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Author Topic: Brazil Election Maps  (Read 23420 times)
Filuwaúrdjan
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« Reply #25 on: October 24, 2010, 07:03:24 PM »

Did the restricted franchise have a major impact on voting patterns?
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Hashemite
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« Reply #26 on: October 24, 2010, 09:07:54 PM »

Did the restricted franchise have a major impact on voting patterns?

It's hard to say. It might have contributed to the Nordeste's coronels-dominated state machine based patterns, but I think that if illiterates had had the vote they could have easily been enrolled into a machine as their counterparts who passed the literacy requirement were.
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shua
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« Reply #27 on: October 24, 2010, 09:09:08 PM »

it looks like the Nordeste moved from a conservative leaning area to strong support for Lula.
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« Reply #28 on: October 24, 2010, 09:11:56 PM »

it looks like the Nordeste moved from a conservative leaning area to strong support for Lula.

http://welections.wordpress.com/2010/10/24/an-electoral-revolution-the-political-evolution-of-brazils-nordeste/
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Hashemite
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« Reply #29 on: October 25, 2010, 02:04:44 PM »

and 1960:



a few notes, again:
-Janio was not much of a traditional udenista, given that he was an awkward and erratic man and a pure opportunistic populist. His rhetoric of clean government, "change" and "reform" would have likely carried him through with or without the UDN. However, Lacerda saw in him the UDN's only hope to win and also thought Quadros would be a tool.
-the UDN was supposed to nominate Juracy Magalhaes, a veteran politician (and yet another old boring tenente from the 1920s) and a moderate within the party, but Lacerda (and the UDN right) told Magalhaes to go screw himself and forced the party to get Janio
-Janio had support both from working-class voters and middle-class voters (who liked the anti-corruption stuff); and people thought he was progressive and all that.
-Why did the PSD nominate a boring loser like Lott? JK had his eyes on 1965 the moment he took office, and didn't want anybody to spoil that for him. He had even recommended not nominating anybody in 1960 because he knew the economy was down the drain and the PSD's nominee would likely suffer from that; and also considered a PSD-UDN alliance behind Juracy Magalhaes. At any rate, JK wanted the opposition to take charge of the economy and suffer from it, so that he could win in 1965. Lott being boring and uncharismatic was a great candidacy that was certain to lose; thus opening 1965 to JK.
-there was a large "Jan-Jan" movement which urged voters to split their votes between Janio and Jango (who was Lott's running mate); it worked because Goulart narrowly beat out Janio's UDN running-mate. Speaks volumes about how Janio had a much wider appeal than the average UDN doofus.
-there was a bit of a 'downballot' effect stemming from Quadros' success: Magalhães Pinto (UDN) defeated Tancredo Neves (PSD) in MG while Carlos Lacerda (UDN) won in Rio
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« Reply #30 on: October 25, 2010, 02:13:46 PM »

A bit of a transition to modern stuff, starting with 1989. I'll come back to 45-64 elections for Vice President and governor a bit later on.



A few notes:
1. This was the first real mass election in Brazilian history, given that, afaik, it was the first time that more than 50% of the VAP participated.
2. Collor performed extremely poorly in urban areas in general, and his support represented the most conservative and traditionalist segments of society. His average voter was probably poorer than Lula's actual voter, at least in the runoff. Urban areas, besides the usual things, also had access to free media which were saying that Collor perhaps wasn't teh greatest. Between 1989 and 2002-2006, the PT's electorate was much more middle-class and affluent than it is today; something which plays a big part in explaining Porto Alegre and the south's voting patterns in those times.
3. Mario Covas and the PSDB also represented the progressive middle-class, with strong support in urban areas such as Sao Paulo and Brasilia.
4. The Cearan elite was progressive (there some weird switch from being conservative to progressive within the Cearan elite between the 50s and the 80s), and the bulk of it, the likes of Tasso Jereissati, were in the PSDB. The power of the coronels was also slightly weaker there than elsewhere.
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« Reply #31 on: October 26, 2010, 04:50:07 PM »

Any requests, ideas, questions or something? I'm at a loss as to what to cover next.
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homelycooking
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« Reply #32 on: October 26, 2010, 04:55:23 PM »

Any municipio-level data from before '06?
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« Reply #33 on: October 26, 2010, 05:02:15 PM »

Any municipio-level data from before '06?

