Politics and Elections in the Netherlands: coalition agreement presented
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  Politics and Elections in the Netherlands: coalition agreement presented
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DavidB.
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« Reply #675 on: February 04, 2017, 11:41:56 AM »
« edited: February 04, 2017, 11:57:18 AM by DavidB. »

Freek's image for the other parties doesn't seem to be working, but I posted them on the previous page:

12. Ondernemerspartij
13. VNL
14. DENK
15. NIEUWE WEGEN
16. Forum voor Democratie
17. De Burger Beweging
18. Vrijzinnige Partij
19. GeenPeil
20. Piratenpartij
21. Artikel 1
22. Niet Stemmers
23: Libertarische Partij
24: Lokaal in de Kamer
25. JEZUS LEEFT
26. StemNL
27. MenS and Spirit
28. VDP

12 to 16 participate in all districts; 17 to 20 everywhere but in Bonaire, St. Eustatius and Saba; the others in less than that.

As for Rogier, I think I have made my point. It's absolutely true Fortuyn brought into existence a populist movement on the right, leading to ideological offshoots such as the PVV but also Trots, EenNL, DPK, Artikel 50, VNL, FVD... you name them. We don't even disagree here, but if you come up with formulations such as "any man and his dog can found a party and lead it to be the largest in the NL" you're suggesting something wholly different than what you're claiming now. If you say your repeated anti-Dutch comments are just banter that's fine by me. My point wasn't about "political correctness". I don't care for that. I just think a pub-tier discussion with all the country stereotypes isn't really worth my time. This is totally unrelated to my own political preferences (don't see the relevance of Trump or Israel here); I'm much more interested in discussing the specifics of electoral systems than in Very Important Issuez and think this thread gets most interesting when digging into Dutch political history, the consequences of the electoral system, the changing political landscape, electoral patterns etc.
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CrabCake
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« Reply #676 on: February 04, 2017, 11:44:28 AM »

Wait does the former Netherlands Antilles vote in the general? Who do they go for?
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freek
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« Reply #677 on: February 04, 2017, 11:46:39 AM »

The image for the other parties doesn't seem to be working, but I posted them on the previous page:
Changed the image host to my own website. I hope this fixed it.
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freek
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« Reply #678 on: February 04, 2017, 11:58:39 AM »

Wait does the former Netherlands Antilles vote in the general? Who do they go for?
Only the three smallest islands. The other three (Aruba, Curaçao, Sint Maarten) each are autonomous islands with their own parliament and government.

In practice, turnout is very low (<25% in 2012, the first time the islands participated).

Result in 2012:

PvdA  632   24,00 %
VVD   480   18,23 %
D66   441   16,75 %
CDA  428   16,26 %
SP     198     7,52 %
ChrU  117    4,44 %
PVV    75     2,85 %
GrL     68     2,58 %
PvdD  64      2,43 %
50+   53     2,01 %
SGP   11     0,42 %
Other 66     2,50 %

Invalid 14,15%
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DavidB.
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« Reply #679 on: February 04, 2017, 12:01:01 PM »
« Edited: February 04, 2017, 12:07:05 PM by DavidB. »

Thanks, Freek, it works for me now!

Wait does the former Netherlands Antilles vote in the general? Who do they go for?
Bonaire had 24.8% turnout in the 2012 election (2565 votes); 24% voted PvdA, 21% VVD, 19% CDA, 11% D66, so pretty representative (but with a much smaller PVV). Those are probably mostly ethnic Dutch people.

In Saba 228 people (28.4%) voted; the capital of Saba is named The Bottom and that's appropriate, because 54.5% voted for D66, so clearly they wanted to get f**ked. The PvdA came second with 20%.

On St. Eustatius, PvdA and D66 both got 28% and the SP 22%%. Turnout was only 15%, which is 274 voters. Aruba and Curaçao, the most populated ones, don't get to vote, because they are more autonomous.
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Grand Wizard Lizard of the Klan
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« Reply #680 on: February 04, 2017, 07:04:38 PM »

>JEZUS LEEFT



Is this some kind of joke-party?
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DavidB.
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« Reply #681 on: February 04, 2017, 07:06:04 PM »

It's not a joke party. While they are never going to win any seats simply because they are clearly too crazy, they are serious about what they are doing: taking every opportunity to spread the gospel.
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Grand Wizard Lizard of the Klan
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« Reply #682 on: February 05, 2017, 05:03:19 AM »

Their webpage looks kinda creepy.
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Dutch Conservative
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« Reply #683 on: February 05, 2017, 05:40:04 AM »

I'm much more interested in discussing the specifics of electoral systems than in Very Important Issuez and think this thread gets most interesting when digging into Dutch political history, the consequences of the electoral system, the changing political landscape, electoral patterns etc.

