gerais; but the Liberals made important gains in São Paulo (winning nearly three-quarters of the seats) and even Minas Gerais. In Rio de Janeiro, the Radical Governor Oliveira Botelho lost to Nilo Peçanha, the former Chief of Staff in the Pena Conservative cabinet. Peçanha, known as a moderate within the party, had managed to appeal to a majority of Liberals, old coffee barons and some Radicals. In Minas Gerais, Júlio Bueno Brandão won another term in office. In Rio Grande do Sul, Borges de Medeiros' "Liberals" won a crushing victory. In Bahia, the Liberals were able to defeat a Radical upswing led by Rui Barbosa; and the Liberals also won the provinces of Pernambuco in addition to gaining the provinces of Amazonas and Pará, devastated by the rubber crisis and the Conservative government's inaction in the crisis.

The 1912 elections became one of the first major electoral campaigns in Brazilian history. They opposed Venceslau Brás' Conservatives, the Liberals led by Campos Sales and the Radicals led by Rui Barbosa. The Liberals had built a coalition including their old base in São Paulo and Southern Brazil, but also the provinces of Bahia and Pernambuco (and smaller Northeast provinces, such as Paraíba) and the disaffected Amazonian provinces (except Acre, which remained loyal to the Conservatives). In Rio Grande do Sul, the Riograndense Liberal machine split between support of the so-called "café Liberals" of Campos Sales, the Radicals and an unofficial 'Liberal-Conservative Party' or 'Riograndense Liberal-Conservative Party' led Pinheiro Machado and supported by Governor Borges de Medeiros who were unhappy with the domination of Brazilian politics by São Paulo and Minas Gerais. Sales was, more importantly, an enemy of Machado who opposed the coffee oligarchy represented by Sales' café Liberals. Despite this, Sales' Liberals were still able to re-conquer the Liberal infrastructure in states like Pernambuco whose organization had been 'infiltrated' by Machado's allies.

Chamber of Deputies

Liberal 84 (+25)
Conservative 67 (-18)
Radical 14 (-7)
Socialist 0 (nc)


Senate

Liberal 23 (+3)
Conservative 18 (-2)
Radical 2 (-1)





1 Term used to refer to the inhabitants of Rio de Janeiro.
2 While the term gaúcho refers literally to cowboys, it has become a synonym for people from Rio Grande do Sul, who are also known as Riograndense. The term 'gaúcho province' refers to the province of Rio Grande do Sul as a whole.
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« Reply #37 on: December 22, 2009, 01:59:50 PM »
« Edited: February 15, 2010, 05:33:55 PM by Getúlio L'Hermine Vargas »

Decline and Conflict: 1912-1915


Campos Sales' Liberals won a narrow majority, but the presence around 25 Riograndense Liberal deputies and Senators weakened the majority, and Pinheiro Machado remained on the sidelines of the government and his power over the Liberal Party in states like Pernambuco and Amazonas significantly weakened since the 1912 election. Campos Sales' first actions were to cut spending to balance the budget. Public works were halted, expenses cut and taxes raised. Government funding programs for industrialization were cut, much to the pleasure of the paulista and mineiros coffee barons who saw industrialization as a futile exercise. In addition, the government established an agency which received deposits of gold and issued paper money backed by gold in return. However, Campos Sales died before he could see the results of his policies. In late June 1913, he died. He was replaced by Altino Arantes, who had replaced him as Governor of São Paulo in 1912.

Meanwhile, in the Imperial family, a scandal concerning the succession rights of the Empress' first-born son and Prince of Grão Para, Pedro de Alcântara. In 1912, he announced his intentions to marry Countess Elisabeth Dobržensky de Dobrženicz, a Bohemian noblewoman. However, Empress Isabel held that since she did not belong to a ruling family, Dom Pedro would have to relinquish succession rights. Her son, however, noted that the Constitution of 1824 did not require the heir to marry equally, which meant that he did not have to relinquish his rights. He refused to do so until the Empress accepted the marriage, which was celebrated in grand pomp in May 1913 in Rio de Janeiro.

Arantes continued the policies of his predecessor, and the results started to show by the end of 1913. Budgets started showing surpluses, foreign loans could be re-paid and Arantes was able to re-start public works in June 1914.