More proof that nobody reads my posts: http://veja.abril.com.br/eleicoes/eleicoes-2010-municipios.shtml
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Sec. of State Superique
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« Reply #34 on: April 05, 2013, 09:48:23 PM »

the Catholic clergy used to tell poor Brazilians that if Communists/Socialists were elected, they would eat their children (read that somewhere once).

Actually, I doubt that. A good part of the Church in Brazil, especially in the Nordeste, was borderline socialist and they were a leading force calling for agrarian reform and organized poor peasants against the landowners of the region. The Christian left and liberation theology are quite important in the Brazilian church.

It's also interesting that in 1891, when the Republic decreed separation of church and state, the church was quite happy in that it had had poor relations with the Imperial Family and government.

I know that this post is really old but as I'm a Brazilian this came to my attention. Actually the Bishops and Archbishops of Brazil supported strongly the Military Coup and the Brazilian Dictatorship for a long time. Actually the liberation theology and the left christianity was condemned during that days and one of their leaders, Leonardo Boff, was expelled from the Catholic Church.

Maybe the Church enjoyed the separation in 1891 but it's political importance never disappeared in our society. In 1964, the Church and many priests helped to increase popular support for the coup and many of the Archbishops was satisfied with the repression of the leftists. Recently, there was a Senatorial Election in Rio, about 11 years ago(I think =/) that Francisco Dornelles won because the Church condemned Jandira Fegali for supporting the right of an abortion.
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batmacumba
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« Reply #35 on: April 13, 2013, 11:43:12 PM »

the Catholic clergy used to tell poor Brazilians that if Communists/Socialists were elected, they would eat their children (read that somewhere once).

Actually, I doubt that. A good part of the Church in Brazil, especially in the Nordeste, was borderline socialist and they were a leading force calling for agrarian reform and organized poor peasants against the landowners of the region. The Christian left and liberation theology are quite important in the Brazilian church.

It's also interesting that in 1891, when the Republic decreed separation of church and state, the church was quite happy in that it had had poor relations with the Imperial Family and government.

I know that this post is really old but as I'm a Brazilian this came to my attention. Actually the Bishops and Archbishops of Brazil supported strongly the Military Coup and the Brazilian Dictatorship for a long time. Actually the liberation theology and the left christianity was condemned during that days and one of their leaders, Leonardo Boff, was expelled from the Catholic Church.

You're quite right. But the LT made a huge transformation on the bases of the church, despite such influence would only come to surface at the end of the dictatorship. Nevertheless, D. Hélder was able to create a small piece of resistance on the upper hierarchy.

Maybe the Church enjoyed the separation in 1891 but it's political importance never disappeared in our society. In 1964, the Church and many priests helped to increase popular support for the coup and many of the Archbishops was satisfied with the repression of the leftists. Recently, there was a Senatorial Election in Rio, about 11 years ago(I think =/) that Francisco Dornelles won because the Church condemned Jandira Fegali for supporting the right of an abortion.

2006. As with what happened at SP in 2010, this was an action of a small ultraconservative group inside the church, most probably without  the upper hierarchy approval. Yet, it's impressive how much attention and impact such things still can make.
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buritobr
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« Reply #36 on: June 28, 2013, 07:36:01 PM »

It is very nice that non-Brazilians have interest on the topic.

I made a Brazilian Election Atlas inspired on Dave Leips'. Go to Google and find "Atlas das Eleições Presidenciais no Brasil" I am still not allowed to post links here.

There are the results of every popular presidential election since 1945, maps by state level since 1945, maps by micro-region level since 2002 and results by municipality since 1989. In the elections of 1945, 1950, 1955, 1960, 1994 and 1998, when there was no runoff election, I painted the maps considering only the distribution of the votes in the two most voted candidates.  In the elections of 1989, 2002, 2006 and 2010, I painted the maps by considering the results of the runoff election. However, it is possible to find also the results of the first round by state.
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« Reply #37 on: June 29, 2013, 11:33:54 AM »

It is very nice that non-Brazilians have interest on the topic.

I made a Brazilian Election Atlas inspired on Dave Leips'. Go to Google and find "Atlas das Eleições Presidenciais no Brasil" I am still not allowed to post links here.