Just to make a start with that: i don't know for sure if it has been really discussed before in this thread, but one of the main problems of the current system (or: by many considered to be a problem) is the fragmentation of the political system and the distance between voters and their politicians. I think there are mainly two solutions to that. 1) introduction of a threshold or 2) introduction of a vote-by-district system (wich we have, but only as an administrative tool). You could also do both. Which of these two solutions do you consider the best fit for the Netherlands? I believe Thorbecke was an advocate for the constituency voting system, but ofcourse there weren't any political parties when he wrote the constitution.

Personally I would prefer optie 2, because that garantees the representation of geographical concentrated minorities in parliament (like the Biblebelt).
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DC Al Fine
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« Reply #684 on: February 05, 2017, 06:39:58 AM »

I'd prefer option two.

The Netherlands is unusually unsuited for FPTP. Although the nature of the parties is driven by the system, the citizens themselves play a role as well. Given that the electorate is quite fragmented, it's entirely possible that a party could win a Westminster style landslide on 25-30% of the vote. Better to have regional MMP IMO.
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CrabCake
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« Reply #685 on: February 05, 2017, 06:55:01 AM »

Actually the lack of districts does mean a pleasing absence of regionalist parties, which tend to be far worse than single-issue, one-man and even fringe ideological parties in terms of government formation and democratic accountability. If parliaments start to break down into huge crowds of LOCAL HEROES squirreling money to their districts in return for confidence and tit-for-tat, that's never a great sign.

However, I would much prefer the introduction of districts in an MMP system (preferably half with single-constitency IRV) than a threshold. I don't really think the fractiousness nature of government formation in the Netherlands is a fault of the PvdD, SGP, 50PLUS etc (in fact the main party leading to the destabilisation of governments is decidedly non-micro, given that it is leading in the polls).
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freefair
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« Reply #686 on: February 05, 2017, 07:07:59 AM »

Province based open list D'hondt would surely keep proportionality whilst giving greater local accountability? The effective threshold would be 100%/number of seats, which is usually OK.
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DavidB.
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« Reply #687 on: February 05, 2017, 08:05:47 AM »
« Edited: February 05, 2017, 08:16:05 AM by The David »

1. The problem
The Dutch party system is historically based on (or "frozen in") a pillarized political context. Due to depillarization and individualization, voters have often become dealigned from political parties and are more likely to choose between parties in elections. Meanwhile, the differences on which the Dutch party system was based did not necessarily represent the divides in society anymore, which is why we have seen the emergence of parties such as D66, GroenLinks, SP and the PVV. Due to these developments, we are at risk of having no large parties anymore but rather five to seven mid-sized parties: political scientists call this an unusually high number of "effective parties." In 2010, the VVD became the largest party with only slightly over 20% of the vote.

While the nightmare of a five-party coalition has never actually occured since depillarization (the last government with more than three parties was the Den Uyl government), it is undeniable that both the formation process and, more importantly, governability of the country become more problematic by consequence of this fragmentation. A threshold won't solve this: the problem is not that we have too many small parties, but that there are no large parties anymore, meaning that too many parties have to be willing to sit in the government with each other. But it is not hard to see how a four or five-party coalition becomes unstable and increases the electoral strength of parties on both extremes of the political landscape that are not or barely coalitionable, thus necessitating a coalition consisting of even more parties in the following election.

Related to the problem of governability is the lack of accountability, both in large coalitions that consist of many parties and in grand coalitions that are formed despite the parties' differences, such as the current Rutte-II government. It is clearly unsatisfying to voters when VVD and PvdA end up in a coalition after campaigning fiercely against one another and deriving their strength from voters' aversion of the other party. Why even vote, in that case? This would obviously be even more problematic in, say, a VVD-CDA-D66-PvdA-CU coalition. In that case, the only meaningful divide to voters will become "establishment vs. anti-establishment", perpetuating the vicious cycle of rendering coalition formation and governability even more difficult while fuelling political distrust and eroding the legitimacy of the Dutch system. In addition to this, voters do not have a connection with MPs in the Dutch system due to the fact that the country functions as one district.