However, at the same time, war clouds were gathering over Europe and war erupted by August 1914. On August 2, demonstrations opposed to Brazilian participation in the European conflict were held in Rio and São Paulo. However, the sympathies of most Brazilians laid with the Allies, and the Imperial Family, which had French blood, were supportive of Brazilian support for the Allied cause. The Empress declared her clear and unwavering support for France and the Allies. Only the Crown Prince, Dom Pedro, opposed the Imperial Family's pro-Entente line. On August 12, 1914; Brazil declared war on Germany and Austria-Hungary, mostly due to the Imperial family's clear support of the Allied cause. Despite opposition from certain parliamentarians, most Brazilians supported the Empress' decision. Only German immigrants in Rio Grande do Sul opposed the declaration of war, and they were the target of much persecution starting in 1915.

Brazil did not send troops to Europe, and only the navy played a major role in the conflict by guarding Brazilian coasts. Brazilian shipping was hurt significantly by German submarine attacks on Brazilian vessels, and the navy also suffered loses in 1915-1916.

In 1914, the economy slumped as imports plummeted to half their 1913 level and import taxes consequently took a nose dive. The government's revenues dwindled, a deficit was announced for 1914 and 1915, and Arantes was forced to cut spending dramatically. Exports fell as well, hurting the provincial treasuries whose income depended a lot on export duties which the national government distributed to the provincial governments each year.

The theory that poor economic health in Brazil doomed governments proved right in the 1914 provincial elections, held right after the declaration of war in August. The Liberals in São Paulo saw their super-majority drop to a mere three-fifths majority. In Pernambuco, the Conservatives defeated the incumbent Liberal government. In Rio and Minas Gerais, the Conservative incumbents were comforted with larger majorities in the Legislative Assembly. The Liberals resisted only in Rio Grande do Sul, where Governor Borges de Medeiros won another super-majority. The provincial elections also saw the victory of a Socialist in São Paulo state, representing the harbour of Santos. The Radicals failed again in their attempts to gain Bahia and efforts to defeat Peçanha in Rio fell flat.

While the Liberals were widely expected to suffer a crushing defeat in the 1915 election, the demands of the Allied war effort boosted Brazilian exports significantly, but most of these exports were agricultural while coffee exports remained low. The Conservatives, led by Delfim Moreira, a deputy from Minas Gerais, did not promise anything (as was usual) but only stood for 'change'. In regions hurt by the war, this proved a popular theme. In the end, the Liberals won a plurality of seats, but for the first time in Brazil, it lacked a parliamentary majority. It was now up to the Empress to appoint a President of the Council, who could cobble together a majority. It was also up to the Radicals, enemies of the Liberal-Conservative system of politics, to decide to which party it would grant a majority.

Chamber of Deputies

Liberal 77 (-7)
Conservative 72 (+5)
Radical 16 (+2)
Socialist 0 (nc)


Senate

Liberal 21 (-2)
Conservative 20 (+2)
Radical 2 (nc)


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« Reply #38 on: December 22, 2009, 02:20:02 PM »

Premiers:

Zacarias de Góis e Vasconcelos: 1866-1870
José Maria da Silva Paranhos, Visconde do Rio Branco: 1870-1875
Luís Alves de Lima e Silva, Duque de Caxias: 1875-1878

José Antônio Saraiva: 1878-1884
Franklin Américo de Meneses Dória: 1884-1885
João Lustosa da Cunha Paranaguá, Marquês de Paranaguá: 1885

João Maurício Wanderley, Barão de Cotejipe: 1885-1887
João Alfredo Correia de Oliveira: 1887-1888

Afonso Celso de Assis Figueiredo, Visconde de Ouro Preto: 1888-1893
Lafayette Rodrigues Pereira: 1893-1897

Rodrigo Augusto da Silva: 1897-1901
Eduardo Ernesto da Gama Cerqueira:1901
Francisco de Paula Rodrigues Alves: 1901-1906
Afonso Augusto Moreira Pena: 1906-1909
Venceslau Brás Pereira Gomes: 1909-1912

Manuel Ferraz de Campos Sales: 1912-1913
Altino Arantes Marques: 1913-




Governors of Minas Gerais:

Francisco Silviano de Almeida Brandão: 1896-1901
Afonso Augusto Moreira Pena: 1901-1906
João Pinheiro da Silva: 1906-1908
Venceslau Brás Pereira Gomes: 1908-1909
Júlio Bueno Brandão: 1909-


Governors of SP:

Pedro Vicente de Azevedo: 1896-1902
Manuel Ferraz de Campos Sales: 1902-1912
Altino Arantes Marques: 1912-1913
Manuel Joaquim de Albuquerque Lins: 1913-


Governors of Rio de Janeiro:

José Bento de Araújo: 1896-1902
Quintino Antônio Ferreira de Sousa Bocaiúva: 1902-1908

Francisco Chaves de Oliveira Botelho: 1908-1911
Nilo Procópio Peçanha: 1911-

Governors of Rio Grande do Sul:

Gaspar da Silveira Martins: 1896-1901
Justo de Azambuja Rangel: 1901-1902
Carlos Barbosa Gonçalves: 1902-1908
Antônio Augusto Borges de Medeiros: 1908-
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pbrower2a
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« Reply #39 on: December 30, 2009, 11:39:41 PM »

So we are approaching some huge events -- bad ones. World War I and the Bolshevik Revolution.  Any differences?
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« Reply #40 on: January 01, 2010, 02:51:22 PM »

So we are approaching some huge events -- bad ones. World War I and the Bolshevik Revolution.  Any differences?

Do you really think a divergence which is, in the wide realm of things, minor on the world scale especially in contrast to the events of 1914-1918 going to be able to impact anything internationally[qm]. No.
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« Reply #41 on: January 04, 2010, 12:46:22 AM »

So we are approaching some huge events -- bad ones. World War I and the Bolshevik Revolution.  Any differences?

Do you really think a divergence which is, in the wide realm of things, minor on the world scale especially in contrast to the events of 1914-1918 going to be able to impact anything internationally[qm]. No.

It depends on how quickly Brazil joins the Allied powers. The main effect would be naval, with the Central Powers facing a deeper and tighter blockade earlier. Or can the war either be prevented or stopped early? 
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Хahar 🤔
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« Reply #42 on: January 04, 2010, 02:32:26 AM »

Brazil had little to no effect on the war.
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k-onmmunist
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« Reply #43 on: January 04, 2010, 05:45:50 AM »

Eagerly awaiting the next update. Smiley
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« Reply #44 on: January 04, 2010, 07:53:56 AM »

So we are approaching some huge events -- bad ones. World War I and the Bolshevik Revolution.  Any differences?

Do you really think a divergence which is, in the wide realm of things, minor on the world scale especially in contrast to the events of 1914-1918 going to be able to impact anything internationally[qm]. No.

It depends on how quickly Brazil joins the Allied powers. The main effect would be naval, with the Central Powers facing a deeper and tighter blockade earlier. Or can the war either be prevented or stopped early? 

Brazil can have no such effect, fairly obviously.
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« Reply #45 on: January 04, 2010, 01:06:29 PM »

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Cassius Dio
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« Reply #46 on: January 24, 2010, 06:12:58 PM »

UPDATE...please.
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« Reply #47 on: February 15, 2010, 09:28:10 PM »

New Lines in Politics: 1915-1918


As a result of the 1915 elections, the Liberals of Prime Minister Altino Arantes lost their overall majority, giving the Radicals the parliamentary leverage necessary to act as kingmakers. However, both Liberals and Conservatives, largely committed to the maintenance of traditional oligarchic politics in Brazil, were opposed to the idea of letting Radicals act as kingmakers in a system which they opposed.

Both Liberals and Conservatives turned to the Empress, who had the final decision over the appointment of a Prime Minister. The Liberals and Conservatives found a common candidate, former War Minister Marshal Hermes da Fonseca, the nephew of the man who saved the Empire in 1889. Although he had served in the Conservative cabinet of Venceslau Brás, he came from the Liberal state of Rio Grande do Sul and he was widely popular as a largely non-partisan figures in both parties. In addition, he could count on the support of the powerful Liberal Senator Pinheiro Machado from Rio Grande do Sul.