There are the results of every popular presidential election since 1945, maps by state level since 1945, maps by micro-region level since 2002 and results by municipality since 1989. In the elections of 1945, 1950, 1955, 1960, 1994 and 1998, when there was no runoff election, I painted the maps considering only the distribution of the votes in the two most voted candidates.  In the elections of 1989, 2002, 2006 and 2010, I painted the maps by considering the results of the runoff election. However, it is possible to find also the results of the first round by state.

https://sites.google.com/site/atlaseleicoespresidenciais/

Cê precisa de um mínimo de 20 posts pra poder inserir links. Apareça mais.
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homelycooking
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« Reply #38 on: July 24, 2013, 02:58:09 PM »

You probably knew that it was coming. Enjoy!

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buritobr
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« Reply #39 on: January 27, 2014, 06:11:53 PM »

Now, the Brazilian Presidential Election Atlas is updated.
https://sites.google.com/site/atlaseleicoespresidenciais/

Results by neighborhood in the cities of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro in 1998, 2002, 2006 and 2010 were included.
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Sec. of State Superique
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« Reply #40 on: February 01, 2014, 07:04:26 PM »

Bem legal esse site hein!
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Franknburger
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« Reply #41 on: February 03, 2014, 08:55:17 AM »

Now, the Brazilian Presidential Election Atlas is updated.
https://sites.google.com/site/atlaseleicoespresidenciais/

Results by neighborhood in the cities of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro in 1998, 2002, 2006 and 2010 were included.
Interesting Sao Paulo Map - the centre is completely blue, the periphery red. Anybody with knowledge of the city wanting to explain this (especially why there are neither red inner city quarters, no some exurban blue)?
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International Brotherhood of Bernard
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« Reply #42 on: February 03, 2014, 09:12:39 AM »

You probably knew that it was coming. Enjoy!


Is there a map like this for the second round?
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Hashemite
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« Reply #43 on: February 03, 2014, 09:46:50 AM »

Now, the Brazilian Presidential Election Atlas is updated.
https://sites.google.com/site/atlaseleicoespresidenciais/

Results by neighborhood in the cities of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro in 1998, 2002, 2006 and 2010 were included.
Interesting Sao Paulo Map - the centre is completely blue, the periphery red. Anybody with knowledge of the city wanting to explain this (especially why there are neither red inner city quarters, no some exurban blue)?

I could actually do a small effortpost on this, but in reality these two maps will explain it far better:
http://www.mappi.net/images/map/city_sao_paulo/carte_sao_paulo_idh.jpg
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/16/Mapa_sp_idh.svg/220px-Mapa_sp_idh.svg.png
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Peeperkorn
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« Reply #44 on: February 03, 2014, 02:28:53 PM »

This is great. Congratulations, Hash.
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buritobr
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« Reply #45 on: February 03, 2014, 09:08:35 PM »

Now, the Brazilian Presidential Election Atlas is updated.
https://sites.google.com/site/atlaseleicoespresidenciais/

Results by neighborhood in the cities of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro in 1998, 2002, 2006 and 2010 were included.
Interesting Sao Paulo Map - the centre is completely blue, the periphery red. Anybody with knowledge of the city wanting to explain this (especially why there are neither red inner city quarters, no some exurban blue)?

It is very easy to answer your question. The neighborhoods close to the inner city are wealthy, the periphery is poor. That's why the more eastern or Southern is the neighborhood, the poorer it is. The most dark red zones are Zone 371 (Grajaú) and Zone 381 (Parelheiros), in the extreme south of the city, and Zone 352 (Itaim Paulista) and Zone 353 (Guaianases), in the extreme east. The most dark blue zones are Zone 5 (Jardim Paulista), Zone 258 (Indianópolis) and Zone 251 (Pinheiros), which are the richest zones. They are located close to downtown. The downtown itself, which is Zone 3 (Santa Ifigênia) is not very rich, is a light blue zone.
There are some very rich people who work in São Paulo and do not live in that city, but the map presented in the atlas shows only the municipality of São Paulo.
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buritobr
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« Reply #46 on: December 29, 2014, 07:52:27 PM »

Now, the poorer brother of Dave Leip's Atlas (my Atlas of the Brazilian Presidential Elections) is completely updated, with 2014 data https://sites.google.com/site/atlaseleicoespresidenciais/

It is possible now to find the 2014 results at state level, at "município" level, and at neighborhood level for the municípios of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro.

I also updated the ranking of states, state capitals and "municípios". I ordered them from the most leftist to the most rightist considering the average of the results of 1989, 1994, 1998, 2002, 2006, 2010 and 2014.
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