Ideally, one would like to have a clear policy alternative to a certain government. This is best facilitated in systems where the only two viable candidates are clearly on the left and clearly on the right, such as in the UK (disregarding constituencies where third parties are viable). In the Netherlands, however, a vote for an establishment opposition party often means virtually no change in terms of government policies even if said opposition party enters the government. At the same time, it is almost impossible to "do away with" an unpopular government party, because the political constellation might necessitate the inclusion of said unpopular party anyway. Electoral competition is at risk of becoming meaningless.

Tl;dr: there are no large parties anymore and too many mid-sized parties, leading to either the necessity of grand coalitions or extremely large coalitions while there are no clear policy alternatives to establishment coalitions, eroding political legitimacy.

2. The solution
How to solve this? The proportionality of the Dutch system is rooted in the reality of the Netherlands always having been a country of minorities. Negotiating with others has always been necessary, and taking into account minority opinions is typically Dutch. I'd rather not do away with small parties such as the PvdD or the SGP, even more so because they are not part of the problem anyway. So in the ideal system those parties' voices are still heard, but governments have a clearer ideological profile or, at the very least, do not have to consist of more than three parties. In addition, it would be good to add a district component in order to stimulate contact between MPs and voters and decrease "the gap between politics and citizens", as we say in Dutch.

So here's an idea for a Mixed Member Majoritarian (MMM) system. One gets two votes: one for a representative in a single-member constituency, the other for a list vote. We increase the number of seats in parliament by 50 (our parliament is currently undersized) to 200. 100 MPs are elected proportionally the way we do it now, securing the parliamentary presence of all mid-sized and small parties (especially if you take into account that tactical voting in two-horse races is unlikely to happen for these 100 seats anymore, slightly improving small and mid-sized parties' position). The other 100 MPs are elected in single-member constituencies, using first-past-the-post (FPTP). While two-horse races are not guaranteed and there will probably still five parties that are able to actually win seats, this system will improve the position of large parties. A two-horse race in the campaign may lead to an ideologically clear coalition formed by the winner. Four years later, one of the losing parties can emerge, express its preference for a clearly different alternative, campaign on this alternative and either win or lose the election. Political competition becomes more meaningful that way.

This solves the problem with the large number of mid-sized parties: there will mostly be one, two or sometimes three large parties. Smaller parties (that currently belong to the mid-sized category) will generally still have to be included in coalitions in order to reach a majority, but due to their size they will not be able to "blur" the coalition's ideological direction as much as is now the case. By ending the vicious cycle of ideologically undefined coalitions being reelected again and again in slightly different compositions, we Make Electoral Competition Meaningful Again and bring to a halt the ever-increasing distrust of politics.

(Another idea would be a 50-seat "Greek bonus" for the winner of the election.)
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« Reply #688 on: February 05, 2017, 09:46:28 AM »

I think the Danish system manages to combine proportionality and a local connection in a very good way without getting the two-tier system of MPs in a Mixed Member system. Furthermore, the open list system, which all but one party uses, means that all MPs will have a personal mandate from the electorate, and not just due to their position high on a party list. I believe it is quite rare in the current Dutch system that lowly ranked candidates get enough preferences to jump up the list. Additionally, the system is very simple for voters as they only have to vote once and choose their preferred candidate.

The Danish system in short: The country is divided into multi-member constituencies with 10-20 seats depending on size and population. 75% of the seats are divided proportionally between parties in each constituency, the remaining 25% are distributed among eligible parties (won 2% nationwide, or won one of the first 75% seats) to ensure a nationwide proportionality. These seats are then distributed between each party's candidates in the constituencies based on personal votes.


I don't think that oft-occuring grand coalitions is a flaw of a democratic system. Eg. in Germany a grand coalition is consistently the most preferred coalition among the voters, so I would hardly consider it any democratic flaw if that becomes the outcome again. If the electorate do consider it a significant problem, then they will vote for the anti-establishment parties in an ever increasing way, which will eventually lead to them being a part of governing in one way or another.