Hermes da Fonseca received support from all Liberals and Conservatives in addition to 9 of the 16 Radicals, notably the longtime Radical leader Rui Barbosa. Fonseca's cabinet included Epitácio Pessoa (Conservative) as Minister of Justice, Rui Barbosa as Minister of Foreign Affairs, José Joaquim Seabra (Liberal, Governor of Bahia) as Minister of Finances and Conservative leader Delfim Moreira as President of the Chamber of Deputies. Former Prime Minister Altino Arantes, unhappy from his exclusion from the office of Prime Minister, accepted only the post of Ambassador in London.

The first decision of the Fonseca cabinet was to send a small Brazilian Expeditionary Force to support the Allied war effort in Belgium. The Empress' second son, Dom Luís assumed the nominal command of the Brazilian force in Europe, which was assigned to the Western Front in January 1916.

The heavy loses incurred by the Brazilian force in Europe saw the first cracks in Fonseca's National Unity government. The Conservatives, whose up-and-coming figure was Governor Artur Bernardes of Minas Gerais (who had emerged victorious from a provincial power struggle with Júlio Bueno Brandão). Although nominally a Conservative, Fonseca found most of his support starting in late 1916 from the Liberal benches.

The Radicals divided themselves over the Fonseca cabinet, with Barbosa and a number of elder Radical leaders supporting the cabinet. However, Lauro Müller, deputy from Santa Catarina, emerged as the leader of the anti-Fonseca and pro-peace wing of the Radical Party, which finally split with Barbosa in January 1917. The Müller Radicals, as the pro-peace wing became known, co-operated closely with the small but growing Socialist Party based in São Paulo.

On the economic stage, the Fonseca cabinet was able to preside over a growth in exports - slow but steady. Coffee demand was growing from the Entente powers in Europe, so Brazilian finances were healthier and the government was able to direct more export duty profits to provinces. In addition, the government obtained a foreign loan from the United States and was able to continue the old policy of promoting internal growth and infrastructure development.

The 1917 provincial elections saw little changes. In Minas Gerais, Governor Bernardes won by a huge margin and won his first electoral mandate. In São Paulo, former Prime Minister Altino Arantes made a comeback and was elected Governor by a large margin. In Rio, Peçanha's re-election was made easier by a split within Radical ranks. Finally, in Santa Catarina, Lauro Müller, who had previously served as Liberal Governor of the province, was defeated in his attempt at seeking a second non-consecutive term.

However, 1917 was dominated by a large general strike in São Paulo which spread throughout southern and southeastern Brazil. Led by the new trade unions in the growing manufacturing industry in the state, the strikers demanded higher wages and a major cut in working hours. The provincial and national government split on the line to take vis-a-vis strikers, with Arantes being more favourable to a soft-line while Fonseca wanted to use the military to quash the strikes. Finally, Fonseca won out and the strikes were destroyed by the military. Yet, Arantes heralded the defeat of the strike by passing a law prohibiting child labour and night-time female labour. These were rather minor details in the wide scheme of things. Some left-wing Radicals which still supported Fonseca's cabinet, such as Maurício de Lacerda, broke with the government and joined the ranks of the Müller Radicals, which had silently supported the strike.

Despite the destruction of the expeditionary force early on, Brazil's Navy was able to perform relatively well in the high seas and establish a security blockade around the Brazilian coast and prevent the infiltration of German U-boats.

Some had feared that Germany might try to link up with German immigrants in Rio Grande do Sul, either via the sea or via neutral Uruguay and Argentina. The government responded to these fears, strong in the RS provincial government, by interning some German immigrants or moving them to 'safer locations' inland in Mato Grosso.

In the 1918 election, Brazilian voters felt that victory was near and that the economic outlook was positive. With Liberal support, Fonseca ran for another term in office. Against him was Governor Bernardes of Minas Gerais, but some Conservatives such as Moreira continued to support the Fonseca cabinet. The Radicals, on their side, were split between Müller's 'peace Radicals' and Barbosa's pro-government 'war Radicals'. Müller's faction received the support of the Socialist Party.

The Liberals won a narrow majority, made larger with support from the 8 Barbosa Radicals.