Therefore, I also don't agree with the fact that establishment vs. anti-establishment is a "wrong kind" of policy competition compared to the traditional way of e.g. social democrat vs conservative. Issues like immigration, law and order, EU have taken on a larger and larger importance among voters, and on these issues the policy competition between anti-establishment and establishment is very significant. The anti-establishment parties have clear policy alternatives on these issues, that they could put in place as a government a la Trump. These very real policy differences also means that I'm not really sure that the establishment vs. anti-establishment battle will erode the legitimacy of the system. I don't have long term statistical material, but in a lot of elections recently, the presence of a large anti-establishment anti-immigrant party has raised turnout.
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DavidB.
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« Reply #689 on: February 05, 2017, 10:13:10 AM »
« Edited: February 05, 2017, 10:18:45 AM by The David »

I'm very well acquainted with the Danish system and wholeheartedly agree with the idea that it does a stellar job at "generating" or facilitating real political competition while maintaining proportionality. The reason why I don't think the Dutch should switch to the Danish system is that I think Danish bloc politics is largely based on historical political reasons, i.e. a political divide mainly based on class leading to a strong left-wing bloc and a strong "civic" bloc; political competition in the Netherlands, however, has historically been defined by both class and religion, which is why we always had a big centrist party, the CDA (and its main predecessor, the KVP), that could pick either the VVD or the PvdA for government cooperation. We never had a distinction between left and right as sharp as in Denmark. Even if we implement the Danish system in terms of institutions, I'd doubt political parties would start to form two blocs in the Netherlands. (Of course I see and appreciate the amount of cooperation across the aisle in Denmark and wouldn't overstate the importance of the blocs in terms of policymaking, but it is clear Danish political competition is defined by them: if you're a left-wing voter and you disagree with the government's policies, you're not going to vote for a Blue Bloc party, and if the Red Bloc wins the election, the government is going to be a different one.) And without the blocs I wouldn't see how the Danish system would solve most of the problems in the Netherlands. I think we need an institutional feature to trigger this left-right polarization.

I totally agree that "the new divide" (green/alternative/libertarian vs. traditional/authoritarian/nationalist; globalist vs. anti-globalist; you name it) is relevant and legitimate and I think it may be totally natural for that divide to (increasingly) define political competition, but I don't think this is the same as political competition on the basis of "establishment vs. anti-establishment". I agree with your point that anti-establishment parties can absolutely increase the perceived legitimacy of the political arena and I generally have a positive view of those parties, don't get me wrong. Opposition is necessary. At the same time there has to be some balance between establishment parties and anti-establishment parties.

I don't think grand coalitions are a democratic flaw, but having too many of them without a clear ideological direction will eventually erode trust in politics if there are big differences in political outlook among the electorate. Of course your argument is that those parties would simply be voted out if these coalitions are unpopular, which seems fair, but I still think it's better for democracy in the long run to have governments with a clear direction.
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mvd10
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« Reply #690 on: February 05, 2017, 10:31:55 AM »

MMM seems like a good idea. Grand coalitions don't have to be bad, but I don't think it's healthy for a democracy if most coalitions end up being centrist 4 party coalitions with only minimal movements to the left or the right depending on the election result. There needs to be a real choice imo.
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« Reply #691 on: February 05, 2017, 03:08:34 PM »
« Edited: February 05, 2017, 03:10:27 PM by Dutch Conservative »

1. The problem
...
 A threshold won't solve this: the problem is not that we have too many small parties, but that there are no large parties anymore, meaning that too many parties have to be willing to sit in the government with each other.
...

So here's an idea for a Mixed Member Majoritarian (MMM) system.

(Another idea would be a 50-seat "Greek bonus" for the winner of the election.)

Thanks for this excellent and interesting post. I have two questions:
1. Exactly why wouldn't a threshold solve the problem? The small parties together count for a lot of votes. A threshold, say 5%, would eliminate those parties in a few elections and those votes will go to one of the larger parties. In the long term parties like 50plus or GroenLinks will become smaller and disappear. They can come back, but it gets harder. Power and votes will concentrate in a couple of strong voting blocks: progressive liberals, social-democrats, nationalist liberals and christian conservatives. Something like that. The left/right balance is about 50/50 right? (I think historically a slight advantage for the right). The minority vote would still be heard but then within the parties. That way people will have an extra incentive to become an active member, because they can influence the course of the party (which isn't the case right now, because the parties are so ideological fixed and there is a party for every voting sub-group).
2. I still don't really understand the MMM-system. Wouldn't people vote the same for their two votes? E.g. vote VVD 'downticket'. How would that solve anything then? I think I'm missing something here Smiley
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DavidB.
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« Reply #692 on: February 05, 2017, 03:27:48 PM »
« Edited: February 05, 2017, 04:35:54 PM by The David »