Chamber of Deputies

Liberal 83 (+6)
Conservative 64 (-8)
Müller Radicals-Socialist 10 (+10)
Barbosa Radicals 8 (-8)

Senate

Liberal 22 (+1)
Conservative 18 (-2)
Barbosa Radicals 3 (+1)


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« Reply #48 on: February 16, 2010, 05:43:28 PM »

Hooray! It's back Smiley
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« Reply #49 on: February 20, 2010, 04:55:16 PM »

New Leadership: 1918-1920


Hermes da Fonseca was nominated by the Empress in July 1918 to form a second cabinet. There were significant changes in the cabinet, which was no more a 'national unity' cabinet but rather a Liberal-oriented one. While the Conservatives, nominally led by Artur Bernardes, were considered to be in the opposition, Fonseca maintained support from Conservatives in some parts of the country, most notably the Governor of Rio, Nilo Peçanha.

JJ Seabra, a close confident of Fonseca, retained the Finances portfolio and became the government's second-in-command. José Accioli replaced Epitácio Pessoa in Justice, with Epitácio Pessoa becoming Foreign Minister in replacement of an aging Ruy Barbosa. To appease the more restless arantista Liberals, Arantes' ally, Pedro de Toledo, received the Infrastructure portfolio. The cabinet took a much more Liberal tone, with much fewer Conservatives.

Brazil stepped up its naval participation in World War I in early 1918, and captured some German merchant ships which were interned in Brazilian harbours. In 1914, Brazil had already seized around 80 German ships which had been in Brazilian ports. Germany signed the Armistice in Europe on November 11, 1918; ending World War I.

The Versailles Peace Conference in 1919 provided Brazil with an opportunity to assert itself as the regional leader of the South American continent. The high-profile Brazilian delegation to Paris included Epitácio Pessoa, Foreign Minister, who was accompanied by the elder and respected Barbosa.

In Paris, Brazil demanded from the victorious Allies the right to purchase the interned German ships, instead of having the ships split between the victorious nations on a criteria which would have deprived Brazil of them. Furthermore, Brazil demanded from Germany payment, at the 1914 level, of the coffee which had been stored in German ports and re-sold by the Germans. With support from US President Woodrow Wilson, Brazil was able to obtain satisfaction on its claims. Brazil also supported the creation of the League of Nations, advocating for the rights of fellow Latin American nations within the new organization's framework.

The end of the war signified a ripe time for the handing out of nobility titles all over the place. Former Prime Minister Venceslau Brás was made Baron of São Caetano, Ruy Barbosa was made Viscount of Bahia, Epitácio Pessoa became Viscount of Umbuzeiro, Altino Arantes was made Earl of Batatais (mostly to appease him). Former Prime Minister Rodrigues Alves was also in line for one, but he died of the Spanish Flu in 1919 before he could receive his title.

At home, however, the end of the war had ended, in the eyes of a number of Paulista Liberals, the legitimacy and use of Prime Minister Fonseca. To them, Fonseca had been appointed in 1915 as a national unity Prime Minister to break deadlock and provide unity during the conflict. The dominant Paulista wing of the Liberal Party, which dominated the Liberal caucus in the Chamber, had offered lukewarm support to Fonseca since 1917. The coffee interests which they represented were unhappy about a Riograndense Prime Minister, and by 1919, the Paulista Liberals and Governor Altino Arantes were openly voicing their disapproval in the cabinet.

Fonseca found himself in an increasingly precarious situation by late 1919, relying on the Northeastern and Riograndense Liberals and Barbosa's Radicals for support. The Northeastern Liberals remained dominant over Paulista Liberals in the Senate, which still represented the historical interests of the old Northeast more than the newer oligarchy of São Paulo and Minas Gerais.

Yet, Fonseca took little heed to cultivate his remaining bases of support and based his support on an extra-parliamentary organization, the Brazilian Army. He lavishly furnished favours and bribes to leading military officers, notably his fellow Riograndense officer and de-facto leader of the Brazilian force in Europe, Setembrino de Carvalho. Setembrino de Carvalho was named Marquis of Uruguaiana.

In January 1920, Fonseca, with support from the Army itself, pushed through a military build-up and army reform which would have effectively crushed the old National Guard. The National Guard a paramilitary militia created in 1831 was still dominated by the old landowners of the Northeast and its scope of activities in 1920 was limited to protecting the interests of the latifundios in the region. The reform, which would have killed the National Guard resulted in the Northeastern Liberals walking out of Fonseca's parliamentary support group. Even JJ Seabra walked out. He faced a backbench revolt within his own party, supported by an unholy alliance of the Northeast with São Paulo. With some Conservative support, they pushed through a confidence motion. Of the 105 Liberals in Parliament (83 deputies and 22 Senators), only 31 retained confidence in Fonseca.

Fonseca had lost parliamentary support, but he turned to the military in an attempt to impose himself as an extra-parliamentary ruler. However, the Empress stepped in and dismissed Fonseca in March 1920.

The Liberal Party, generally united in January 1920 against Fonseca, split over the choice of his successor. Two candidates emerged for Liberal leadership: JJ Seabra, the government's number two and the candidate of the Northeast; and Pedro de Toledo, Infrastructure Minister and the candidate of the arantistas. In a caucus vote in early March, Seabra won 54 votes (winning 15 Senators but only 39 deputies) against Toledo's 51 votes. JJ Seabra was named Prime Minister in mid-March 1920.

The Conservatives, which despite being largely in the opposition by 1917-1918, split in late 1918 and early 1919 over the question of confidence in the Fonseca cabinet (which retained majority support in Parliament at that point). The split in the Conservative Party was a classic rift between the oligarchy of Minas Gerais and 'the others'. Two Governors, Bernardes (MG) and Peçanha (RJ) emerged as the respective standard-bearers. Bernardes opposed Fonseca, but Peçanha enjoyed good relations with the military and Fonseca. The Conservative division became unusually violent in late 1919, and an informal ballot was held inside the Conservative Party's leadership. With support from the small but growing Paulista Conservatives, Bernardes defeated Peçanha rather handily, who could only rely on his own province and some Northeastern provinces (the 'internal solution' to the leadership question sidelined pro-Peçanha military officers). Peçanha grudgingly accepted the result, but by March 1920, he became increasingly supportive of Fonseca, who had also fallen from grace.

Ruy Barbosa, the aging Radical leader and Viscount of Bahia, retired from electoral politics unofficially in 1919 following the Peace Conference in France. His pro-Fonseca faction died out as he retired, and Lauro Müller, the left-wing anti-war Radical opponent of Barbosa, was able to impose himself as leader of a re-united Radical Party by 1920. Under Müller, the Radicals focused on shoring up support with German and Italian immigrants in the south of Brazil, notably in Müller's home province of Santa Catarina but also in Rio Grande do Sul.

JJ Seabra's short victory in the 1920 ballot split the Liberal Party down the middle. Pedro de Toledo and Altino Arantes signaled their disapproval in the government of JJ Seabra. Determined to obtain a popular mandate,  Seabra asked the Empress in May 1920 for an early dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies (elections were scheduled for June 1921) and snap elections in which he hoped to obtain a mandate.

However, the Conservatives under Bernardes were able to build off of Paulista discontent in the government and the Conservatives made inroads in the province. Aided by Arantes' retirement in favour of Pedro de Toledo in the 1920 provincial elections (to be held with the snap election in June 1920), the São Paulo Conservatives, led Washington Luís were growing at a rapid pace. Seabra couldn't keep up with the apparent alliance of São Paulo and Minas Gerais under the Conservative banner. Seabra could not gain the full support of Peçanha in Rio (Peçanha was candidate for re-election as an Independent as RJ Governor), and the military sat on the sidelines despite their little support for Bernardes. Furthermore, an upswing in Radical support nationally prevented Seabra's Liberals of gaining middle-class support.

In the end, the Conservatives won a majority of the seats. Seabra's Liberals struggled in the traditionally Liberal south and he obtained relatively weak support in the Northeast, outside of Bahia. However, the Liberals did resist better in Rio, where Peçanha's opposition to Bernardes likely helped them.

Chamber of Deputies

Conservative 86 (+22)
Liberal 56 (-27)
Radical 23 (+5)1

Senate

Liberal 21 (-1)
Conservative 19 (+1)
Radical 3 (nc)




1 The Radical results are compared to the combined strength of the Müller and Barbosa Radicals in 1918 (10 and 8 deputies respectively).
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