1. With a 5% threshold like in Germany, only CU, GL, SGP, PvdD and 50Plus would be out based on the 2012 election (though fewer GL voters going for the PvdA tactically might have caused GL to reach the threshold; CU and SGP would just run a joint list and get in). In 2010, assuming CU and SGP would run a joint list, only PvdD would be out. Looking at the current polls, on the basis of which the political landscape would be an absolute mess and a coalition with five or more parties might be necessary, only the PvdD would be out (and FVD, VNL and DENK wouldn't stand a chance); all the others would still be in, and a coalition with five or more parties would still be necessary. So the problem is very clearly not the number of small parties or the number of seats small parties get, but rather the fact that we have a lot of mid-sized parties with 10 to 25 seats.

A 10% threshold would be a different case, and probably cause a major redefinition of the current party landscape. This is almost unheard of in actual democratic countries, though, and because of the fact that a lot of parties wouldn't be able to reach the threshold (which goes against Dutch history) while they do not really impede the coalition formation process right now and adding to the discussion in meaningful ways, this would not have my preference.

2. The idea would be that people can give a "sincere" vote for the list yet will vote tactically for the direct FPTP vote. Some may vote tactically for the list vote too, which would basically lead to the same effect as we saw in 2012, but that's no big deal. Smaller parties will still reach the 1% threshold (now 0.67%, of course). As for the FPTP vote, if you know you're in a PvdA-VVD swing district and your preference is GL, will you vote GL or PvdA for your direct vote? I think people will soon enough understand they have to vote tactically in such races in order to have their preferred candidate win the election. The first election may be a mess because it's unclear who the viable candidates are, but in subsequent elections parties can form coalitions (I could see VVD-CDA candidates contesting seats in Friesland or Groningen, where the PvdA is strong) and the electable alternatives will be clearer. Since this system is not proportional, the outcome of the 100 FPTP seat vote will be lopsized, giving a bigger mandate to the winning party and improving governability.

And even if people vote the same for their two votes, the result will not be the same. On the basis of the 2012 election VVD and PvdA would win almost all FPTP seats. The lead of both parties would be have been larger and the VVD would probably have been able to form a government with CDA and D66 rather than with the PvdA.
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parochial boy
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« Reply #693 on: February 05, 2017, 04:56:26 PM »

The trouble with any sort of FPTP voting though, is the emergence of a viable third (or more) party can have a real randomising effect.

thinking of places that have forms of FPTP voting but several major parties (Canada, Scotland and the Swiss Council of States come to mind), you quite regularly get seat allocation that is quite distorted from the popular vote.

I guess the PR side would mitigate that to some extent, and I tend to agree that parallel voting looks like the best system; but is there not a risk that you have France style parties forming alliances for single member constituencies (eg GL, PS, PvdA all standing one combined candidate) which would leave you with de facto grand coalitions at the end of the day?
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Filuwaúrdjan
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« Reply #694 on: February 05, 2017, 06:43:31 PM »

The Netherlands with PR = a smaller, flatter, richer India. The fragmented nature of society that produces the sort of insane kaleidoscopic elections that cause Concern would not go away just because the electoral system has altered!
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« Reply #695 on: February 06, 2017, 03:00:40 AM »

The trouble with any sort of FPTP voting though, is the emergence of a viable third (or more) party can have a real randomising effect.

thinking of places that have forms of FPTP voting but several major parties (Canada, Scotland and the Swiss Council of States come to mind), you quite regularly get seat allocation that is quite distorted from the popular vote.

I guess the PR side would mitigate that to some extent, and I tend to agree that parallel voting looks like the best system; but is there not a risk that you have France style parties forming alliances for single member constituencies (eg GL, PS, PvdA all standing one combined candidate) which would leave you with de facto grand coalitions at the end of the day?

Exactly my fear. I think people will use both votes strategically, so it wouldn't change anything really.
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DavidB.
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« Reply #696 on: February 06, 2017, 05:51:26 AM »
« Edited: February 06, 2017, 06:02:03 AM by The David »

The trouble with any sort of FPTP voting though, is the emergence of a viable third (or more) party can have a real randomising effect.

thinking of places that have forms of FPTP voting but several major parties (Canada, Scotland and the Swiss Council of States come to mind), you quite regularly get seat allocation that is quite distorted from the popular vote.

I guess the PR side would mitigate that to some extent, and I tend to agree that parallel voting looks like the best system; but is there not a risk that you have France style parties forming alliances for single member constituencies (eg GL, PS, PvdA all standing one combined candidate) which would leave you with de facto grand coalitions at the end of the day?
This is a valid concern, though the problem is either the randomizing effect (for instance, parties regularly winning seats with 30 to 35% of the vote) or the formation of electoral coalitions in single-member districts that render actual coalition formation more difficult -- not both at the same time, of course. I tend to think the former problem would be more serious, but as you yourself say, it is mitigated by the PR vote and may be solved through the emergence of said electoral alliances. The latter problem isn't necessarily a problem and may solve yet another issue with Dutch politics: that most politicians are terribly unexperienced and tend to leave parliament at 52 in order to get a well-paying job in the private sector. The increase of electoral volatility has exacerbated this trend, with a terribly high number of incumbent MPs getting ousted every election. The formation of electoral alliances would render MPs more independent (since open primaries are rare, MPs are terribly dependent on their party in this country) and would mitigate the effects of volatility in the PR vote on the issue of "high MP turnover" (because popular MPs may get re-elected no matter what). If MPs are expected to express their preference for a certain coalition in advance, coalition formation wouldn't necessarily be impeded by this system (though I have to say I'm not that well acquainted with the downsides of the French system). And if district MPs are to become more independent, that would be perfectly in line with the pre-WWI situation in this country Smiley

Exactly my fear. I think people will use both votes strategically, so it wouldn't change anything really.
But this is a different issue. If people vote tactically for both votes that would still change everything. Let's look at the 2012 result (where people voted tactically for VVD or PvdA) and assume the PR vote would remain the same, but let's also assume people vote tactically for the FPTP vote. So let's say the FPTP vote in every district is identical to the PR vote (which wouldn't happen irl, but let's do this for the sake of argument). The FPTP vote would still lead to a very different outcome due to the nature of the system, with VVD and PvdA winning almost all districts (while they only won slightly over 50% of parliamentary seats in the PR vote). If in district X the VVD comes first with 35% of the vote, that would be equivalent to 35% of the national seats in a PR system, but under FPTP they win the seat (equivalent to 100%) and the others don't (0%). So even if people vote exactly the same way under FPTP, the outcomes will be different and the current issue will be solved, though parochial_boy's remark about the undesirability of having an MP win a district with less than 35% of the vote is very valid -- but that may be solved due to the fact that MPs will run as, for instance, VVD-CDA or PvdA-GL-PvdD candidates.
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DavidB.
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« Reply #697 on: February 06, 2017, 07:11:36 AM »
« Edited: February 08, 2017, 08:19:34 AM by DavidB. »

Votematch 2017 was launched at noon. Since it doesn't appear to be available in English, I translated the statements.

1. We should implement a binding referendum with which voters can take down laws that have been passed by parliament.
2. There ought to be a "civil draft" for youth, who then have to serve in the army, with the police or in the healthcare sector.
3. In order to prevent name-based discrimination, job applications with the government and public bodies should take place anonymously.
4. Group insult on the basis of race, religion or sexual orientation should no longer be punishable.
5. Cultivation and sale of marijuana should become legal [cultivation is illegal, sale is currently decriminalized but technically not legal, DavidB.]
6. Early conditional release of prisoners should be ended. Prisoners should carry out their full sentence.
7. The corporate profit tax should be lowered.
8. The highest earners should be paying more taxes.
9. The period of time in which one can conclude multiple temporary contracts on the job market should become more than two years. [Currently, employers either have to give you a non-temporary job or fire you after two years. This measure would lead to increasing labor market flexibility.]
10. The pension age should become 65 again [it is now gradually going up to 67].
11. All freelancers/independent contractors should have to insure themselves for becoming unfit for work and for healthcare costs.
12. The student loan system should be abolished; student grants/subsidies should return [they were abolished some two years ago, meaning that students now have to take loans unless their parents pay for their expenses].
13. More money should be allocated to arts and culture.
14. The Netherlands should close its borders for Muslim immigrants.
15. Asylum seekers' children who were raised in the Netherlands should have the right to stay here [even if their parents cannot].
16. The government should ban municipalities from giving shelter to illegal immigrants.
17. The mortgage interest tax deduction should not be encroached on even more.
18. Housing corporations should build more cheap social rental housing. Therefore, the tax they pay over rental housing should be scrapped.
19. Schiphol Airport should be allowed to grow.
20. The government should not tax owning a car, but rather tax the number of kilometers car owners drive.
21. More money should be allocated to building new roads.
22. All coal power plants should be allowed to stay open for the time being.
23. Meat should be subject to the high VAT tax of 21% [rather than the low one of 6%].
24. Elderly people who think their life has completed should be allowed to get help in ending their lives.
25. Copayments in the healthcare sector should be abolished, even if this means health insurance premiums will go up.
26. A national healthcare fund [similar to the NHS in the UK] should be implemented, so we can do away with the system of private insurance companies.
27. Defense expenses should go sharply up in the coming years in order to comply with NATO's 2% rule.
28. A European army should be created.
29. The Netherlands should increase spending on development aid for poor countries.
30. The Netherlands should leave the European Union.

Enjoy!

https://tweedekamer2017.stemwijzer.nl/#intro

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Dutch Conservative
jwhueting
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« Reply #698 on: February 06, 2017, 07:20:41 AM »

If in district X the VVD comes first with 35% of the vote, that would be equivalent to 35% of the national seats in a PR system, but under FPTP they win the seat (equivalent to 100%) and the others don't (0%). So even if people vote exactly the same way under FPTP, the outcomes will be different and the current issue will be solved, though parochial_boy's remark about the undesirability of having an MP win a district with less than 35% of the vote is very valid -- but that may be solved due to the fact that MPs will run as, for instance, VVD-CDA or PvdA-GL-PvdD candidates.

Now I understand! Thanks. It would be interesting to see how and where parties are concentrated.  I guess parties with a broad appeal will have a disadvantage and parties with a strong geographical base will benefit.
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Zinneke
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« Reply #699 on: February 06, 2017, 08:59:34 AM »
« Edited: February 06, 2017, 09:07:40 AM by Rogier »

I honestly don't understand why the Dutch here are complaining, when they have a test lab downstairs from them that has reduced the common national interest (which is what is being voted for here, the formation of a unitary parliament representing every strand of the Dutch people, including the ones I dislike, like the SGP) to constituencies. It has been an unmitigated disaster in Belgium.

The issue of governance is a non-starter for me. Yes, the NL has had a lot of government collapses, but the NL is not a France, UK or Germany where you need a 1-2 party majority in order to govern such a large economy and military capability. Furthermore, parties that collapse governments in the lowlands always tend to suffer : LPF collapsing Balkende 2003, PvdA 2009, PVV 2012 then Open Vld here in Belgium. De Croo Jr basically ended his political career by collapsing Leterme I. In the NL, both VVD and PvdA knew this term that they had nothing to gain from a government collapse, with both projected to have a net seat loss. Eventually kids grow up.

The issue of distance between politics and citizens : name me one other country in Europe where a citizens movement like Leefbaar movement can turn itself (albeit through personalisation) into the 2nd political force of the country. Also, this is a phenomenon recorded in FPTP countries like the UK : ''Westminster Bubble'', ''Brexit is a bloody nose for the elite'' etc. Most of the MPs in the UK parliament still voted with the party whip rather than what their constituents wanted in one of the most divisive referendums in history. This is everywhere, the electoral system has nothing to do with it.

Simply having elected representatives from your constituency will just lead to regionalism, which leads me to my next point. As evidenced in Belgium and Spain, its not just regionalist parties that profit from electoral districts, its the mainstream behemoths too, who consolidate their bases and/or compete with the regionalists by surrounding their economic program with regional-based promises (''Bring back the coal mines to Wallonia'' - ''PSC-PSOE are the only ones who will keep the Francoists out of Catalan law''). THe D'hondt system combined with the electoral districts in Belgium has created micro-regionalist interests, and essentially created quasi-confederalism when negotiating our government formations in what is still supposed to be, constitutionally at least, a federal country.

NL has the least worst system. 1 man, 1 vote, low threshold. for a parliament that represents the national interest. Makes elections like these with everything to play for worth reporting on too.

EDIT : German system a close second, but it still allows for stuff like the CSU.
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